DOCSLIB.ORG

Countering Opponents

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Countering Opponents COUNTERING OPPONENTS H I S T O R Y Canada's anti-abortion movement formed in response to the 1969 Omnibus Bill C-150 – the same law that inspired the 1970 Abortion Caravan. The Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops began working to ensure that abortion remained illegal in Canada, as well as national organizations such as Birthright and Alliance for Life formed around this time to champion the "pro-life" cause. The movement gained momentum in the 1970s, after the US Supreme Court legalized abortion in 1973, and as Dr. Henry Morgentaler and feminist activists began opening illegal clinics in Quebec. When Morgentaler opened a clinic in Toronto in 1983, Ken Campbell of the organization Choose Life urged evangelical Christians to engage in pro- life work, which many did by aggressively picketing outside the clinic. Following the decriminalization of abortion in Canada via R v. Morgentaler (1988), pro-life organizing in this country escalated. Opponents brought two cases before the same court in 1989—Tremblay v Daigle and Borowski v Canada—to establish fathers' and fetal rights in relation to abortion - both of which failed. That year, Brian Mulroney's Progressive Conservatives also attempted to recriminalize abortion by introducing Bill C-43. While the bill was defeated in the Senate, a young woman named Yvonne Jurewicz died soon after, from self-inducing because she believed abortion was illegal once again. Around this time, physical violence PHOTO CREDIT: against abortion providers escalated. The Toronto Maclean's Morgentaler Clinic was firebombed in 1992 (leading the building to be demolished and the clinic relocated) and between 1994 and 2000 three providers were shot and stabbed in their homes and outside their clinics. It was an era of confrontation, of us and them. It was an era when nobody negotiated these things. J U D Y D A R C Y , T O R O N T O C A R A V A N M E M B E R JOIN UJJSooi:ni nw U Uwss: :wh htt.tatppcss:t://i//wownwwcwwa..anaccattidiooanncscaahnnraa.dodaarsgsh/rc..oargm/cpaamipganigsn/sa/abboorrrtttiiiooonn--ccaaarraarvavaavnna--cncee-llceebebrlraeatbtiinrngag--t55i0n0--gyye-ea5ar0rss-years Join Us: https://www.actioncanadashr.org/campaigns/abortion-caravan-celebrating-50-years C U R R E N T I S S U E S In the past two decades, Canada’s anti-abortion movement has shifted away from its explicit violence of the 1990s. Opponents attempt to spread the pro-life message by producing deliberately misleading advertisements, however, which feature graphic, manipulated photos and medically-unsubstantiated claims. These advertisements have been found on buses, on highways, and in people's mailboxes. In response to Canadians' overwhelming support for the right to choose, the movement has simultaneously adopted a more moderate tone and "woman-friendly" talking points. Many pro-life groups have also emerged to target students, where they engage in advocacy in high schools and universities with the explicit purpose of recruiting young supporters. Actions such as the annual March for Life bring thousands of students from publicly-funded Ontario Catholic schools to Parliament Hill to protest abortion. Pro-life groups also protest abortion by continuing to occupy space outside abortion clinics and provider hospitals – particularly during 40 Days for Life. Faith- based organizations often have connections to the American movement and operate crisis pregnancy centres (CPCs), which attempt to dissuade women from choosing abortion by disseminating misleading information, dispensing medical advice that is not backed by science, and hiding their religious affiliations. These organizations tend to be next door to clinics that provide abortion services, and choose names that could easily be confused with those that do (e.g., “Aid to Women”). Most CPCs receive charitable tax status and advertise on public transit, as well as charitable giving sites. In addition to picketing outside clinics and attempting to change public attitudes, Canada's anti-abortion movement also channels its efforts towards electoral politics. Organizations such as Campaign Life Coalition aggressively lobby Canadian politicians and scrutinize their stances on abortion, which has resulted in at least four Private Members’ Bills at the federal level since 2010 that have circuitously attempted to PHOTO CREDIT: Edward Regan recriminalize abortion by establishing fetal rights. Organizations like Right Now and We Need A Law also attempt to promote candidates who commit to doing anti-abortion work while in office, and