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“I keep this image always with me, to bring me luck.” The Alid Iconography between (Interview with Ramisha).1 Bektashi Claiming and Popular Piety Introduction in Contemporary This sentence synthetically expresses the intertwined factors and varied discourses about the veneration of Islamic Alid icons in contemporary Albania. The icono­ graphic cult of some figures related to Alid tradition seems to be absolutely sponta­ neous and integrated within the religious experience as an integral part of the living religions in Albania. In recent time, several works have ana­ lysed the institutional and political muta­ tions of Balkan in the post-Commu­ nist era (Elbasani 2; Bougarel and Clayer 15). Less attention has been dedicated to Gianfranco Bria and Gustavo Mayerà the study of everyday-life Islamic transfor­ mations (Duijzings 157). Starting from this In this work, we analysed the intertwining could shape the cognitive perceptions point, this work analysed the iconographic of social transformations and evolution of and moral dispositions of believers who worship at the local and supra-local levels lived religion through the kaleidoscope partly play, critically and individually, their where it takes on several social and politi­ of Alid iconographic worship in a post- own religiosity. Finally, the spread of the cal connotations, composed within differ­ socialist context such as Albania. In this icons seems to indicate a marketization of ent discursive fields. This study is based on framework, the Bektashi community religious piety and a surfacing of public information collected during a year of eth­ restored and renewed Alid iconography, Islam, promoted by the Bektashiyya, in nographic research within the Albanian at first supported by transnational Iranian order to renegotiate power relations mystical networks in 2014.2 The general and Alevi networks, in order to hold social within Albanian society. aim is to examine the intertwining of the and political legitimation within the frag- social and cultural transformations with mented religious field. The embodying Keywords: Islam; Albania; Bektashiyya; different religious traditions, native or experiences of iconographic worship ; Iconography fo ­reign, that are thus directly detectable in

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the evolution of the religious worship – This paper partly follows the theoretical 228). and exaltation of the ecumenical and such as Alid iconography – in public and approach of Talal Asad on the discursive multi-faith and secular character of the private spaces. Considering this, we will nature of the Islamic tradition (Asad 14). Albanian civil religion (Sulstarova 28). The focus exclusively on the worship of Islamic From this contemporary standpoint, this role of religion was politically marginal in icons related to the Alid tradition pro­ work considers that the internalisation of the public sphere; the atheist constitution moted by the Bektashi community in con­ public meaning, cognitive categories and and the secular/atheist ideological back­ temporary Albania. By Alid iconography recognised norms are configured by the ground avoided the presence of religious we mean “the feeling or expression of rev­ worship embodying (Csordas 11) that authorities within state apparatuses. The erence and adoration for the figures of ʿAlī develops the habitus (Bourdieu 124) and state, through its bureaucratic apparatus bin Abī Ṭālib3 and his descendants Ḥusayn, the practical–emotional dispositions of the built during communist times, continued H̩ assan and all Shi’a ”. Although this believers’ “sense of self” (Pinto 104). to monitor and control Albanian society work concerns Islam in particular, it is (Elbasani and Roy 461). However, this did important to note that Albania is a multi- not prevent some politicians from exploit­ confessional country; according to the last Albanian Backgrounds: Secularisation and ing religion for their own electoral and census, conducted in 2011, the makeup of Fragmented Religious Field geopolitical goals (Lakshman-Lepain 156). the country was 60% Muslim, 10% Catholic, The collapse of the regime led to several and 7% Orthodox (IPSOS).4 During the communist period that ended mutations, such as the appearance of a The first goal of this paper is to analyse the in 1990, the religious field underwent a competitive political system, a rapid material and discursive strategies pro­ strong sclerosis5: through a control and urbanization of the district and the duced by Bektashi community and the monitoring system, the Communist opening of the global space after years of transnational frame of this phenomenon regime banned religious worship, which isolationism. The secularisation legacy and related to the networking strategies of could only be practised clandestinely religious pluralism favoured a critical indi­ some foreign actors, and Turkish (Clayer, “Saints” 36). After the Communist vidualistic attitude of believers towards Alevis, and by Bektashis. The paper will regime collapsed, the reconstruction of the institutional religions. then analyse the counter-narrative gener­ religious worship was carried out to In this mutable and changeable context, ated by religious authorities about the ensure support and legitimacy for the new several actors contributed to the recon­ “orthodox cult of icons” to contribute post-communist political course (Clayer, struction of religious worship according to actively to the configuration of the power “” 279). However, post-socialist a triple dynamic (Clayer, “God” 290). landscape that shapes and fragments the Albanian society was partially trans­ Firstly, the state-supported religious religious field (Salvatore 91). Later, we will formed: the secularisation of society from authorities from above; secondly, several focus on the narratives intertwining with 1967 to 1990 – the period of the religion foreign religious actors from outside – worship diversification and subjective ban – showed its effects in the decline of , Syria and Iran – tried to pro­ embodied experiences by believers religious practice (Clayer and Bougarel selytize their own faith; thirdly, the popula­

