Marching Across the Putative Black/White Race Line: a Convergence of Narratology, History, and Theory Carol L
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Boston College Journal of Law & Social Justice Volume 33 | Issue 2 Article 2 May 2013 Marching Across the Putative Black/White Race Line: A Convergence of Narratology, History, and Theory Carol L. Zeiner St. Thomas University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/jlsj Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Legal History Commons, United States History Commons, and the Women's History Commons Recommended Citation Carol L. Zeiner, Marching Across the Putative Black/White Race Line: A Convergence of Narratology, History, and Theory, 33 B.C.J.L. & Soc. Just. 249 (2013), http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/jlsj/vol33/iss2/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Journal of Law & Social Justice by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MARCHING ACROSS THE PUTATIVE BLACK/WHITE RACE LINE: A CONVERGENCE OF NARRATOLOGY, HISTORY, AND THEORY Carol L. Zeiner* Abstract: This Article introduces a category of women who, until now, have been omitted from the scholarly literature on the civil rights move- ment: northern white women who lived in the South and became active in the civil rights movement, while intending to continue to live in the South on a permanent basis following their activism. Prior to their activ- ism, these women may have been viewed with suspicion because they were “newcomers” and “outsiders.” Their activism earned them the pejorative label “civil rights supporter.” This Article presents the stories of two such women. It examines their stories from the perspective of the legal narra- tology movement and compares them with white female activists in other categories. Next, it analyzes their experiences through the lens of thera- peutic jurisprudence. This analysis provides another perspective and voice, and deeper understanding of the tumult of the civil rights era. Like works on other categories of women who participated in the civil rights movement, this Article enhances our knowledge of the civil rights move- ment, race relations, and the roles played by women. * Professor of Law, St. Thomas University School of Law, Miami Gardens, Florida. This Article is dedicated to Jean Yehle, whom I have known for many years and who has in- spired me to think deeply, laugh heartily, participate fully in the fabric of life, and to stand up for causes to which I am committed. It is also dedicated to Dr. Barbara Vidulich who harnessed those attributes in Jean in support of the civil rights movement as it unfolded in Memphis during the late winter and early spring of 1968. I thank Kathleen Brown, former Faculty Research Librarian, and Courtney Segota, current Faculty Research Librarian of St. Thomas University School of Law for their very helpful assistance. I also thank my Re- search Assistants, Katie Winkler, Michael Wallace, Tina Trunzo, Kristen Miller, and espe- cially Danielle Bernard. I thank Angela Clark-Hughes, Librarian Associate Professor, Uni- versity of Miami Rosenstiel School of Marine and Atmospheric Science for her encouragement and comments on an earlier draft. I am grateful to St. Thomas University School of Law for a summer research stipend that enabled this project. 249 250 Boston College Journal of Law & Social Justice [Vol. 33:249 Introduction On February 11, 1968, several hundred black1 Memphis sanitation workers agreed, by a show of hands, to go on strike for higher wages and improved working conditions.2 The strike began the next day, Feb- ruary 12, 1968, Lincoln’s birthday.3 It quickly became apparent that, in reality, this was a racial struggle. The strike escalated into a riveting civil rights confrontation of national significance. Not quite two months later, it “culminated in [the] assassination [of Martin Luther King, Jr.] that triggered a storm of racial violence that stunned white America. For one [shocking] moment, this southern riverfront city served as a microcosmic reflection of the domestic forces in conflict during [that] traumatic decade.”4 This Article tells the story of two white women, Jean T. Yehle and Barbara B. Vidulich who became active in the civil rights movement on behalf of those workers and describes their ex- perience as two of the white participants in the Memphis march of April 1968. