Foetal Rights and the Regulation of Abortion Martha Shaffer*
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Countering Opponents
COUNTERING OPPONENTS H I S T O R Y Canada's anti-abortion movement formed in response to the 1969 Omnibus Bill C-150 – the same law that inspired the 1970 Abortion Caravan. The Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops began working to ensure that abortion remained illegal in Canada, as well as national organizations such as Birthright and Alliance for Life formed around this time to champion the "pro-life" cause. The movement gained momentum in the 1970s, after the US Supreme Court legalized abortion in 1973, and as Dr. Henry Morgentaler and feminist activists began opening illegal clinics in Quebec. When Morgentaler opened a clinic in Toronto in 1983, Ken Campbell of the organization Choose Life urged evangelical Christians to engage in pro- life work, which many did by aggressively picketing outside the clinic. Following the decriminalization of abortion in Canada via R v. Morgentaler (1988), pro-life organizing in this country escalated. Opponents brought two cases before the same court in 1989—Tremblay v Daigle and Borowski v Canada—to establish fathers' and fetal rights in relation to abortion - both of which failed. That year, Brian Mulroney's Progressive Conservatives also attempted to recriminalize abortion by introducing Bill C-43. While the bill was defeated in the Senate, a young woman named Yvonne Jurewicz died soon after, from self-inducing because she believed abortion was illegal once again. Around this time, physical violence PHOTO CREDIT: against abortion providers escalated. The Toronto Maclean's Morgentaler Clinic was firebombed in 1992 (leading the building to be demolished and the clinic relocated) and between 1994 and 2000 three providers were shot and stabbed in their homes and outside their clinics. -
Interpretation of Tax Legislation: the Evolution of Purposive Analysis
Interpretation of Tax Legislation: The Evolution of Purposive Analysis Stephen W. Bowman* PRÉCIS Durant le XIXe siècle et la première moitié du XXe siècle, l’interprétation de la législation fiscale a été dominée par l’application de règles rigoureuses de l’interprétation réglementaire. Les tribunaux, sauf dans des dérogations occasionnelles et des exceptions limitées, ont interprété rigoureusement et littéralement la législation fiscale, d’après les mots utilisés dans la législation, sans formuler aucune hypothèse sur l’objet et l’esprit de la législation autre que la levée d’impôts. Les règles de la preuve empêchaient les tribunaux de se reporter aux débats parlementaires ou à d’autres moyens extrinsèques pour les aider à établir le but ou le sens des dispositions législatives. Si la formulation d’une provision fiscale était jugée ambiguë, l’équivoque était résolue en faveur du contribuable; si une exemption était jugée ambiguë, l’équivoque était résolue en faveur du fisc. Au moins à compter des années 1930, l’interprétation rigoureuse et littérale a commencé à soulever des critiques sur le plan théorique et judiciaire, critiques qui étaient largement répandues dans le monde de la common law. Durant la première moitié des années 1980, l’approche traditionnelle a été rejetée en faveur de directives plus téléologiques au Canada, au Royaume-Uni et en Australie. Le jugement rendu par la Cour suprême dans l’affaire Stubart Investments Limited v. The Queen s’est avéré une décision critique dans ce domaine. Selon les directives adoptées par la Cour suprême dans l’affaire Stubart, l’interprétation de la législation fiscale devait être faite selon les mêmes principes généraux applicables à la loi en général, et la législation devait être lue dans son contexte complet et dans son sens grammatical et ordinaire, en harmonie avec le plan de la législation entière, l’objet de la législation et l’intention de la législature. -
Redefining What's “Reasonable”: the Protections for Policing
\\jciprod01\productn\G\GWN\84-2\GWN201.txt unknown Seq: 1 18-MAR-16 13:42 Redefining What’s “Reasonable”: The Protections for Policing Barry Friedman and Cynthia Benin Stein* ABSTRACT How should the Constitution govern police surveillance and investiga- tions? Once, the formal rules were clear, even if not faithfully observed: searches and seizures required probable cause and a warrant. Today, how- ever, the Supreme Court has said that many forms of police activity need only be “reasonable.” But what is required to ensure that policing is “reasonable”? This question has become all the more pressing and perplexing as policing has shifted from a reactive, investigative approach that centers on suspicion that a particular person has committed a particular crime to a more programmatic, deterrent approach that relies on searching and seizing people without any suspicion of wrongdoing. In numerous contexts today—among them the use of drones, stop and frisk, bulk data collection, DNA testing, and a myriad of other controversial activities—the government justifies warrantless and often suspicionless surveillance by applying a mushy reasonableness balancing test. Courts, commentators, politicians and police all are at a loss to know precisely what is, or should be, required. This Article argues that matters can be simplified greatly by focusing not on the policing technique at issue, but on the protections that ensure against the use of arbitrary police discretion. Whatever else the Fourth Amendment safeguards, there is widespread agreement that it is a protection against arbi- trary and unjustified government intrusion. Policing has a binary nature to it. Policing agencies engage in two types of searches: (1) They investigate, based on individualized suspicion (“cause”) to believe a person has committed a crime; and (2) they engage in suspicionless searches that seek, in a program- matic or deterrent way, to curb a social problem and prevent criminal con- duct. -
