A Comparative Analysis of Nineteenth-Century Californian and New Zealand Newspaper Representations of Chinese Gold Miners
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Journal of American-East Asian Relations 18 (2011) 248–273 brill.nl/jaer A Comparative Analysis of Nineteenth-Century Californian and New Zealand Newspaper Representations of Chinese Gold Miners Grant Hannis Massey University Email: [email protected] Abstract During the nineteenth-century gold rush era, Chinese gold miners arrived spontaneously in California and, later, were invited in to work the Otago goldfi elds in New Zealand. Th is article considers how the initial arrival of Chinese in those areas was represented in two major newspapers of the time, the Daily Alta California and the Otago Witness . Both newspapers initially favored Chinese immigration, due to the economic benefi ts that accrued and the generally tolerant outlook of the newspapers’ editors. Th e structure of the papers’ coverage diff ered, however, refl ecting the diff ering historical circumstances of California and Otago. Both papers gave little space to reporting Chinese in their own voices. Th e newspapers editors played the crucial role in shaping each newspaper’s coverage over time. Th e editor of the Witness remained at the helm of his newspaper throughout the survey period and his newspaper consequently did not waver in its support of the Chinese. Th e editor of the Alta , by contrast, died toward the end of the survey period and his newspaper subsequently descended into racist, anti-Chinese rhetoric. Keywords Gold Rush , Chinese gold miners , Daily Alta California , Otago Witness , content analysis , Chinese in California , Chinese in New Zealand A dramatic change in the ethnic mix of the white-dominated western United States occurred in the middle of the nineteenth century, with the sudden infl ux of thousands of Chinese gold miners. Th is demographic tsunami was not confi ned to the United States, of course. At broadly the same time, Chinese gold miners also arrived en masse in parts of other white-dominated countries, such as Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. A considerable literature has been produced on these Chinese infl uxes, but until recently such research often considered the impact of Chinese in one © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2011 DOI 10.1163/187656111X610737 G. Hannis / Journal of American-East Asian Relations 18 (2011) 248–273 249 territory alone. Furthermore, although historians do quote from mainstream newspapers to illustrate white society’s response to Chinese immigration, these extracts are piecemeal and do not represent a comprehensive, quantitative assessment of the coverage. 1 Th is article undertakes a comparative study of newspaper coverage to understand better the depiction of Chinese immigration in two areas: California, in the western United States, and Otago, in the southern part of New Zealand’s South Island. It uses content analysis, a systematic approach to quantitatively and qualitatively assess the newspaper coverage. 2 By adopting a rigorous, comparative approach this article brings into sharper focus the nature of the representation of Chinese in each newspaper and the reasons for this representation. California and Otago were chosen because their similarities and diff erences were anticipated to produce new insights into newspaper representations of ethnic minorities. Both California and Otago were white-dominated newspaper- publishing pioneer communities into which Chinese arrived in signifi cant numbers – California in the 1850s and Otago fi fteen years later. However, whereas in California Chinese arrived spontaneously, in Otago businesspeo- ple and politicians invited them in. Further, whites in Otago would have been aware of the impact of the Chinese in California. Th e article begins by presenting the historical context, reviewing the arrival of Chinese during both countries’ gold rushes, and profi ling the two news papers included in the study. Th is is followed by details of the research method and the results of the content analysis. Th e conclusions are then laid out. 1 Recent work which puts Chinese immigration in a global context includes Philip A. Kuhn, Chinese Among Others: Emigration in Modern Times (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefi eld, 2008); Adam McKeown, Chinese Migrant Networks and Cultural Change: Peru, Chicago, Hawaii, 1900-1936 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001). Th e Chinese infl ux into New Zealand is described in Stevan Eldred-Grigg, Diggers, Hatters and Whores: Th e New Zealand Gold Rushes (Auckland: Random House, 2008); James Ng, Windows on a Chinese Past: How the Cantonese Goldseekers and Th eir Heirs Settled in New Zealand (Dunedin: Otago Heritage Books, 1993); and James Ng, Chinese Settlement in New Zealand (Christchurch: New Zealand Centre for Chinese Studies, 1999). 2 For the methodology of content analysis, see, for instance, Kimberly Neuendorf, Th e Content Analysis Guidebook (Th ousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications, 2002) and Klaus Krippendorff , Content Analysis: An Introduction to its Methodology (Th ousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications, 2004). 