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tion from below, especially in peripheral The Alid Iconography: Post-socialist This position assumed by Bektashis con­ areas, produced locally and individually a Revival and Customizing Spread tributed to the forging of the ecumenical relatively strong need for religiosity. and laic character of the Albanian nation The overlapping of secular/religious, indi­ The Bektashiyya, treated administratively that never held Islam as the official reli­ vidual/institutional and domestic/ foreign as a ṭarīqa (sufi order), was one of the larg­ gion, despite being a Muslim majority - instances fragmented the religious field est Sufi brotherhoods in the Ottoman 70% versus 20% Christian Orthodox and (Elbasani and Roy 462) that was contem­ imperial territory, due in part to the symbi­ 10% Christian Catholic (Clayer, Origines porarily formatted by national-secular ide­ otic bond with the . The founder 413) The matter was to legitimize the pres­ ology. This double dynamic created a of the order was Bektashi (1209- ence of a predominantly Muslim nation in strong competition between different offi­ 1271),6 considered a descendant of Musa Europe, different from the Turkish nation, cial and unofficial actors who implement al-Kazim7 (Melikoff 58). Nevertheless, his­ and to allow the establishment of an different strategies of self-legitimisation torical information about Bektashi origins Albanian state after the fall of the Ottoman and de-legitimisation. Sometimes these is often fragmented or unclear (De Jong Empire.11 Consequently, this brotherhood strategies grasp the offer of religious 7). The suppression of the order8 acquired a specific place on the religious goods such as practices or items that are in 1826 weakened the Bektashi presence and political scene in Albania: it became critically consumed by believers who sub­ in Ottoman territory. A few decades later, de facto a religious community apart jectively choose their own be-in-the-world. the Bektashiyya had a moderate revival (Clayer, Origines 413). Contemporarily, it contributes to frame mainly concentrated in the Balkan The symbiosis with the Albanian nation and embody moral disposition, corporal Peninsula. marginally influenced Bektashi beliefs, technique and cognitive schema by the At the turn of the twentieth century, the even the iconographic worship that was believers-customers. To understand this Bektashiyya played an active role in the widespread in several Bektashi branches double dynamic, this work analyses how construction of the Albanian separatist within the imperial territory.12 As de Jong the Bektashi community reconstructed the project; several Bektashi babas9 encour­ quoted, the Alid iconography is a feature iconographic worship of the Prophet’s aged the spread of the of Bektashi tradition: family, in order to legitimise its religious and books in the national language One of the central dogmas in Bektas­ and political authority within post-socialist (Clayer, “Bektachisme” 281). By integrating hism is that the ʿAlī was a mani­ Albanian society. nationalism with its doctrine and partici­ festation of the Divine on earth […] the pating in national liberation movements, images (of Ahl el-Bayt) epitomize the the Albanian Bektashiyya had a strong central elements of Bektashi teaching. expansion between 1878 and 1912. The They confront the Bektashi with some number of tekke10 doubled from twenty to of the essentials of Bektashi belief. over fifty, mostly located in the south of Thus, these symbols derive their force the country (Clayer, “Bektachisme” 281). from their feedback to this belief, i.e.