Untangling the Web of Canadian Privacy Laws
Reproduced by permission of Thomson Reuters Canada Limited from Annual Review of Civil Litigation 2020, ed. The Honourable Mr. Justice Todd L. Archibald. Shining a Light on Privacy: Untangling the Web of Canadian Privacy Laws BONNIE FISH AND ALEXANDER EVANGELISTA1 It was terribly dangerous to let your thoughts wander when you were in any public place or within range of a telescreen. The smallest thing could give you away. George Orwell, 1984 I. THE GENESIS OF PRIVACY LITIGATION Although there are more Canadian privacy laws than ever before and the right to privacy has quasi-constitutional status,2 Canadian citizens have never had greater cause for concern about their privacy. Our devices make public a dizzying amount of our personal information.3 We share information about our preferences and location with retailers and data brokers when shopping for online products and when shopping in physical stores using our credit cards, payment cards or apps. Smart homes and smart cities make possible Orwellian surveillance and data capture that previously would have been illegal without a judicial warrant.4 The illusion of anonymous or secure internet activity has been shattered5 by large scale privacy breaches that have exposed the vulnerability of our personal information to hackers.6 The COVID-19 crisis raises new privacy concerns as governments and private institutions exert extraordinary powers to control the outbreak, including the use of surveillance technologies.7 1 Bonnie Fish is a Partner and the Director of Legal Research at Fogler, Rubinoff LLP, Alexander Evangelista is an associate in the litigation department of Fogler, Rubinoff LLP. -
Abortion and Democracy for Women: a Critique of Tremblay V
Abortion and Democracy for Women: A Critique of Tremblay v. Daigle Donna Greschner Chantal Daigle's ordeal before the courts in La d6cision de la Cour supreme dans Tremblay the summer of 1989 culminated in the c. Daigle marqua la fin d'un 6t6 de peines et Supreme Court of Canada decision of d'angoisse pour Chantal Daigle. Cette d6cision Tremblay v. Daigle. This decision, along with se range aux c6t6s de Morgentaleret Borowski the Court's prior decisions in Morgentalerand et force nos reprsentants politiques Aadresser Borowski, has forced politicians to address the Ia question de l'avortement. abortion issue. L'auteur soutient que l'issue du d6bat sur The author argues that the exclusion of women l'avortement a 6t6 ddtermin~e d'avance car les in framing the terms and the vocabulary of the femmes n'ont pas choisi ses termes, nile Ian- abortion debate predetermines its outcome. gage dans lequel il se d~roulera. Les tribunaux She believes that courts must recognize the doivent, selon elle, reconnaitre les forces en power relations at play and address the lack of jeu et tenir compte du manque de d~mocratie democracy for women. Courts must not only pour et par les femmes. Ils doivent non seule- encourage women to speak, but must also ment encourager les femmes s'exprimer, encourage the speech of women. mais surtout encourager l'expression des The author urges the Court to state unequivo- femmes. cally that foetuses have no constitutional L'auteur affirme que la Cour doit prendre posi- rights. She argues that such a decision is nec- tion et d6clarer clairement qu'un foetus n'a pas essary to bring women into the public debate de droit constitutionnel. -
Interpreting the Charter of Rights: Generosity and Justification
Osgoode Hall Law Journal Volume 28 Issue 4 Volume 28, Number 4 (Winter 1990) Article 3 10-1-1990 Interpreting the Charter of Rights: Generosity and Justification Peter W. Hogg Osgoode Hall Law School of York University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Article This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Citation Information Hogg, Peter W.. "Interpreting the Charter of Rights: Generosity and Justification." Osgoode Hall Law Journal 28.4 (1990) : 817-838. https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj/vol28/iss4/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Osgoode Hall Law Journal by an authorized editor of Osgoode Digital Commons. Interpreting the Charter of Rights: Generosity and Justification Abstract The author argues that there is a close relationship between the scope of the rights guaranteed by the Charter and the standard of justification equirr ed under section 1. The broader the scope of a right, the more relaxed the standard of justification must be. A generous interpretation of a right is incompatible with the stringent Oakes standard of justification. However, a purposive interpretation of a right, confining the right to conduct that is worthy of constitutional protection, is compatible with a stringent standard of justification. Keywords Canada. Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms; Constitutional law--Interpretation and construction; Canada Creative Commons License This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. -
