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Early Understandings of the "Judicial Power" in Statutory Interpretation
ARTICLE ALL ABOUT WORDS: EARLY UNDERSTANDINGS OF THE 'JUDICIAL POWER" IN STATUTORY INTERPRETATION, 1776-1806 William N. Eskridge, Jr.* What understandingof the 'judicial Power" would the Founders and their immediate successors possess in regard to statutory interpretation? In this Article, ProfessorEskridge explores the background understandingof the judiciary's role in the interpretationof legislative texts, and answers earlier work by scholars like ProfessorJohn Manning who have suggested that the separation of powers adopted in the U.S. Constitution mandate an interpre- tive methodology similar to today's textualism. Reviewing sources such as English precedents, early state court practices, ratifying debates, and the Marshall Court's practices, Eskridge demonstrates that while early statutory interpretationbegan with the words of the text, it by no means confined its searchfor meaning to the plain text. He concludes that the early practices, especially the methodology ofJohn Marshall,provide a powerful model, not of an anticipatory textualism, but rather of a sophisticated methodology that knit together text, context, purpose, and democratic and constitutionalnorms in the service of carrying out the judiciary's constitutional role. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .................................................... 991 I. Three Nontextualist Powers Assumed by English Judges, 1500-1800 ............................................... 998 A. The Ameliorative Power .............................. 999 B. Suppletive Power (and More on the Ameliorative Pow er) .............................................. 1003 C. Voidance Power ..................................... 1005 II. Statutory Interpretation During the Founding Period, 1776-1791 ............................................... 1009 * John A. Garver Professor ofJurisprudence, Yale Law School. I am indebted toJohn Manning for sharing his thoughts about the founding and consolidating periods; although we interpret the materials differently, I have learned a lot from his research and arguments. -
Statutory Construction in Florida: in Search of a Principled Approach
STATUTORY CONSTRUCTION IN FLORIDA: IN SEARCH OF A PRINCIPLED APPROACH Peter D. Webster Sylvia H. Walbolt Christine R. Davis I. INTRODUCTION .......................................... 437 II. STATUTORY CONSTRUCTION BY THE FLORIDA SUPREME COURT IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY ................. 447 A. The Polestar of Statutory Construction—Legislative Intent............................................... 448 B. Competing Canons of Statutory Construction ........ 449 1. Knowles v. Beverly Enterprises—Florida, Inc. 451 2. Delgado v. State ............................... 457 3. Donato v. American Telephone & Telegraph Co.............................................. 461 4. B.C. v. Florida Department of Children & Families........................................ 463 5. Malu v. Security National Insurance Company . 465 6. State v. Goode ................................. 468 7. American Home Assurance Co. v. Plaza Materials Corp. ................................ 470 8. State v. Paul ................................... 476 9. Sarkis v. Allstate Insurance Co.................. 482 10. Horowitz v. Plantation General Hospital Limited Partnership .................................... 484 C. Whose Rule of Statutory Construction is the Best Rule?............................................... 487 III. STATUTORY CONSTRUCTION AND THE DOCTRINE OF SEPARATION OF POWERS ................................ 494 A. The Need for Restraint ............................. 497 B. Church of the Holy Trinity v. United States—A Court Run Amok? ........................................ -
Why the Late Justice Scalia Was Wrong: the Fallacies of Constitutional Textualism