recruit young voters. Lobbying of this nature promotes the introduction of restrictive abortion legislation in Canada, such as parental consent laws and repealing taxpayer funding (via provincial health insurance plans) for abortion services. In the U.S, these kinds of laws have led to severe restrictions on abortion and sometimes the criminalization of women convicted of harming the fetus they carry. JOIN UJSo:i nw Uws:w h.tatpcst:/i/ownwcwa.naactdioanscahnra.odragsh/rc.oarmg/pcaamigpanisg/nas/baboorrttiioonn--caarraavavna-nce-lceeblreatbinrag-t5i0n-gy-e5a0rs-years Join Us: https://www.actioncanadashr.org/campaigns/abortion-caravan-celebrating-50-years O U R D E M A N D S Some provinces have established "bubble zone" legislation that bars picketing outside clinics and hospitals that provide abortion services. British Columbia was the first province to enact this legislation in 1995, and has been followed by Alberta, Ontario, Quebec, Newfoundland & Labrador, and most recently Nova Scotia. All provinces that currently do not have such legislation must look at protecting abortion providers and patients from anti-abortion harassment. MP Nahanni Fontaine deserves public support for re-introducing a private members bill in May 2020 to establish bubble zone legislation in Manitoba. Local governments must create bylaws in accordance with the Canadian Code of Advertising Standards to stop anti-abortion groups from disseminating misleading, graphic, and medically inaccurate information. The Canadian Revenue Agency must deny charitable status to any group that violates the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, including CPCs who hold anti-abortion positions. In their absence, all levels of government must provide increased funding for social services that support those facing an unplanned pregnancy. S U P P O R T O U R W O R K Donate to political candidates who explicitly identify as pro-choice. Write a letter to your Member of Parliament and ask what they are doing to expand abortion access in Canada. If you see a graphic anti-abortion ad, submit a complaint to Ad Standards, an organization that upholds the Canadian Code of Advertising Standards. Counter anti-abortion propaganda in schools and universities by joining pro-choice and feminist groups in your community. If you are not sure who is doing this work, reach out to the Abortion Rights Coalition of Canada on social media and ask. L E A R N M O R E Read about Safe Access Zone Laws and Court Injunctions in Canada from the Abortion Rights Coalition of Canada. Understand why some young people are joining the anti-abortion movement in Canada today. Listen to journalist Anne Kingston talk about how Canada's anti-abortion movement changed their political tactics leading up to the 2019 Federal election. JOIN US: www.actioncanadashr.org/campaigns/abortion-caravan-celebrating-50-years.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Abortion and Democracy for Women: a Critique of Tremblay V
    Abortion and Democracy for Women: A Critique of Tremblay v. Daigle Donna Greschner Chantal Daigle's ordeal before the courts in La d6cision de la Cour supreme dans Tremblay the summer of 1989 culminated in the c. Daigle marqua la fin d'un 6t6 de peines et Supreme Court of Canada decision of d'angoisse pour Chantal Daigle. Cette d6cision Tremblay v. Daigle. This decision, along with se range aux c6t6s de Morgentaleret Borowski the Court's prior decisions in Morgentalerand et force nos reprsentants politiques Aadresser Borowski, has forced politicians to address the Ia question de l'avortement. abortion issue. L'auteur soutient que l'issue du d6bat sur The author argues that the exclusion of women l'avortement a 6t6 ddtermin~e d'avance car les in framing the terms and the vocabulary of the femmes n'ont pas choisi ses termes, nile Ian- abortion debate predetermines its outcome. gage dans lequel il se d~roulera. Les tribunaux She believes that courts must recognize the doivent, selon elle, reconnaitre les forces en power relations at play and address the lack of jeu et tenir compte du manque de d~mocratie democracy for women. Courts must not only pour et par les femmes. Ils doivent non seule- encourage women to speak, but must also ment encourager les femmes s'exprimer, encourage the speech of women. mais surtout encourager l'expression des The author urges the Court to state unequivo- femmes. cally that foetuses have no constitutional L'auteur affirme que la Cour doit prendre posi- rights. She argues that such a decision is nec- tion et d6clarer clairement qu'un foetus n'a pas essary to bring women into the public debate de droit constitutionnel.