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. planned to lead that march.5 Instead, it was led by his widow, Coretta Scott King, only a few days after Dr. King’s assassination.6 This Article adds another category of white woman participants in the civil rights movement to the historical record: northern white women who called the South home and planned to remain in the South after their involvement in the civil rights movement concluded. The two women whose stories are told here are not famous; they played very minor roles. One’s activism lasted for only a few months. The other’s commitment to the civil rights movement had, by then, ex- tended over most of her adult life and concluded immediately follow- ing the events described in this Article. They are but two of what is 1 The term “black” was a term of pride and the preferred self-identifier of African Americans at the time that the events in this Article took place. Accordingly, it is the term used in this Article, except where I am writing in present voice, in which places I may util- ize more current preferred terminology, “African American.” 2 Thomas W. Collins, An Analysis of the Memphis Garbage Strike of 1968, in Anthropol- ogy for the Nineties: Introductory Readings 360, 360 ( Johnnetta B. Cole ed., 1988); Gerald D. McKnight, The 1968 Memphis Sanitation Strike and the FBI: A Case Study in Urban Surveillance, 83 S. Atlantic Q. 138, 138 (1984). The vote was taken on the evening of Feb- ruary 11, 1968. See Earl Green Jr., Labor in the South: A Case Study of Memphis, the 1968 Sanitation Strike and Its Effect on an Urban Community 143, 147 (Feb. 1980) (unpub- lished Ph.D. dissertation, New York University) (on file with author). The workers went on strike on February 12, 1968. See Collins, supra, at 360. 3 McKnight, supra note 2, at 138. 4 See id. 5 See id. at 155. 6 See id.; Green, supra note 2, at 295. 2013] Convergence of Narratology, History, and Theory 251 likely well over a half million7 individuals who took overt action in sup- port of the civil rights movement. Nevertheless, and especially in the South where they lived, the moment that these two women engaged in their first act of overt support, they were irrevocably branded with the pejorative label, “civil rights supporter.” At the time, that label could cost a person everything.8 As I read the 1966 position paper of the Student Non-violent Co- ordinating Committee (SNCC)9 in preparation for writing this Article, 7 I have seen no statistics on the number of individuals who actually participated in some overt, affirmative way in the civil rights movement, and it is unlikely that an accurate number will ever be known. My best guess is that the number is at least three-quarters to one million persons. The number of persons who were present for Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.’s “I Have a Dream” speech—all in one place at one time—clearly is an underesti- mate, but it is said to be between two hundred thousand and three hundred thousand. Estate of Martin Luther King, Jr., Inc. v. CBS, Inc., 194 F.3d 1211, 1213 (11th Cir. 1999) (“The events of the day were seen and heard by some 200,000 people gathered at the March.”); Matthew E.K. Hall, Bringing Down Brown: Super Precedents, Myths of Rediscovery, and the Retroactive Canonization of Brown v. Board of Education, 18 J.L. & Pol’y 655, 682–83 (2010) (“[M]ore than 250,000 people attended.”); Charles J. Ogletree, Jr., The Burdens and Benefits of Race in America, 25 Hastings Const. L.Q. 219, 226 (1998) (describing “a crowd of at least 300,000”). 8 The civil rights era was a volatile time in which participation in the movement was an act of bravery on the part of every supporter of civil rights, no matter the size of one’s role or the color of one’s skin. See Alvin F. Poussaint, The Stresses of the White Female Worker in the Civil Rights Movement in the South, 123 Am. J. Psychiatry 401, 401, 405 (1996); Interview with Jean Yehle ( June 18, 2010) (on file with author) [hereinafter Yehle June 18, 2010 interview]. At this time in the South, even the smallest act of interracial courtesy, such as a polite exchange of words on a public sidewalk could raise eyebrows; it might result in ver- bal abuse of the white participant and threats and possible physical violence against the black participant. See Poussaint, supra, at 401, 405; Yehle June 18, 2010 interview, supra. In the white community you did not know whether the white man who was, by day, the elec- trician who worked on the wiring in your house, the postman who delivered your mail, or even a policeman, donned a white sheet at night and meted out unspeakable hatred and violence towards both blacks and whites who were identified with the civil rights move- ment. See generally Interview with Jean Yehle ( July 07, 2010) (on file with author) [herein- after Yehle July 07, 2010 interview]; Yehle June 18, 2010 interview, supra. Small acts could result in retaliation. See Poussaint, supra, at 401, 405; Yehle June 18, 2010 interview, supra.