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they are important since they stand for ferent images represent his famous branches of the Halvetiyya.17 Unfortunately, what is important in the Bektashi be­ sword, dhū al-fiqār, with two points that at the moment we do not have empirical lief-system which, in its turn, retains its symbolizes his supreme power. Over the proof on this specific topic because dur­ importance by dint of the force of the anthropomorphic cult of ʿAli, Bektashi ing the Communist regime, many icons symbol (9). icons represent and and religious leaders were destroyed.18 In many senses, the Bektashi iconogra­ Fatima in calligraphic or figurative form. After the end of the communist period phy embodies the heart of its creed. The Imam Husayn assumes a certain pre-emi­ and of the religion ban, Bektashism was relationship between icons and beliefs is nence as a martyr in ; the colour rebuilt primarily around the memory of dualistic: the icons draw their legitimacy green, used as background in different the community, which tried to reorganize from the Bektashi beliefs, but they in turn icons, symbolizes his martyrdom. In addi­ through its leaders (Clayer, “L‘Islam reinforce beliefs. As a result, the ico­no­ tion to the Prophet’s family, the Bektashi Balkanique” 38). The remains and memo­ graphy is characterized by Sufi, Alid and icons depict their saint epitome, Hajji ries of old Bektashi babas were exhumed, Hurufi elements of the Bektashi, often in the form of a golden while several sacred sites were reopened. (Birge 88).13 According to de Jong’s study, lion (de Jong 11.). In addition, religious legitimacy was these icons are basically divided into According to interviews with some revived by the demand of sanctity by local three categories: purely figurative, purely Bektashi babas14 and surveys in the field, populations (Clayer, “L’Islam Balkanique” calligraphic and finally both calligraphic the Alid iconographies were quite wide­ 38). This revival also included the recon­ and figurative compositions. Many spread among Bektashi networks in inter­ struction of religious practices, including images were formed by two sides that war Albania. Moreover, the iconographic iconographic worship. symbolize the division between bāṭin (the worship seemed to spread in the , However, the community lacked the mate­ esoteric) of the Divine embodied by ʿAli as demonstrated by the study of de Jong, rial and economic means to restore the and the exoteric of ẓāhir (the Divine) who found several icons in the former icons destroyed during communist times. embodied by Muhammed that are both and Greece dating back to the A decisive help came from the Iranian and the manifestation of the same Divine early 1900s. Turkish Alevis19 networks. From 1995-1996, (de Jong 9). Following the interview with some old the contact with Shiʿa , who In this way, , ʿAli and Muhammed Albanian ,15 it appears probable shared the common beliefs between the represent a manifesting the same that the iconographic worship was spread Shiʿi and the Bektashis, provided Shiʿa lit­ and ultimate ḥaqīqa (truth); it follows that not only in Bektashi courts (Interview with erature to Bektashi leaders (Clayer). The the cult of ʿAli, real , was presented Agroni; Hasani). The Alid cult, not merely Iranian support was linked to a govern­ by many images or calligraphic works that iconographic, could be present in other mental expansion strategy of political and express his union with Allah and Sufi orders that spread16 in post-Ottoman economic power in the Balkan area Muhammed (Bektashi trinity). In addition Albania, such us the Rifāʿiyya, the Saʿdiyya, (Lakshman-Lepain 147). Offering support to the transformation of ʿAli into a lion, dif­ the , the Mevleliyya and different to Bektashi post-socialist revivalism, Alevis