    [Show full text]
  • Availability of Abortion in Canada and Elsewhere Vanier Institute of the Family, 2017
    Availability of Abortion in Canada and Elsewhere Vanier Institute of the Family, 2017 History of Criminalization • At common law, abortions could be induced before “quickening”. • The 1892 CCC included the offense of “procuring an abortion” • 1969-1988 Partial decriminalization. TAC regime. “Life or health in danger” • TAC regime struck down in 1988: Morgenthaler • PMB to introduce some from of criminalization • Medically Unnecessary Abortion Referendum Act • An Act to amend the Criminal Code (injuring or causing the death of an unborn child while committing an offence) Case Law on Fetal Status • Tremblay v. Daigle (1989) SCC • Borowski v. Canada (1989) SCC • R v Sullivan (1991) SCC • Dobson v. Dobson (1999) SCC • CFS v. G (1997) SCC 5 (1) No person shall knowingly … (e) for the purpose of creating a human being, perform any procedure or provide, prescribe or administer any thing that would ensure or increase the probability that an embryo will be of a particular sex, or that would identify the sex of an in vitro embryo, except to prevent, diagnose or treat a sex- linked disorder or disease; Assisted Human Reproduction Act Urquia et al, 2011 assessed variations in the male-female infant ratios among births to Canadian-born and Indian-born mothers according to year of birth, province and country of birth of each parent. METHODS: In this population-based register study, we analyzed birth certificates of 5 853 970 singleton live births to Canadian-born and 177 990 singleton live births to Indian-born mothers giving birth in Canada from 1990 to 2011. …. RESULTS: Among Canadian-born mothers, male-female ratios were about 1.05, with negligible fluctuations by birth order, year and province.
    [Show full text]
  • Foetal Rights and the Regulation of Abortion Martha Shaffer*
    Foetal Rights and the Regulation of Abortion Martha Shaffer* In.this article, the author discusses the legal L'auteure dtudie le statut juridique du foetus status of the foetus in the wake of the Supreme A la lumi~re de l'affaire Tremblay c. Daigle. Court of Canada decision in Tremblay v. Dai- Elle analyse d'abord un des aspects de la ddci- gle. She examines the Court's finding that the sion de ]a Cour supreme du Canada selon foetus has no rights in the civil or common law lequel le fetus n'a aucun droit autant en droit and exposes the resulting difficulties with the civil qu'en common law. Elle fait ensuite res- assertion of foetal rights under the Charter.By sortir les difficult~s que pr6sente le fait de sou- drawing upon factums submitted by the parties tenir que ]a Charte confire des droits au foetus. and by anti-abortion intervenors in Daigle and En faisant appel aux m~moires que les parties Borowski v. Canada (A.G.), the author ana- et les intervenants opposds i l'avortement ont lyzes the scientific and moral claims pro- soumis lors des affaires Daigle et Borowski c. pounded by opponents of abortion in support Canada (P.G.), 'auteure dfmontre que leurs of foetal rights but finds them insufficient to arguments moraux et scientifiques ne suffisent establish a normative argument for the recog- pas i 6tablir une norme selon laquelle on pour- nition of such rights under the Charter. rait baser la reconnaissance des droits en The determination of foetal rights under the faveur du fetus en vertu de ]a Charte.
