Satirical Imagery of the Grotesque Body of Louis XIV Pushing The

Satirical Imagery ofthe Grotesque Body ofLouis XIV Pushing the Corporeal Limits ofFrance

Brittany Nicole Heinrich Department of Art History and Communication Studies McGill University, Montreal F ebruary 2006

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts at Mc Gill University in partial fulfillment of the degree of Masters of Arts.

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Table of Contents

List of Figures III

Acknowledgments Iv

Abstract v

Resumé vi

Introduction: Making the Censored Visible

Chapter One: 10 Louis Usurper or Louis the Protector? Pushing the Corporeal Limits of France Introduction 10

The French Academy of Painting and Sculpture, Generating Official Imagery of Louis XIV 13

Portraiture and its Role in the Absolute Agenda 18

Representation and Power: The Body 24

Satire: The Pamphleteers and the Unofficial Image 27

A Conclusion in Mapping: Cartographic Interests 32

Chapter Two: Phaeton's Chariot or Louis as the Triumphant Apollo 36 Introduction 36

Allegory in Academic Images 40

The Significance of Allegory 45

Baron Lisola and the Disgruntled Germans 49

Louis as Phaeton 52

The German Railleries and Joseph Werner 55

An Allegoricai Conclusion 59

Chapter Three: The French Press: Censorship, Surveillance, and Labor 60 Introduction 60 Censorship and Surveillance 62

The Importance of the Printing Press in France and the Threat of its Existence in the Dutch Republic 66

The Dutch Printing Press and Public Opinion 70

Baroque Stagecraft and the Making ofa Universal Monarchy 73

The Laboring Body and the Making of a Universal Monarchy 77

Conclusion 81

Conclusion: Juxtaposition: The Body of the King in Satirical and Canonical Imagery 83

Figures 86

Bibliography 96

ii List of Figures

Figure 1: Anonymous, Louis the Usurper, Late Seventeenth-Century British National Library, London

Figure 2: Anonymous, La Chute de Phaèton, in Der Erfâhrte Hann, Late Seventeenth-Century As published in Le Règne de Louis XIV et l'Opinion Publique en Allemagne

Figure 3: Joseph Werner, Louis as Satyr: Louis XIV and Madame de Montespan, 1670 Collection du Murait, Zurich

Figure 4: Anonymous, Presse Francoisse: Holland Gives Ail the Villages and Towns that the King wants to Have, 1672-73 Knuttel Collection, The Royal Library, The Hague

Figure 5: William Thackeray, 'An Historical Study' frontispiece to Titmarsh, The Paris Sketchbook, 1840 British National Library, London

Figure 6: Hyacinthe Rigaud, Louis XIV, 1701 Le Louvre, Paris

Figure 7: Henri Testelin, Louis XlV, Protector ofthe Arts, 1666 Château de Versailles, Versailles

Figure 8: Joseph Werner, Triumph ofLouis XIV, 1664 Château de Versailles, Versailles

Figure 9: Paolo Veronese, Feast in the House ofSimon, 1570, Hercules Salon, Château de Versailles, Versailles

Figure 10: Abraham Bosse, A Printer's Workshop, 1642, Copper engraving Museum het Rembrandthuis, Amsterdam

iii Acknowledgments

1 would like to express my gratitude to my academic and research supervisor

Dr Angela Vanhaelen for her enthusiasm, encouragement, insight, constructive comments, and endless support in the process of completing my masters thesis. 1 would like to express my appreciation to Nathalie Lachance for her friendship and guidance in the translation of German texts. 1 extend my appreciation to Sydney

Brown for her editorial comments and suggestions. And, of course, 1 am in debt to

Peter Burke for publishing the se images from various public and private collections.

1 extend a heartfelt thanks to the amazing individuals 1 have come to know, work with, and love in the Art History and Communication Studies Department at

McGill University, whose friendship, support, and professional opinions 1 will al ways treasure. 1 also wish to extend my gratitude and appreciation to my three brothers, life friends, and mentors who have supported and encouraged me over the years.

