In the Shadows of Power
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IN THE SHADOWS OF POWER RICHARD E . BALZHISER University of Michigan Ann Arbor , Michigan Historians will long reflect on the eventful period through which this nation recently passed. It is doubtful that any period in the nation's his tory has produced, with such prolfic regularity, events with the profundity and gravity of those occurring between August 1967 and November 1968. From the burning of Detroit to Richard Nixon's election to the Presidency, this country has experienced the tragedy of asassination, a confrontation with the Poor, the frustration of a Pueblo, brinkmanship in Cyprus and the Middle East, the commitment of troops to streets of our cities, the near collapse of the world's economy, a struggle with both friend and foe in Vietnam, the surprising exits of Lyndon Johnson and George Romney from the Presidential race, the hope of arms control, the .brutal display of Soviet tors of the New York Times, David Rockefeller insecurity in their invasion of Czechoslovakia, and his associates in the Chase Manhattan Bank and an unprecedented test of our democratic and the Urban Coalition, McGeorge Bundy a~d political processes. officials of the Ford Foundation, and Secretary General of the United Nations, U Thant, and sev D URING A MAJOR PORTION OF THIS eral foreign UN ambasadors. Without exception, historic period from September 1967 - our discussions were frank and productive and August 1968, it was my privilege along with provided each of us with an incomparable expos~ fifteen other young men and women to serve as ure to the problems and personalities of our White House Fellows in our nation's capitol. We nation and the world. were the third such group to spend a year in the shadows of power that radiate from the White y ASSIGNMENT WAS TO THE Secretary House. The program was initiated by President M of Defense where I was fortunate to serve Johnson in 1965 with the stated purpose of ex under two of the nation's most capable men, posing young potential leaders to the decision Robert McNamara and Clark Clifford. Robert making process at the top level of the federal McNamara's philosophy of involvement was government. Each Fellow is assigned to a mem quickly and clearly spelled out my first day at ber of the President's Cabinet or to key Presi the Pentagon. Observers had no place in his dential advisors in the White House. office; understanding required· immersion in the Superimposed on this assignment is an exten affairs of the department and it was to that end sive educational program consisting of numerous that he urged me to select specific projects and meetings with the President and his major ad commit myself to a year of action not merely visors, senators, congressmen, board, bureau and observation. I soon came to find that indeed the agency heads, governors, mayors, corporate, uni Pentagon under Robert McNamara (particu versity and union presidents and officials, ambas larly his immediate staff offl.ces) was a beehive of sadors, columnists, and civil rights leaders. These activity from early morning to well into the eve meetings were supplemented in the past year ning hours, interrupted only by an occasional with two field trips to New York which provided half hour trip to the squash courts to maintain an opportunity to meet with Mayor John Lind the physical and mental edge required to operate say and his staff, residents of ghettos, some of the under the tremendous pressure that confronts young militants of Bedford Stuyvesant, the edi- defense officialdom. WINTER, 1969 11 Few Americans fully appreciate his (Mc sesses, Secretary Clifford proceeded to resolve Namara's) deep sensitivity to the social skillfully the sharp differences in matters such as the nuclear frigates, authorized by Mendel Riv problems of the world and his long ers', House Armed Services Committee, but never standing commitment to their resolution. built by the Defense Department. He likewise aided substantially in achieving the spending The McNamara record is far too long and cuts within the Defense Department necessitated the man much too complex to discuss here in by subsequent tax action in Congress. depth, but I feel compelled to share several of my Monday morning staff meetings under the observations. Most acknowledge (including his latter were a sharp contrast to those under Mc adversaries on Capitol Hill) his brilliant mind, Namara. Briefing by junior officers were re the computer-like precision with which it func placed by a frank discussion of timely issues tions, and his almost infinite capacity for work. facing the Department. Interaction among sen Few Americans fully appreciate his deep sensi ior civilian defense officials and the Joint Chiefs tivity to the social problems of the world and his of Staff picked up noticeably as did the enthusi long-standing personal commitment to their reso asm of all participating. Decisions were seldom lution. He consumed valuable "political capital", made during these weekly sessions, but the ex both with the military and the Congress, in his change of ideas that took place was invaluable efforts to correct those social injustices which he to me in better understanding the attitudes of felt were properly a concern of the Defense key participants on important issues before the Department. Department. His move to the presidency of the World Bank might have been anticipated by one who studied THE MAJORITY OF MY EFFORT IN THE his Montreal speech of May 18, 1966, "Security Pentagon was devoted to two assignments. in the Contemporary World", in which he related The first consumed seven months and involved world security to the economic development of participation in an all-encompassing study of our the lesser developed countries in the world. My Vietnam commitment. My observations and con personal disappointment in his departure from clusions based on this experience alone could Defense was tempered by the realization that his easily comprise a volume. Without undertaking talents would become focused on this important such a task here, let me simply say that our ef problem. forts in that corner of the globe were placed in Much speculation surrounded this move, but much better perspective by this assignment. I it appeared to me one that was clearly advantage found our motives, if not always our means, to ous to both himself and the President. He had be completely defensible in virtually every in served longer than any of his predecessors in stance. Individual decisions by each of four ad this most grueling position during a most turbu ministrations seemed quite reasonable when eval lent period of our history. He appeared anxious uated in the context of the period in which they for the shift in emphasis afforded by the bank were made. However, the decisions of today must presidency. The President, while retaining his not be prejudiced by those of the past; we cannot, highly regarded counsel on an informal basis, regardless of the resources we commit, make the was clearly in a posit~on to begin to ease the ten Vietnamese government a viable political entity sions that had developed between his highly by our actions alone. This is clearly their re principled Secretary of Defense and the House sponsibility, and our commitments must be made Armed Services Committee in recent years. with regard to their ability and willingness to These differences had contributed to the deteri carry out the reforms necessary to win the broad oration in relations between Congress and the based support of the people. At the same time White House which jeopardized the needed tax our pressing needs at home and elsewhere in the bill and other high priority legislative needs. world cannot be ignored in such decisions. With His appointment of Clark Clifford proved to these factors in mind, I welcomed the eventual be another example of the political genius of Lyn decision by the President to suspend the bombing don Johnson. The new Secretary appealed to the and hopefully move closer to a negotiated settle hawks and doves alike, as well as the military and ment of the bloody conflict that has wearied sev the Congress. Taking full advantage of the eral generations of Vietnamese people and greater flexibility that a fresh appointee pos- sharply divided two generations of Americans. 12 CHEMICAL ENGINEERING EDUCATION For the final five months of my tenure in the In many ways the White House Fellows Department, I served as Executive Secretary of served as sort of a shadow cabinet. the Civil Disturbance Steering Committee, an advisory group established by Secretary Clifford to work with the military in planning and pro gramming the use of military resources for civil To be certain, we observed the often cited disorder control. It provided an excellent ex weaknesses of a gigantic bureaucracy groping to posure to the methodical manner in which the deal effectively with mounting problems at home military responds to the chain of command and abroad. At the same time, we observed a emanating from the White House. Activities in remarkable array of talent, laboring with dedica this assignment ranged from formulating the tion and conviction, to meet the constantly emerg . agenda for Steering Committee meetings to at ing problems of the nation and the world. With tending daily brifing sessions with officials from out exception, we developed a peculiar sense of the District of Columbia, the National Park Serv loyalty and respect for the man or men under ice, the Justice Department and the White House whom we worked. We came to know govern throughout the tense period during and following ment as a collection of humans and not an assem the Poor People's Campaign in the Capitol.