Louisiana State University Law Center LSU Law Digital Commons Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 2017 Why the Late Justice Scalia Was Wrong: The Fallacies of Constitutional Textualism Ken Levy Louisiana State University Law Center, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Fourteenth Amendment Commons Repository Citation Levy, Ken, "Why the Late Justice Scalia Was Wrong: The Fallacies of Constitutional Textualism" (2017). Journal Articles. 413. https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/faculty_scholarship/413 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. +(,121/,1( Citation: Ken Levy, Why the Late Justice Scalia Was Wrong: The Fallacies of Constitutional Textualism, 21 Lewis & Clark L. Rev. 45 (2017) Provided by: LSU Law Library Content downloaded/printed from HeinOnline Fri Mar 16 15:53:01 2018 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at http://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your HeinOnline license, please use: Copyright Information Use QR Code reader to send PDF to your smartphone or tablet device WHY THE LATE JUSTICE SCALIA WAS WRONG: THE FALLACIES OF CONSTITUTIONAL TEXTUALISM by Ken Levy * The late justice Scalia emphatically rejected the notion that there is a general "right to privacy" in the Constitution, despite the many cases that have held otherwise over the past several decades. -
Parliamentary Debates in Statutory Interpretation: a Question Of
Parliamentary Debates in Statutory Interpretation:A Question of Admissibilityor of Weight? St6phane Beaulac" The exclusionary rule which prohibits references La r~gle qui exclue l'utilisation des debats parle- to parliamentary materials as an aid to statutory inter- mentaires comme outil d'interpr6tation legislative a te pretation has been applied for decades in most common appliqude pendant des d6cennies dans la plupart des ju- law jurisdictions. The House of Lords handed down its ridictions de common law jusqu'a la decision de prin- fundamental decision in Pepper v. Hartwhich allowed cipe du comit6 d'appel de la House ofLords dans Pep- reference to parliamentary debates in limited circum- per c. Hart. L'auteur examine d'abord les origines an- stances. glaises de la r~gle d'exclusion ainsi que ses applica- The author first examines the English origins of tions dans d'autres juridictions de common law telles the exclusionary rule as well as its application in other I'Australie, la Nouvelle-Z6lande, les ttats-Unis et le 1998 CanLIIDocs 38 common law jurisdictions, including Australia, New Canada. L'auteur commente aussi la situation dans le Zealand, the United States and Canada. The author also syst~me de droit civil qu6b6cois. L'exclusion des d6- comments on the situation prevailing in Quebec's civil bats parlementaires est ensuite consid6r6e dans le con- law system. The exclusion of parliamentary debates is texte plus global des m6thodes et des principes then considered in the broader context of the methods d'interpretation legislative. and principles of statutory construction. L'auteur soutient que l'utilisation des d6bats par- The author contends that the issue of parliamen- lementaires dans l'interpretation legislative est une tary debates in statutory interpretation is a question of question de poids plutft que d'admissibilite. -
Republican Goveners Association America 2024 Namun 2019
REPUBLICAN GOVENERS ASSOCIATION AMERICA 2024 NAMUN 2019 Table of Contents Table of Contents 1 Letter from the Chair 4 Letter from the Director 5 Introduction 6 Definitions 6 Historical Background I: Federalism 7 Federalism in the United States 7 Federalism in the Constitution 7 Federalism in Reality 8 Federalism in Jurisprudence 8 Federalism and Presidentialism 9 Federalism and the Congress 10 Moving Forward: A New Federalist Framework? 12 Historical Context II: Contemporary American Politics 12 Donald Trump 12 2016 Election 13 Russian Interference in the 2016 Election and Wiki Leaks 13 2018 Congressional Elections 13 2020 Presidential Election 14 2022 Congressional Elections 14 2024 Presidential Election 14 Timeline 15 Issues 16 Overview 16 Republicans 16 Democrats 16 Economy 17 Healthcare 17 Repealing and Replacing Obamacare 18 Immigration 19 Race 19 Task of the Committee 20 2 www.namun.org / [email protected] / @namun2019 The State of Affairs 20 Call to Action 20 Questions to Consider 20 Sources 21 Appendices 23 Appendix A: 2016 Electoral Map 23 Appendix B: 2024 Electoral Map 23 Appendix C: “The Blue Wall.” 23 Appendix D: Total U.S National Debt 24 Appendix E: Intragovernmental Debt 24 Appendix F: Public Debt 25 Appendix G. Ideology Changes in the Parties 26 Bibliography 27 3 www.namun.org / [email protected] / @namun2019 Letter from the Chair Dear Delegates, It is with great pleasure that I welcome you the Republican Governors of America 2024. I’d like to thank you for expressing your interest in this committee. My name is Michael Elliott and I will be the chair for this committee. -