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tried to evolve from a locally invisible to a numerous, more accurate and more but increased the iconographic presence transnationally visible belief community, accessible. The spread of these icons did in the religious field. Several images, heightening their symbolic and political not exclusively involve Bektashism, but printed by local manufacturers in the weight in post-Ottoman space (Zihr 1760). also the Albanian Sufi networks: several Tirana industrial area,22 were spread in These bilateral relations involved the cir­ Alid icons were purchased to adorn the Bektashi holy centres, religious shops culation of several images dedicated to sacred sites of the Rifāʿiyya, Halvetiyya and and libraries in Albania, and even in the veneration of ʿAli, Husayn and the Qadiriyya orders20 (see for example fig. 3). and , where Alid icon­ Twelve Imams; in the mid-nineties, several A further renewing boost of the icono­ ographic worship is also common among icons of the Prophet’s family came from graphic cult occurred at the turn of 21st the Sufi brotherhood.23 It promoted the Iran and (see fig. 3). The formation century, when the Bektashi community emergence of local and even transna­ of these transnational networks is one of decided to gradually organize the fabrica­ tional distribution networks that gave the most important transformations com­ tion and diffusion of the icons by them­ undeniable economic benefit to the pared to the post-Ottoman period that selves. Most of the images taken by the Bektashi community. affected Sufism in the Balkans (Raudevere Bektshiyya were inspired by Shiite iconog­ This iconographic renewal corresponds to 2). It contributed to the legitimation of raphies, which were already widespread in the Bektashi looking for political accredi­ authority and even the practical and doc­ Albania. However, this time the icons of tation and religious legitimacy within trinal corpus of many Islamic mystical the Prophet’s family were joined by some Albanian society. Mixing traditional reli­ communities (Henig 910). prominent babas portrayed as fathers of gious elements, nationalism and progres­ In the case of Bektashis iconographies, the the Albanian homeland. The sanctification sivism, the community tried to approach Shiʿa and Alevi icons placed inside the and iconisation of these Bektashi figures, different parts of Albanian society. On the tekke generated a partial renewal of ico­ such as Naim Frashëri,21 aimed to promote one hand, the Bektashis sought to keep nographic worship. From one side, the an intellectual and nationalist identity exercising the forms of traditional religio­ main subjects were the same as in pre- looking for legitimisation in the post-com­ sity, reorganizing pilgrimages24 and offer­ communist time: the characters of ʿAli, munist religious space. The Albanian lan­ ing spiritual and social support to local Husayn, Hajji Baktash and the Twelve guage was used in these gadgets to populations; on the other hand, a sub­ Imams depicted or simply written in de ­monstrate the alliance with the national stantial part – not everyone25– of the or (see fig. 1 and fig. 3). identity (see fig. 2). Bektashi proposed the implemen­ On the other side, these new icons were Moreover, this new strategy caused an tation of some rationalists and nationalist different: the serial printing techniques iconographic renewal that concerned not elements to involve the highly educated improved the quality of the images and only frames and portraits, but various young people and the cultural-political expanded the number of copies available. objects, such as pens, pins, and pocket elite of urban zones. In this way, Bektashism The new printing media renewed the images. New icons did not replace the tried to boast a monopoly on Albanian Bektashi iconography; images were more earlier ones, which still continue to exist, and simultaneously be a third

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religious way, compared to Islam and (Endresen 231) strongly opposes the use sect, but just for and economic Christianity: a way more evolved, accor­ and dissemination of Alid icons, consider­ advantages […] The worship of Alid ding to a rational-positivist perspective, ing them “blasphemous” and contrary to icons belongs to all brotherhood, not more democratic and intrinsically tole­ the “original and true principles” of Islam. even Bektashiyya. (Interview with Sheh rant.26 In this way, the Bektashi community The LI is composed of clerics who studied Hajdari).29 attempted to claim the status of an inde­ in some Islamic religious institutions of Other shaykhs instead fall under the insti­ pendent religious community recognized Saudi Arabia and Syria and who were then tutional umbrella of KMSH and respect the by the Albanian state, as it had been dur­ expelled from KMSH due to being consid­ positions of Bektashis, carefully using their ing the interwar period.27 ered fundamentalists and fanatics icons. For Sheh ʿAli Pazari who led the However, the iconographic impulse by (Endresen 231). For the LI, the only accept­ Halveti Center in Tirana under the KMSH Bektashis led to counter-narratives by able religious models are the Prophet and umbrella: other Islamic authorities about their cor­ his companions, and any other figure is They became a religious sect […] they rectness within the Albanian religious blasphemous, as is the use of any type of are free to do so. It’s right; they are dif­ field. The Islamic Community of Albania image: ferent than us (Halveti brotherhood). (KMSH) distanced itself from the Alid ico­ Bektashis use the icons because they They are free to pray to those who nography promoted by Bektashis, but are politicians, nothing to do with the want. (Interview Sheh Alì Pazari).30 basically tolerates its worship because religion. They are against the teachings Some shaykhs decided to join the Bektashi „everyone should be free to practice the of the Prophet […] these pictures can­ community and Iranian embassy. For religion of his choice“ (Endresen 224). not be used in Islam. It’s !!! (Inter­ example, Sheh Qemaludin Reka of KMSH is government-supported and view with Samiin).28 Rifāʿiyya in Tirana stated: encompasses, under its organisational The Sufi brotherhoods in Albania, the The Bektashi are our friends […] we umbrella, the main and Rifāʿiyya, the Halvetiyya, the Qadiriyya and are all sons of Ahl el-Bayt! The Alid of the country. Moderation and tolerance the Saʿdiyya, maintained a rather ambiva­ way is the best! (Interview with Sheh are the fundamental principles of its Islam lent attitude toward Bektashi icons. Some Qemaludin Reka).31 that are traditionally Albanian-rooted shaykhs, such as Sheh Hajdari of Rifāʿi in Nevertheless, new icons made and traded (Endresen 224). However, while not Tropoja, do not want to adopt the Bektashi by the Bektashi community are often directly delegitimizing the narratives of icons and criticise their aspirations. spread not only among the Betkashi but the Bektashi, the KMSH find a legitimacy Although sharing the Alid worship, the are also used by other brotherhoods. space through tolerance and affirmation Rifāʿiyya in Tropoja assert their distinct Images of ʿAli, Husayn and the Twelve of freedom of worship according to the identity from Sufi and from Imams are present in several Sufi lodges of the Qurʿān (2: 256; 109: 6). Bektashis: and graves, while dervishes usually buy In contrast, the League of Imams (LI) linked the Bektashiyya is a tarīqa like us in icons for their homes and gadgets to wear. to scriptural Islamic interpretation all […] only in Albania it is a religious The narrations and counter-narrations