The Trend Towards Purposive Statutory Interpretation: Human Rights at Stake
THE TREND TOWARDS PURPOSIVE STATUTORY INTERPRETATION: HUMAN RIGHTS AT STAKE By Tobias Lonnquist* A clear trend has been identified in relation to the interpretation of statutes from a strict or literal approach towards a more purposive approach. This has even been the case for revenue law which for some time has been considered as a penal statute. This trend is evident in other tax jurisdictions, both civilian and common law. After comparing and contrasting the various arguments for and against the purposive approach, it has been concluded that this observed change should not be welcomed in relation to the taxation legislation. Such an approach poses a serious threat to the separation of powers’, as the judicial arm would be able to read words into the legislation as they see fit. Even worse, however, is the threat to human rights, that is, the ability of the taxpayers to protect what is rightfully their own. Introduction The approach to statutory interpretation has undergone immense change over the past couple of decades, particularly in relation to the interpretation of revenue statutes.1 The change is said to be from a strict or literal approach (which has tended to favour the taxpayer), towards a more purposive approach (which tends to favour revenue). This shift has been viewed as quite bold, given that revenue statutes have for a long time been considered penal statutes and interpreted accordingly, that is, strictly and in favour of the taxpayer. As with any criticism there are also praises, for example from Kirby J, in FC of T v Ryan:2 * BCom, BIT, MAcc (Bond). -
Availability of Abortion in Canada and Elsewhere Vanier Institute of the Family, 2017
Availability of Abortion in Canada and Elsewhere Vanier Institute of the Family, 2017 History of Criminalization • At common law, abortions could be induced before “quickening”. • The 1892 CCC included the offense of “procuring an abortion” • 1969-1988 Partial decriminalization. TAC regime. “Life or health in danger” • TAC regime struck down in 1988: Morgenthaler • PMB to introduce some from of criminalization • Medically Unnecessary Abortion Referendum Act • An Act to amend the Criminal Code (injuring or causing the death of an unborn child while committing an offence) Case Law on Fetal Status • Tremblay v. Daigle (1989) SCC • Borowski v. Canada (1989) SCC • R v Sullivan (1991) SCC • Dobson v. Dobson (1999) SCC • CFS v. G (1997) SCC 5 (1) No person shall knowingly … (e) for the purpose of creating a human being, perform any procedure or provide, prescribe or administer any thing that would ensure or increase the probability that an embryo will be of a particular sex, or that would identify the sex of an in vitro embryo, except to prevent, diagnose or treat a sex- linked disorder or disease; Assisted Human Reproduction Act Urquia et al, 2011 assessed variations in the male-female infant ratios among births to Canadian-born and Indian-born mothers according to year of birth, province and country of birth of each parent. METHODS: In this population-based register study, we analyzed birth certificates of 5 853 970 singleton live births to Canadian-born and 177 990 singleton live births to Indian-born mothers giving birth in Canada from 1990 to 2011. …. RESULTS: Among Canadian-born mothers, male-female ratios were about 1.05, with negligible fluctuations by birth order, year and province. -
The Contradictory Relationship Between Law and Abortion
Osgoode Hall Law School of York University Osgoode Digital Commons Articles & Book Chapters Faculty Scholarship 1-25-2008 Better Never Than Late, But Why?: The Contradictory Relationship Between Law and Abortion Shelley A. M. Gavigan Osgoode Hall Law School of York University, [email protected] Source Publication: Of What Difference? Reflections on the Judgment and Abortion in Canada Today: 20th Anniversary of Regina v. Morgentaler: Symposium. National Abortion Federation, 2008. Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/scholarly_works Part of the Medical Jurisprudence Commons Recommended Citation Gavigan, Shelley A. M. "Better Never Than Late, But Why?: The Contradictory Relationship Between Law and Abortion." in Of What Difference? Reflections on the Judgment and Abortion in Canada Today: 20th Anniversary of Regina v. Morgentaler: Symposium. National Abortion Federation, 2008. p. 29-34. Print. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles & Book Chapters by an authorized administrator of Osgoode Digital Commons. 20th Anniversary of Regina v. Morgentaler Of What Difference? Reflections on the Judgment and Abortion in Canada Today SYMPOSIUM Toronto, Ontario January 25, 2008 Co-hosted by the National Abortion Federation and the Faculty of Law, University of Toronto 20th Anniversary of R v. Morgentaler Symposium Of What Difference? Reflections on the Judgment and Abortion in Canada Today On January 25, 2008, in Toronto, Ontario, to representatives from government the Faculty of Law, University of Toronto and women’s advocacy organizations. (U of T) and the National Abortion Examining abortion from a variety of Federation (NAF) co-hosted an perspectives, participants addressed the interdisciplinary symposium to celebrate significance of the event and the difference the 20-year anniversary of Regina v. -
Which Textualism?