    [Show full text]
  • The Contradictory Relationship Between Law and Abortion
    Osgoode Hall Law School of York University Osgoode Digital Commons Articles & Book Chapters Faculty Scholarship 1-25-2008 Better Never Than Late, But Why?: The Contradictory Relationship Between Law and Abortion Shelley A. M. Gavigan Osgoode Hall Law School of York University, [email protected] Source Publication: Of What Difference? Reflections on the Judgment and Abortion in Canada Today: 20th Anniversary of Regina v. Morgentaler: Symposium. National Abortion Federation, 2008. Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/scholarly_works Part of the Medical Jurisprudence Commons Recommended Citation Gavigan, Shelley A. M. "Better Never Than Late, But Why?: The Contradictory Relationship Between Law and Abortion." in Of What Difference? Reflections on the Judgment and Abortion in Canada Today: 20th Anniversary of Regina v. Morgentaler: Symposium. National Abortion Federation, 2008. p. 29-34. Print. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles & Book Chapters by an authorized administrator of Osgoode Digital Commons. 20th Anniversary of Regina v. Morgentaler Of What Difference? Reflections on the Judgment and Abortion in Canada Today SYMPOSIUM Toronto, Ontario January 25, 2008 Co-hosted by the National Abortion Federation and the Faculty of Law, University of Toronto 20th Anniversary of R v. Morgentaler Symposium Of What Difference? Reflections on the Judgment and Abortion in Canada Today On January 25, 2008, in Toronto, Ontario, to representatives from government the Faculty of Law, University of Toronto and women’s advocacy organizations. (U of T) and the National Abortion Examining abortion from a variety of Federation (NAF) co-hosted an perspectives, participants addressed the interdisciplinary symposium to celebrate significance of the event and the difference the 20-year anniversary of Regina v.
    [Show full text]
  • Abortion Judicial Activism and Constitutional Crossroads
    ABORTION JUDICIAL ACTIVISM AND CONSTITUTIONAL CROSSROADS Beverly Baines* 1. Introduction In 1984 Bruce A. Ackerman and Robert E. Chamey maintained Canada was still “at the constitutional crossroads.”1 Describing the issue as one of parliamentary versus popular sovereignty, they urged us to follow the lead of our American neighbours by adopting the latter. Appearances to the contrary notwithstanding, since Ackerman and Chamey had already acknowledged Canada’s status as a federal state, theirs was not a metaphor asking whether we accepted the division of powers. Rather their “constitutional crossroads” questioned our commitment to the separation of powers. The Supreme Court of Canada’s abortion jurisprudence provides a unique opportunity for determining whether we remain “at the constitutional crossroads” that Ackerman and Chamey identified. Since 1984 the Court has decided four abortion cases, striking down the impugned abortion laws in two of these cases by invoking the Canadian Charter o f Rights and Freedoms2 in one3 and federalism in the other.4 Scholars have subjected the Charter decision known as the 1988 Morgentaler case to considerable comment. Not only have conservative political scientists criticized the outcome, feminist law professors have also challenged the judges’ reasoning. The distinctiveness of their concerns suggests conservatives and feminists may differ more about the identity than about the existence of any “constitutional crossroads” that confront Canada. Conservatives contend the 1988 Morgentaler decision exemplifies the Court taking the wrong side in the controversy over judicial activism versus deference. They claim the judges should have chosen the latter. Comparing their depiction with that of Ackerman and Chamey, it * Associate Professor of Law, Queen’s University.
    [Show full text]
  • An Equality Approach to Reproductive Choice: R. V. Sullivan
    An Equality Approach to Reproductive Choice: R. v. Sullivan Lynn Smith I. INTRODUCTION The regulation of women's sexuality and reproduction is best approachedas a fundamental arena of gender conflict in which women and men have competedfor the control of women's bodies. Reproduction of the species has traditionally been seen as women's primary function, to be exercised for the benefit of men or for society as a whole, as defined by men. The legal treatment of women with respect to reproductive issues has both reflected and perpetuated that traditional view. One approach that challenges the hegemony of the traditional view is based on an individual woman's "right to choose," whether the choice relates to termination of pregnancy or to medical treatment and personal habits during pregnancy. This approach is founded upon considerations of liberty and privacy. Another approach is based on women's right to equality, founded on considerations of the economic, political, social and overarching cultural contexts in which women become pregnant, are pregnant, require termination of pregnancies, carry pregnancies to term, give birth and raise children. This approach may challenge the hegemony of the traditional view in more fundamental ways than does the liberty approach, and therefore may be more effective. For the same reason, it may be more difficult to argue successfully in a society which places strong emphasis on individual liberty and less emphasis on social equality. In Canadian Supreme Court reproductive rights cases, arguments based on equality have been presented with some measure of success. R. v. Sullivan2 is one such case.