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towards Bektashi iconographies resulted framing religious behaviours by believers- ever. The impact and the visual perception from the presence of a conflictual and customers. Bektashis seem to use these of the icons modulate the believers’ fragmented religious arena; each actor images as consumer-products to satisfy semantic interpretation. Some aspects, mobilises different strategies of self-legi­ the religious needs of the faithful that use such as scratches and tears on the face of timisation or de-legitimisation to validate the icons for different reasons: requests Husayn focus the mercy and admirations its authority. In fact, they choose whether for money, luck or health. In this sense, the of the faithful. The dreams are the privi­ to criticize or support Bektashi iconogra­ icons could represent fast-items that are leged visionary experiences that seem to phies according to their different strate­ rapid to use and easy to find within the express these blessing aspects: gies of legitimisation concerning both, religious market. internal and external factors or institu­ The faithful who obtain the icons do not I dreamed [of] Ḥusayn telling me to be tional and personal elements, like reli­ necessarily have detailed knowledge of patient, that my husband would find a gious charisma. ʿAli, Husayn and the Twelve Imams and the job soon […] He got off his horse and history associated with them; they focus gave me some coins in my hands. […] more on their healing and merciful influ­ Later my husband got a job. We recei­ Embodied and lived icons ence. They are not necessarily Bektashi or ved a miracle. (Interview with Sabura).32 even have an Islamic-familiar background; In many ways, the confrontation between their confessional membership seems to I bought these images to keep here these religious authorities seems to be be extremely varied, while their social with me […] I live in Italy; a year ago, detached from the faithful who choose extraction is also very heterogeneous. I returned to Tirana and bought a little critically and individually how to express These faithful seem to be relatively occa­ picture in a kiosk in the street before their religiosity. The main iconographic sional consumers of icons. In this sense, taking an exam. Before I dreamed he users are the believers that obtain the the veneration of icons could intercept (’) gave me a pat on the cheek […] icons to satisfy their individual religious individualised religious instances by He made me well. Later, I bought a and sacred needs. For many reasons, believers who can express their religiosity badge that I always keep in my bag; Bektashis could intercept the contingent, even in a private space according to their I would not want the good luck to go individualized and extemporaneous reli­ contingent requirements and needs. away! (Interview with Nada).33 giosity of the faithful. On the other hand, However, the rapid use/consummation of by spreading their icons, the Bektashis snapshots and the icons frames cognitive These experiences are perceived as sought to shape popular piety to receive behaviours and emotional perceptions. authentic and contribute to legitimising religious and social legitimacy within For the faithful, the icons are a tactile visual the iconography as a correct linking- Albanian society. In this sense, the icono­ and material device that emits beneficial divine worship. It forges the religious graphic renewal contributed to customize power and reconnects the baraka (divine behaviour and shapes living religion; the and format the Albanian religious field blessing) of the saint wherever and when­ icons have become one of the main ways