250 G. Hannis / Journal of American-East Asian Relations 18 (2011) 248–273 Historical Context Californian Gold Rush In 1848, California was a remote, sparsely populated backwater. But all this dramatically changed after James Marshall found gold at Sutter’s Mill that year. Th e ensuing gold rush saw thousands fl ock to the area in the hopes of making their fortunes. 3 In 1849, about 90,000 Americans from the east headed for California, followed by about the same amount the next year, nearly 1 percent of the country’s entire population. 4 Foreigners also came to the fi elds. Th ese included French, Irish, Australians, and Chinese. 5 Many of the miners arrived by sea, with San Francisco the main entry point. Th e spontaneous nature of the gold rush meant the goldfi elds were initially unregulated. Instead, the miners on many of the fi elds elected someone from within their midst to administer and enforce mining claims, a generally eff ective system. 6 Most of the Chinese who arrived in California came from southeast China and arrived in response to overpopulation, war, and poverty at home. In January 1850, there were about 800 Chinese living in California; by the end of that year the number was more than 4,000. In 1851 about 2,500 Chinese arrived in California, and in 1852 about 20,000 arrived. 7 Not all who arrived stayed, of course, but in 1852 there were about 25,000 Chinese living in California. Th roughout the 1850s the Chinese population in the United States was concentrated almost solely in California, with about 80 percent living and working on the goldfi elds. 8 As with immigrant miners generally, the Chinese were overwhelmingly male and sojourners, hoping to strike it rich and then return home. Some of the Chinese who came worked in support industries, including as merchants and artisans. 9 3 Roger Lotchin, San Francisco 1846-1856: From Hamlet to City (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1974). 4 John Gordon, An Empire of Wealth: Th e Epic History of American Economic Power (New York: HarperCollins, 2004). 5 Randall Rohe, “After the Gold Rush: Chinese Mining in the Far West, 1850-1890,” in Arif Dirlik, ed., Chinese on the American Frontier (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefi eld, 2001). 6 California State Archives, “Law and Order,” (2011), < http://www.learncalifornia.org/doc .asp?id=1932 > (acc. 10 Jan. 2011). 7 Rohe, “After the gold rush,” 4. 8 Ibid., 6. 9 Judy Yung, Gordon Chang, and Him Mark Lai, eds., Chinese American Voices from the Gold Rush to the Present (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2006). G. Hannis / Journal of American-East Asian Relations 18 (2011) 248–273 251 Diff erences in language, culture, and customs meant that Chinese tended to keep to themselves and not mingle with whites, especially on the goldfi elds. In San Francisco, Chinese congregated in the area that would eventually become Chinatown. By the 1860 census, California’s population had reached 380,000, with Chinese accounting for nearly 10 percent of the total. 10 Initially, Chinese tended to be welcomed in California. In the early 1850s, the newly arrived Chinese were invited to take part in street parades, includ- ing one celebrating California becoming a state. Furthermore, the outgo- ing governor of California, John McDougal, believed Chinese could be a good source of labor for the new state, declaring in January 1852 that the Chinese were “one of the most worthy classes of our newly adopted citi- zens.” 11 But as the Chinese population grew, so did concerns over Chinese immigration. California’s next governor, John Bigler, was vehemently anti- Chinese and as early as April 1852 was calling for their exclusion. Chinese were accused of being degraded aliens incapable of assimilating into white society, and of undercutting the wages of white workers and repatriating the funds to China. Th e Californian legislature enacted a law to tax for- eign miners, a law largely directed at Chinese, and working-class whites later attacked and murdered Chinese. Th e vitriol of anti-Chinese sentiment intensifi ed, and in 1882 Congress banned further Chinese immigration into the country. Th e legislative ban was not lifted until near the end of World War II. 12 Otago Gold Rush Initially, New Zealand was solely populated by the Maori – the indigenous people of the country. Following the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840 between Maori and the British crown, the formal white colonization of New Zealand began. Soon English-speaking, white Europeans became the country’s domi- nant culture. Up until the 1860s there were virtually no Chinese in New Zealand. 13 10 Roger Daniels, Asian America: Chinese and Japanese in the United States since 1850 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1988), 15. 11 Quoted in H. Brett Melendy, Chinese and Japanese Americans (New York: Hippocrene, 1984), 28. 12 Elmer Sandmeyer, Th e Anti-Chinese Movement in California (1939; Urbana: University of Illinois, 1973).