    [Show full text]
  • Constitutionalizing Fetal Rights: a Salutary Tale from Ireland
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Michigan School of Law Michigan Journal of Gender & Law Volume 22 Issue 2 2015 Constitutionalizing Fetal Rights: A Salutary Tale from Ireland Fiona de Londras Birmingham Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjgl Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Family Law Commons, Law and Gender Commons, and the Medical Jurisprudence Commons Recommended Citation Fiona de Londras, Constitutionalizing Fetal Rights: A Salutary Tale from Ireland, 22 MICH. J. GENDER & L. 243 (2015). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjgl/vol22/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of Gender & Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CONSTITUTIONALIZING FETAL RIGHTS: A SALUTARY TALE FROM IRELAND iona de ondras In 1983, Ireland became the first country in the world to con- stitutionalize fetal rights. The 8th Amendment to the Constitution, passed by a referendum of the People, resulted in constitutional pro- tection for “the right to life of the unborn,” which was deemed “equal” to the right to life of the “mother.” Since then, enshrining fetal rights in constitutions and in legislation has emerged as a key part of anti-abortion campaigning. This Article traces the constitu- tionalization of fetal rights in Ireland and its implications for law, politics, and women.
    [Show full text]
  • Pre-Born Children Are Politically Toxic to Many Parliamentarians
    "[T]he child, by reason of his physical and mental immaturity, needs special safeguards and care, including appropriate legal protection, before as well as after birth."1 - United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child Pre-born children are politically toxic to many Parliamentarians. Yet nowhere is the current state of Canadian law more disconnected from human rights, scientific fact, Supreme Court rulings, international standards, and public opinion. Consider the facts: European Gestational Restrictions for ➢ Canadian criminal law provides no legal protection for pre- Abortion on Request2 born children. The Criminal Code holds that a “child” becomes a “human being” worthy of protection only after it Country Gestational Limit has fully proceeded from the body of its mother.3 Science unequivocally contradicts this outdated legal definition.4 Austria 12 weeks ➢ Every country in the world except Canada has legal Finland 0 weeks protections for pre-born children.5 In Canada, a child can be aborted for any reason, at any stage of development. And they France 12 weeks are aborted in massive numbers. The Abortion Rights Germany 12 weeks Coalition of Canada estimates that at least 104,158 abortions occurred in Canada in 2015.6 The Canadian Institute of Italy 12 weeks Health Information reports that 12.7% of abortions occur at 13 weeks or later, and 2.4% of abortions occur after 20 Netherlands 13 weeks weeks.7 This accounts for about 12,500 abortions per year after 13 weeks of which approximately 2,500 occur after 20 Poland 0 weeks weeks
    [Show full text]
  • Technology and the Legal Discourse of Fetal Autonomy
    ARTICLE TECHNOLOGY AND THE LEGAL DISCOURSE OF FETAL AUTONOMY Caroline Morris* ABSTRACT The relationship between society, medicine, and the law is multi-faceted and complex. This Article examines the process of, and the influences on, the construction of fetal personhood in the legal discourses in American and Commonwealth case law and statutes. It demonstrates how the physical and visual separation of the fetus, as made possible by medical advances, has influenced the development of legal doctrine relating to the rights of the fetus. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ..................................... 48 II. LAW, LANGUAGE, AND TECHNOLOGY ............. 53 A. Persons, Autonomy, and the Law .............. 55 B. Scientific Imagery and Discourse as a Basis for Fetal R ights .................................... 56 1. Fetal Separation/Fetal Personification: the Role of Technology ........................ 58 2. Sexual Politics and the Control of Women: the Role of Technology in Fetal Rights A dvocacy .................................. 63 * Judicial Assistant at the Royal Courts of Justice, London, 1998. B.A., May 1996; LL.B. (Hons), Feb. 1997, Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand/ Aotearoa; LL.M., May 1997, UCLA School of Law. This Article was originally sub- mitted in fulfillment of the LL.M. thesis requirement at UCLA. My thanks to my supervisor, Frances Olsen, and the staff of the UCLA Women's Law Journal for their insightful comments and help. UCLA WOMEN'S LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 8:47 3. Fetal Images: the Abortion Debate and Popular Culture ............................ 65 C. Individuality and Rights ......................... 67 III. THE FETUS IN LAW ................................... 69 A. Penalties for Causing the Death of a Fetus: Early Views .................................... 70 B. Anglo-American Common Law of Fetal Death.