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to link the human being to the divine. This body is perceived as an extension of the I leave this picture so that the Holy [one embodying experience produces cumula­ ambience of divinely inspired love can] bless my daughter37 tive effects in the construction of moral (Werbner and Hasu 6); his touch gives the said an old woman at the Bektashi grave disposition and a sense of self of the opportunity to enjoy the beneficial and of Sari Saltik38 in Krujë. This practice believers. ʿAli and Husayn are represented miraculous effects of his divine transcen­ indicates the believers’ roles in shaping as figures that are merciful and righteous; dence. Even the objects that come in con­ worship through their experiences. It pious models forged by embodying expe­ tact with his body absorb his magical shows that the believers are active agents riences of the believers that fix solidarity– powers: in the establishment and restructuring of community webs between the actors. A gave me these pictures, tel­ religious worship detached from the These networks share a morality formed ling me to pray [to] them to renew his narratives implemented by the Bektashi by the symbolic capital of Bektashism, blessing […] I keep some images with establishment. based on ecumenical, progressive and me. My children do it too. Holiness can neo-spiritual values. The slogan constantly protect us. (Interview with Conclusions “Bektashism supports religious harmony Feriha).36 The case of Alid iconography would indi­ and tolerance” is the most widely shared Through iconography, this model of tradi­ cate a public counter-return of spiritual quote of many believers.34 tional holiness is transformed and spread piety (Casanova 14), after the secularisa­ The faithful believe that Bektashi-made through modern techniques of dissemina­ tion by the Communist regime. In some icons can protect and sanctify their bodies tion. The large-scale production of images contexts, Sufism, or religious esotericism and homes. When the icon is a baba gift, and objects provides the opportunity to in general, seems to be isolated in a so- its beneficial effect cumulates with the more easily spread the Bektashi holiness. called escape to “the realm of private reli­ sanctity of the donor. In this way, the icon­ The beneficial influence is not only gious conscience” due to the public space ographic miraculous effects not only come obtained through the life or death of saint domination by nationalistic projects and from the magic powers of the characters people (shaykhs, priests), but also through secular institutions (Heck 3). In Albania, the portrayed, but also from the hands of the icons that become part of the ’ fragmented and competitive religious giver. As a gift from Baba, the icons lived religion. space encouraged the emersion of “pub­ embodied his sacred power (baraka): However, it would be wrong to think that lic Islam”, which concerns the intertwining The Baba’s touch has magical benefits; believers are merely passive actors. Their of Islam with the political process even his breath can make good or heal. embodying experiences contribute to set­ (Salvatore 91). The aim of Bektashism is to (Interview with Agron).35 ting the normative and semiotic elements find a space in the public sphere of This model of holiness in Albania is of the worship. For example, in the mau­ thought, renegotiating the relationships of defined using the name njeri i mire (holy soleums and tombs, they deposit the pho­ power and co-opting the national-ecu­ man) and takes on a multi-faith character tos of people to ask for beatification and menical and secular ideology. From this i.e. not limited to Sufism. The Baba’s holy healing for them (see fig. 1): point of view, iconography has a public

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relevance: its daily experiences embody Iconography meets the religious needs of semantic values and practical dispositions the faithful and contributes to customize that would affect the social and political the sacred within the global-local religious legitimation of the Bektashi community. market. Simultaneously, religious piety seems to be touted as an individual piety product.

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Figure 1: This portrait was found in the Bektashi Headquarters in Tirana. It portrays various images of ʿAli, Abbas and Husayn according to a Shiite iconography. Husayn's is pictured on a horseback and pierced by some arrows, which recalls his martyrdom at Karbala. In the lower right there is a photo of a baby – in Albania, it is common to leave pictures of people at gravesites for blessing. Courtesy of the authors, Albania, 2014.

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Gianfranco Bria is a PhD student in “Histoire et Civilitation” at the “Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sociales” in Paris and at of Calabria under the direction of Nathalie Clayer (Maitre de Conference at CNRS – EHESS – de France) and prof. Alberto Ventura (Professor of History of Islamic Countries at the University of Calabria). The title of the PhD research is “Les Soufis entre sainteté demande de recherche et des valeurs dans l’Albanie contemporaine.” His interests include contemporary Islam and Sufism in the Balkans, with special attention to Albanian countries (Albania, Kosovo, Montenegro and Macedonia). email: [email protected]

Figure 2: This frame was found in a Bektashi tekke in Gjrokastër, Southern Albania. This frame was produced by Bektashi community for Musa, the Baba of the center. It shows the names of the Twelve Imams, Muhammed and Fatima in Albanian and in Arabic. During the ethnographic survey in Albania, this image was found also in seve- ral Sufi lodges, such as Halveityya in Tirana. Within the frame is printed in Albanian: “To all the lovers of the Prophet’s Family and followers of ʿAlī Way” and “Good Day of Laylat al-Qadr (Night of Destiny)”. Courtesy of the authors, Albania, 2014.