The Civil War in the American Ruling Class
tripleC 16(2): 857-881, 2018 http://www.triple-c.at The Civil War in the American Ruling Class Scott Timcke Department of Literary, Cultural and Communication Studies, The University of The West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago, [email protected] Abstract: American politics is at a decisive historical conjuncture, one that resembles Gramsci’s description of a Caesarian response to an organic crisis. The courts, as a lagging indicator, reveal this longstanding catastrophic equilibrium. Following an examination of class struggle ‘from above’, in this paper I trace how digital media instruments are used by different factions within the capitalist ruling class to capture and maintain the commanding heights of the American social structure. Using this hegemony, I argue that one can see the prospect of American Caesarism being institutionally entrenched via judicial appointments at the Supreme Court of the United States and other circuit courts. Keywords: Gramsci, Caesarism, ruling class, United States, hegemony Acknowledgement: Thanks are due to Rick Gruneau, Mariana Jarkova, Dylan Kerrigan, and Mark Smith for comments on an earlier draft. Thanks also go to the anonymous reviewers – the work has greatly improved because of their contributions. A version of this article was presented at the Local Entanglements of Global Inequalities conference, held at The University of The West Indies, St. Augustine in April 2018. 1. Introduction American politics is at a decisive historical juncture. Stalwarts in both the Democratic and the Republican Parties foresee the end of both parties. “I’m worried that I will be the last Republican president”, George W. Bush said as he recoiled at the actions of the Trump Administration (quoted in Baker 2017). -
Taking Down Trumpism from Africa: Delegitimation, Not Collaboration, Please Patrick Bond 9 Feb 2017
Taking down Trumpism from Africa: Delegitimation, not collaboration, please Patrick Bond 9 Feb 2017 In the US there are already effective Trump boycotts seeking to delegitimise his political agenda. Internationally, protesters will be out wherever he goes. And from Africa, there are sound arguments to play a catalytic role, mainly because the most serious threat to humanity and environment is Trump’s climate change denialism. Consider two contrasting strategies to deal with the latest mutation of US imperialism: we should protest Donald Trump and Trumpism at every opportunity as a way to contribute to the unity of the world’s oppressed people, and now more urgently link our intersectional struggles; or we should somehow take advantage of his presidency to promote the interests of the ‘left’ or the ‘Global South’ where there is overlap in weakening Washington’s grip (such as in questioning exploitative world trading regimes). The latter position is now rare indeed, although before the election Hillary Clinton’s commitment to militaristic neoliberalism generated so much opposition that to some, the anticipated ‘paleo-conservatism’ of an isolationist-minded Trump appeared attractive. One international analyst of great reknown, Boris Kagarlitsky, makes this same argument this week largely because Trump is questioning pro-corporate ‘free trade’ deals. But the argument for selective cooperation with Trump was best articulated in Pambazuka as part of a series of otherwise compelling reflections by the Ugandan writer and former South Centre director Yash Tandon. Tandon might re-examine the ‘space’ he can ‘seize’ with Trump, the ‘fraud’ Since more than any other individual Tandon helped make the 1999 Seattle and Cancun World Trade Organisation summits a profound disaster for world elites, I take him very seriously. -
Interpretation of Tax Legislation: the Evolution of Purposive Analysis