COMMENTS WHICH TEXTUALISM? Tara Leigh Grove ∗ INTRODUCTION The academic indictment of textualism was almost in. Although textualism has in recent decades gained considerable prominence within the federal judiciary,1 legal scholars remain skeptical: critics argue that textualism is insensitive to the actual workings of Congress,2 overly rigid,3 or (conversely) overly malleable4 and thus not much different from its main competitor purposivism.5 Moreover, some critics charge that textualism is not a neutral method of interpretation at all. Instead, ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– ∗ Charles E. Tweedy, Jr., Endowed Chairholder of Law & Director, Program in Constitutional Studies, University of Alabama School of Law. Many thanks, for helpful comments on earlier drafts, to Josh Blackman, Sam Bray, Aaron Bruhl, Jessica Clarke, Neal Devins, Heather Elliott, Katie Eyer, Richard Fallon, David Fontana, Cary Franklin, Laura Heymann, Bert Huang, Orin Kerr, Andy Koppelman, Anita Krishnakumar, Alli Larsen, Gary Lawson, Henry Monaghan, Victoria Nourse, Jim Pfander, Susan Provenzano, William Pryor, Richard Re, Naomi Schoenbaum, Larry Solum, Kevin Stack, and Chris Walker. 1 Justice Kagan commented several years ago that “w[e are] all textualists now.” Harvard Law School, The 2015 Scalia Lecture | A Dialogue with Justice Elena Kagan on the Reading of Statutes, YOUTUBE at 08:28 (Nov. 25, 2015), https://youtu.be/dpEtszFT0Tg [https://perma.cc/6HMD- 727M]. Although that may be an exaggeration, Justice Kagan’s comment captures how the rise of modern textualism has impacted the way that judges approach cases. See Thomas R. Lee & Stephen C. Mouritsen, Judging Ordinary Meaning, 127 YALE L.J. 788, 793 (2018) (underscoring the influence of textualism in the courts); Gillian E. -
Abortion Judicial Activism and Constitutional Crossroads
ABORTION JUDICIAL ACTIVISM AND CONSTITUTIONAL CROSSROADS Beverly Baines* 1. Introduction In 1984 Bruce A. Ackerman and Robert E. Chamey maintained Canada was still “at the constitutional crossroads.”1 Describing the issue as one of parliamentary versus popular sovereignty, they urged us to follow the lead of our American neighbours by adopting the latter. Appearances to the contrary notwithstanding, since Ackerman and Chamey had already acknowledged Canada’s status as a federal state, theirs was not a metaphor asking whether we accepted the division of powers. Rather their “constitutional crossroads” questioned our commitment to the separation of powers. The Supreme Court of Canada’s abortion jurisprudence provides a unique opportunity for determining whether we remain “at the constitutional crossroads” that Ackerman and Chamey identified. Since 1984 the Court has decided four abortion cases, striking down the impugned abortion laws in two of these cases by invoking the Canadian Charter o f Rights and Freedoms2 in one3 and federalism in the other.4 Scholars have subjected the Charter decision known as the 1988 Morgentaler case to considerable comment. Not only have conservative political scientists criticized the outcome, feminist law professors have also challenged the judges’ reasoning. The distinctiveness of their concerns suggests conservatives and feminists may differ more about the identity than about the existence of any “constitutional crossroads” that confront Canada. Conservatives contend the 1988 Morgentaler decision exemplifies the Court taking the wrong side in the controversy over judicial activism versus deference. They claim the judges should have chosen the latter. Comparing their depiction with that of Ackerman and Chamey, it * Associate Professor of Law, Queen’s University. -
An Equality Approach to Reproductive Choice: R. V. Sullivan
An Equality Approach to Reproductive Choice: R. v. Sullivan Lynn Smith I. INTRODUCTION The regulation of women's sexuality and reproduction is best approachedas a fundamental arena of gender conflict in which women and men have competedfor the control of women's bodies. Reproduction of the species has traditionally been seen as women's primary function, to be exercised for the benefit of men or for society as a whole, as defined by men. The legal treatment of women with respect to reproductive issues has both reflected and perpetuated that traditional view. One approach that challenges the hegemony of the traditional view is based on an individual woman's "right to choose," whether the choice relates to termination of pregnancy or to medical treatment and personal habits during pregnancy. This approach is founded upon considerations of liberty and privacy. Another approach is based on women's right to equality, founded on considerations of the economic, political, social and overarching cultural contexts in which women become pregnant, are pregnant, require termination of pregnancies, carry pregnancies to term, give birth and raise children. This approach may challenge the hegemony of the traditional view in more fundamental ways than does the liberty approach, and therefore may be more effective. For the same reason, it may be more difficult to argue successfully in a society which places strong emphasis on individual liberty and less emphasis on social equality. In Canadian Supreme Court reproductive rights cases, arguments based on equality have been presented with some measure of success. R. v. Sullivan2 is one such case.