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Gustavo Mayerà is a PhD student in “Politica, Cultura e Sviluppo” at University of Calabria under the direction of prof. Alberto Ventura (Professor of History of Islamic Countries at the University of Calabria). The title of the PhD research is “La scienza delle lettere in Ahmad al-‘Alawi”. His interests include the and Sufism, with special attention to doctrines and methods of the letters. email: [email protected]

Figure 3: According to dialogue with Hasani, the shaykh of the center in Mallakstër, this frame comes from Alevi Turkish networks. It shows the images of the Twelve Imams and their names in Turkish. Under the Bektashi frame, there are the pictures of several shaykhs belonging to the Halvetiyya in Albania. Courtesy of the au- thors, Albania, 2014.

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Notes 3 The Prophet, his cousin and 4 These percentages have 8 Janissary elite corps, 11 For further information on son-in-law ʿAli, his daughter been widely criticized and from Turkish yeniçeri (new see 1 Ramisha is a 60 years Fatima, his grandchildren are still a sensitive topic. soldier) and collectively the Clayer, Nathalie. Aux origines old woman in Kavaja, in Hasan and Husayn and their For more information see new militia, of the Ottoman du nationalisme albanais : la September 2014. direct descendants and Endresen, C. “Status report Empire (established in the naissance d’une nation successors, the Imam, are Albania 100 years.” Strategies 14th century). Originally, majoritairement musulmane 2 Gianfranco Bria’s Ph.D. certainly a peculiar frame­ of symbolic nation-building they were formed of young en Europe. Karthala, 2007. research focused on a Sufi work in the Shi’ism. However, in South Eastern Europe. Ed. people forcibly enlisted revival in post-communist the function of these figures Pål Kolstø, Ashgate, 2012. from Christian families who 12 For a general survey Albania. This one year is characterized by a number were then brought up in the about iconographies in research adopted an of peculiarities that have their 5 Many Sufi shaykhs were Muslim religion (devshirme). the Ottoman and post- ethnographic method based origin in the sacred story and imprisoned or killed and Cf. Rossi, Ettore. “Gianniz­ , see Schick, on observing participation of in the doctrine of all forms of many places of worship were zeri.” Enciclopedia Italiana, İrvin Cemīl. “The Iconicity daily life of Albania dervishes, Alidism. These characteristics closed and destroyed; also Istituto dell‘Enciclopedia of Islamic in including ritual and practices. have favored the rise over the many religious items were Italiana, 1932. Turkey.” RES: Anthropology centuries of political ideology lost, see Clayer, Nathalie. and Aesthetics, no. 53/54, and even artistic or religious “God in the ‘Land of the 9 It is important to clarify the 2008. Schick, İrvin Cemīl. expressions, such as the ico­ Mercedes’. The Religious hierarchical levels within the “The Content of Form: nography of this family within Communities in Albania Bektashi Community: first between the Islamic world. Probably, since 1990”. Albanien. Peter of all, Kryegjyshi Boterori Text and Representation.” the original confessional Jordan et al., Österreichische Bektashinjve (The world Sign and Design: Script as fluidity between Shiism and Osthefte, 2003. leader of the Bektashi); first Image in Cross-Cultural Sunnism (crystallized only in degree is ; second de­ Perspective. Ed. Brigitte M. the Safavid era) shaped an 6 On the person of Haji Bek­ gree is Baba; third degree is Bedos-Rezak and ed. Jeffrey inherent common presence tashi see Melikoff, Irene. Hadji ; last degree is Myhib. F. Hamburger, Dumbarton of some elements of Alid Bektach: Un Mythe Et Ses Cf. Statuti I Kryegjyshatës Oaks, 2016. worship among the mystical Avatars: Genesee et Evolu- Botërore Bektashiane, 2009. movements borne or formed tion du Soufisme Populaire 13 For full details on the in Anatolian-Iranian area. See en Turquie. Brill Academic 10 Tekke in Turkish (in Bektashi belief see Birge Bausani, Alessandro. Persia Publishers, 1998. Albanian teqe) is a building K. J. The Bektashi Order of religiosa. Da Zaratustra a designed specifically Dervishes. Luzac, 1927. Bahâ’u’llâh. Edizioni Lionello 7 BuIbrahim Musa b. Jaʿfar b. for gatherings of a Sufi Giordano,1998. al-Kazim (745- brotherhood and is a place ––› 799) was the seventh imam of for spiritual retreat and the Imamiyyah. character reformation.