    [Show full text]
  • Fetal Rights and Prenatal Substance Abuse: a Comparative Law Perspective Alexandria Weininger
    Seton Hall University eRepository @ Seton Hall Law School Student Scholarship Seton Hall Law 5-1-2013 Fetal Rights and Prenatal Substance Abuse: A Comparative Law Perspective Alexandria Weininger Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.shu.edu/student_scholarship Recommended Citation Weininger, Alexandria, "Fetal Rights and Prenatal Substance Abuse: A Comparative Law Perspective" (2013). Law School Student Scholarship. 175. https://scholarship.shu.edu/student_scholarship/175 Alexandria Weininger December 5, 2012 Professor Riccio-Comparative Constitutional Law AWR Fetal Rights and Prenatal Substance Abuse: A Comparative Law Perspective “May be human beings have not evolved enough to hold the complex idea that many things can be true at the same time. We can feel a certain way. We can value the unborn as a matter of religion, ethics, or experience, but we can’t do that as a matter of law and still value pregnant women.” – Lynn Paltrow, Executive Director, National Advocates for Pregnant Women1 Part I Introduction Amanda Kimbrough, a 32-year old Alabama woman, admits she has a drug problem. Kimbrough, who was pregnant with her third child in 2008, said she used methamphetamine only once during the pregnancy.2 “I don’t even know why I done it. I guess the Devil knocked on my shoulder that day,” Kimbrough said to a reporter with The New York Times.3 The child, named Timmy Jr., was born premature at 25 weeks in April of 2008. The boy weighed 2 pounds 1 ounce and lived only 19 minutes.4 Kimbrough tested positive for meth and as a result, her two older children were removed from her custody and she was allowed only supervised visits for 90 days.5 She was also ordered to drug treatment and parenting classes.6 However, law enforcement’s intervention did not end there.
    [Show full text]
  • Authorship, Collaboration and the Judgments of Justice Bertha Wilson Marie-Claire Belleau
    The Supreme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference Volume 41 (2008) Article 5 Voicing an Opinion: Authorship, Collaboration and the Judgments of Justice Bertha Wilson Marie-Claire Belleau Rebecca Johnson Christina Vinters Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/sclr This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Citation Information Belleau, Marie-Claire; Johnson, Rebecca; and Vinters, Christina. "Voicing an Opinion: Authorship, Collaboration and the Judgments of Justice Bertha Wilson." The Supreme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference 41. (2008). https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/sclr/vol41/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in The uS preme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference by an authorized editor of Osgoode Digital Commons. Voicing an Opinion: Authorship, Collaboration and the Judgments of Justice Bertha Wilson Marie-Claire Belleau, Rebecca Johnson, Christina Vinters∗ I. INTRODUCTION Justice Bertha Wilson’s Betcherman Lecture, “Will Women Judges Really Make a Difference?”1 remains one of the most highly cited articles by a judge. Certainly, the question she posed in the title is at the heart of any number of empirical projects considering the role that identity plays in judicial decision-making. It was thus with interest that we returned to the text of her speech years after each of us first read it. Given the controversy that had swirled around the text so many years ago, we found ourselves reflecting on the surprising moderation of the piece.
    [Show full text]
  • The Legal Framework for Abortion Access in Nova Scotia
    ACCESS TO CHOICE: THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR ABORTION ACCESS IN NOVA SCOTIA Julianne Stevenson and Jennifer Taylor Originally prepared in April 2019 for LEAF Halifax with Mary Rolf Current to May 2020 CONTENTS STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES ..................................................................................................... 1 LEGAL ENTITLEMENT TO ABORTION SERVICES ........................................................ 2 International Human Rights Law ................................................................................................................ 2 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) ............................................... 2 United Nations Convention against Torture (UNCAT) ....................................................................................................... 2 United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) ...................................................................... 3 Constitutional Law ............................................................................................................................................... 3 Statute Law ............................................................................................................................................................. 3 Canada Health Act, RSC 1985, c C-6 .................................................................................................................................... 3 Protecting Access to Reproductive Health
    [Show full text]