Interpretation of Tax Legislation: The Evolution of Purposive Analysis Stephen W. Bowman* PRÉCIS Durant le XIXe siècle et la première moitié du XXe siècle, l’interprétation de la législation fiscale a été dominée par l’application de règles rigoureuses de l’interprétation réglementaire. Les tribunaux, sauf dans des dérogations occasionnelles et des exceptions limitées, ont interprété rigoureusement et littéralement la législation fiscale, d’après les mots utilisés dans la législation, sans formuler aucune hypothèse sur l’objet et l’esprit de la législation autre que la levée d’impôts. Les règles de la preuve empêchaient les tribunaux de se reporter aux débats parlementaires ou à d’autres moyens extrinsèques pour les aider à établir le but ou le sens des dispositions législatives. Si la formulation d’une provision fiscale était jugée ambiguë, l’équivoque était résolue en faveur du contribuable; si une exemption était jugée ambiguë, l’équivoque était résolue en faveur du fisc. Au moins à compter des années 1930, l’interprétation rigoureuse et littérale a commencé à soulever des critiques sur le plan théorique et judiciaire, critiques qui étaient largement répandues dans le monde de la common law. Durant la première moitié des années 1980, l’approche traditionnelle a été rejetée en faveur de directives plus téléologiques au Canada, au Royaume-Uni et en Australie. Le jugement rendu par la Cour suprême dans l’affaire Stubart Investments Limited v. The Queen s’est avéré une décision critique dans ce domaine. Selon les directives adoptées par la Cour suprême dans l’affaire Stubart, l’interprétation de la législation fiscale devait être faite selon les mêmes principes généraux applicables à la loi en général, et la législation devait être lue dans son contexte complet et dans son sens grammatical et ordinaire, en harmonie avec le plan de la législation entière, l’objet de la législation et l’intention de la législature. -
Administration of Donald J. Trump, 2017 Remarks at the National Rifle Association Leadership Forum in Atlanta, Georgia April 28
Administration of Donald J. Trump, 2017 Remarks at the National Rifle Association Leadership Forum in Atlanta, Georgia April 28, 2017 Thank you, Chris, for that kind introduction and for your tremendous work on behalf of our Second Amendment. Thank you very much. I want to also thank Wayne LaPierre for his unflinching leadership in the fight for freedom. Wayne, thank you very much. Great. I'd also like to congratulate Karen Handel on her incredible fight in Georgia Six. The election takes place on June 20. And by the way, on primaries, let's not have 11 Republicans running for the same position, okay? [Laughter] It's too nerve-shattering. She's totally for the NRA, and she's totally for the Second Amendment. So get out and vote. She's running against someone who's going to raise your taxes to the sky, destroy your health care, and he's for open borders—lots of crime—and he's not even able to vote in the district that he's running in. Other than that, I think he's doing a fantastic job, right? [Laughter] So get out and vote for Karen. Also, my friend—he's become a friend—because there's nobody that does it like Lee Greenwood. Wow. [Laughter] Lee's anthem is the perfect description of the renewed spirit sweeping across our country. And it really is, indeed, sweeping across our country. So, Lee, I know I speak for everyone in this arena when I say, we are all very proud indeed to be an American. -
Capitol Insurrection at Center of Conservative Movement
Capitol Insurrection At Center Of Conservative Movement: At Least 43 Governors, Senators And Members Of Congress Have Ties To Groups That Planned January 6th Rally And Riots. SUMMARY: On January 6, 2021, a rally in support of overturning the results of the 2020 presidential election “turned deadly” when thousands of people stormed the U.S. Capitol at Donald Trump’s urging. Even Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell, who rarely broke with Trump, has explicitly said, “the mob was fed lies. They were provoked by the President and other powerful people.” These “other powerful people” include a vast array of conservative officials and Trump allies who perpetuated false claims of fraud in the 2020 election after enjoying critical support from the groups that fueled the Capitol riot. In fact, at least 43 current Governors or elected federal office holders have direct ties to the groups that helped plan the January 6th rally, along with at least 15 members of Donald Trump’s former administration. The links that these Trump-allied officials have to these groups are: Turning Point Action, an arm of right-wing Turning Point USA, claimed to send “80+ buses full of patriots” to the rally that led to the Capitol riot, claiming the event would be one of the most “consequential” in U.S. history. • The group spent over $1.5 million supporting Trump and his Georgia senate allies who claimed the election was fraudulent and supported efforts to overturn it. • The organization hosted Trump at an event where he claimed Democrats were trying to “rig the election,” which he said would be “the most corrupt election in the history of our country.” • At a Turning Point USA event, Rep. -