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––› 14 The most significant 17 In 1936, under the invitation 20 According to Bria’s 25 Some members of the 33 Nada is a young female interviews about this of King Zog, the Rifāʿi, ethnographic surveys in 2014, Brotherhood criticized this business university student topic were two: the first the Saʿdiyya, the Qadiri the Sufi orders still present intellectualist interpretation in Tirana. to Hanif, Bektashi dede and Tijaniyya formed the in post-socialist Albania of Bektashism, because (approx. 60 years old) in the association Drita Hyjnore are Halvetiyya, Rifāʿiyya, it excessively distances 34 According to several headquarters of Bektashi (Divine Light), under the Qadiriyya and Saʿdiyya. Bektashism from Islam. See Interviews conducted in Community in Tirana, institutional umbrella of Baki, Dollma. Historiku I Bektashi headquarter in December 2014; the second, the Islamic Community 21 Poet and leader of the Sarisalltëk Babait e Teqesë Tirana in October-November to Musa, a baba (approx. of Albania. Cf. Popovic, Albanian Renaissance, Naim bektashiane të Dollmës, 2014. 50 years old) in Gjirokastër Alexandre. Les Derviches Frashëri (1846-1900), was 2004. in April 2014. Both said that Balkaniques hier et the author of an epic poem 35 From a dialog with Agron, Alid iconography was spread aujourd’hui. Les Éditions ISIS, Qerbela dedicated to the 26 All these values are a Bektashi dervish in Tirana. in Bektashi tekke in post- 1994. martyrdom of Husayn, the reported in the last Ottoman Albania. grandson of the Prophet, Community Statute. See 36 Feriha is a 35 years old 18 “Hoxha’s communist from which nationalist and Statuti I Kryegjyshatës housewife in Shkoder. 15 For Agroni a 60 years old servants destroyed many patriotic themes develop. Botërore Bektashiane, 2009. Rifāʿi dervish, the icons were images […] only the The Bektashi leaders elected 37 According to an interview placed in several Albanian images of the dictator him to baba of honor, as the 27 See Statuti I Kryegjyshatës conducted in Kruja in tekkes, and contained were permitted” said Hanif, father of Bektashism and the Botërore Bektashiane, 2000. September 2014. calligraphic and figurative Bektashi dede (approx. Albanian nation. illustrations relating to the 60 years old) in the 28 Samiin is a 28 years old 38 (m. 1298) was a family of the Prophet and headquarters of Bektashi 22 Information gathered gym-coach in Tirana who 13th century semi-legendary the Twelve Imam. Also for Community in Tirana, during a survey in Albania in frequents the of Turkish dervish, venerated Hasani, a 63 years old dervish December 2014. March 2016. rruga e dürresit in Tirana, as a saint by the Bektashis of Halvetiyya, the icons of which is managed by an in Albania. See Kolczynska, Twelve Imams were present 19 The definition of Alevi, 23 Information gathered imam of the League of Marta. “On the Asphalt Path in the tekke of his father. sometimes called Kizilbaş, during a survey in Kosovo Imams. to . Contemporary is somewhat complex and and Macedonia in March Trasformation in Albanian 16 In interwar Albania, there problematic. This article treats 2016. 29 Sheh Hajdari is the shaykh Bektashism: The case of were present Sufi orders Alevi as a mystical branch of of a Rifā‘iyya center in Sari Saltik Teqe in Krujë.” Nqshbandiyya and Tijaniyya Islam whose adherents are 24 One of the most famous Tropoja. Anthropological Journal of that probably did not get followers of ʿAli, the Twelve pilgrimages is performed to European Cultures, vol. 22, iconographies. Cf. Tahsin, Imams and their descendants Mount Tomor every August. 30 Sheh Alì Pazari led the no. 2, 2013. Hasan. Shtyllat themelore te¨ in contemporary Turkey. For Cf. Çuni, Nuri. , o mal Halvetiyya in Tirana Reka. tarikatit tixhani. Gutenberg, further information about i bekuar, 1999; Amir-Moezzi, ––› 1941; Luli, Faik, Islam Dizdari, Alevis and Kizilbaş (terms Mohammad Ali. Lieux de 31 Sheh Qemaludin Reka is and Nexhmi Bushati. Ne¨ often confused) see Dressler, l’islam. Cultes et cultures Shaykh Rifā‘i in Tirana. kujtimte¨ brezave. Rozafat, Markus. Writing Religion. The de l’Afrique à Java, Éditions 1997. making of Turkish Alevi Islam, Autrement, 1996. 32 Sabura is 52 years old Oxford UP, 2013. housewife in Dürres.

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