A Tale of Two Textualists: a Critical Comparison of Justices Black and Scalia Michael J
College of William & Mary Law School William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository Faculty Publications Faculty and Deans 1994 A Tale of Two Textualists: A Critical Comparison of Justices Black and Scalia Michael J. Gerhardt Repository Citation Gerhardt, Michael J., "A Tale of Two Textualists: A Critical Comparison of Justices Black and Scalia" (1994). Faculty Publications. 990. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs/990 Copyright c 1994 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs ARTICLES A TALE OF TWO TEXTUALISTS: A CRITICAL COMPARISON OF JUSTICES BLACK AND SCALIA MICHAEL J. GERHARDT* The idea that Justices Hugo Black and Antonin Scalia have anything in common jurisprudentially is counterintuitive. Justice Black is associated with the progressive social and economic legislation symbolized by the New Deal and with judicial activism in protecting the poor and disen franchised.1 He is beloved by many liberals as a champion of individual rights, especially freedom of speech and of the press. In contrast, Justice Scalia is revered by conservatives as a true believer-combating the rising tide of liberalism, big government, and judicial activism-set on restoring traditional notions of federalism and judicial restraint.2 Any effort to liken these two Justices makes both liberals and conservatives recoil. * Professor of Law, Marshall-Wythe School of Law, The College of William and Mary. B.A. Yale University; M.Sc. London School of Economics; J.D. University of Chicago. I am grateful for the encouragement and helpful comments on earlier drafts I received from Marc Arkin, Erwin Chemerinsky, George Cochran, Neal Devins, Jill Fisch, Tracy Higgins, Michael Herz, Sandy Levinson, Chip Lupu, Tracey Maclin, John McGinnis, Peter Shane, Bill Treanor, Steve Wermiel, and Ron Wright. -
Redefining What's “Reasonable”: the Protections for Policing
\\jciprod01\productn\G\GWN\84-2\GWN201.txt unknown Seq: 1 18-MAR-16 13:42 Redefining What’s “Reasonable”: The Protections for Policing Barry Friedman and Cynthia Benin Stein* ABSTRACT How should the Constitution govern police surveillance and investiga- tions? Once, the formal rules were clear, even if not faithfully observed: searches and seizures required probable cause and a warrant. Today, how- ever, the Supreme Court has said that many forms of police activity need only be “reasonable.” But what is required to ensure that policing is “reasonable”? This question has become all the more pressing and perplexing as policing has shifted from a reactive, investigative approach that centers on suspicion that a particular person has committed a particular crime to a more programmatic, deterrent approach that relies on searching and seizing people without any suspicion of wrongdoing. In numerous contexts today—among them the use of drones, stop and frisk, bulk data collection, DNA testing, and a myriad of other controversial activities—the government justifies warrantless and often suspicionless surveillance by applying a mushy reasonableness balancing test. Courts, commentators, politicians and police all are at a loss to know precisely what is, or should be, required. This Article argues that matters can be simplified greatly by focusing not on the policing technique at issue, but on the protections that ensure against the use of arbitrary police discretion. Whatever else the Fourth Amendment safeguards, there is widespread agreement that it is a protection against arbi- trary and unjustified government intrusion. Policing has a binary nature to it. Policing agencies engage in two types of searches: (1) They investigate, based on individualized suspicion (“cause”) to believe a person has committed a crime; and (2) they engage in suspicionless searches that seek, in a program- matic or deterrent way, to curb a social problem and prevent criminal con- duct.