Especially, to my parents, to whom this work is dedicated, who have showered me with love, support, and encouragement throughout my life and education.

iv Abstract

The establishment of the French Absolutism under King Louis XIV depended in part on pictorial representation generated by the French Academy. As a vehicle and institute of the state, the Academy created a canon ofimagery, which was known throughout Europe. This enabled Louis XIV's image to be reversed by the creators of the satirical images. The makers of the reverse image appropriated the institutionalized styles and genres of royal portraiture to create innovative satirical images of the monarch using the very canon Louis XIV sanctioned. In its analysis of a small body of satirical imagery, the thesis draws on various theories about the body of the king proposed by Jean-Marie Apostolidès, Ernst Kantorowicz and Louis Marin. A comparison of satirical images with official images ofthe king demonstrates the successful strategies of satirical imagery and the collective need for these kinds images in the seventeenth century.

v Resumé

L'établissement de la monarchie absolue fut une transition réalisée au dix septième siècle par Louis XIV. Le monarque absolu compta sur des représentations de l'Académie de Beaux Arts pour justifier sa puissance. L'Académie fut instituée par l'État en 1663, après avoir créé un canon de représentation du roi qui le fit connaitre dans toute l'Europe. Ainsi, plutôt qu'en conséquence, toute l'Europe apprit à connaitre le corps de Louis XIV. La diffusion du portrait de Louis XIV permit à ses ennemis de fabriquer des portraits satiriques. Des artistes de l'image satirique détournèrent le style de l'Académie et le genre du portrait royal afin de créer des images satiriques. Ils utilisèrent ainsi le canon de Louis XIV contre lui. Mon étude de ces images satiriques se concentrera sur les théories du corps du roi qui ont proposé par Jean-Marie Apostolidès, Ernst Kantorowicz et Louis Marin. Cette comparaison des portraits de l'Académie et des imprimés satiriques expliquera le succès et le besoin collectifs pour ces représentations au dix-septième siècle

vi Introduction Making the Censored Visible

In a way that is how history has always been studied The making visible ofwhat was previously unseen can sometimes be the efJect ofusing a magnifying instrument... But to make visible the unseen can also mean a change oflevel. addressing oneself to a layer ofmaterial which had hitherto had no pertinence for history. and which had not been recognized as having any moral. aesthetic. political. or historical value. J

As a number of art historians have argued, the establishment of French

Absolutism under King Louis XIV depended in part on the pictorial representations of the king that were generated by the French Academy. As a vehicle and institute of the state, the Academy created a canon of imagery that was widely known in France and throughout Europe. While this pictorial canon was instrumental to the smooth functioning of absolutism, it also enabled the many critics of absolutism to create highly effective satirical images of the king. In this thesis, 1 will compare a small body of satirical imagery with selected official images of the king. What emerges is a better understanding of the various strategies used by satirical image makers who worked with and against the sanctioned image of the king.

Many of the satirical images of Louis XIV were circulated in printed form by printers working outside France. It is thus useful to situate this body of imagery within larger debates about the functions of the printing press in the seventeenth century. According to historian Joseph Klaits, our contemporary conception of the tactics of censorship and surveillance of the printing press in France during the seventeenth century is ironie when the ideals that created this system are taken into

1 Michel Foucault, Power / Knowledge (New York: , 1980) 50-51.

1 consideration.2 The irony surfaces in the approach to government interference instituted by Jean-Baptiste Colbert, first minister to Louis XIV, who considered himself and those working under his guidance to be enlighteners in their efforts to control aU printed material, and thus control perceptions of French subjects in order to insure compliance.3 Those who enforced control of the press saw themselves as loyal servants to the king, not as blockades to justice or freedom. However, there were certainly many citizens who opposed censorship. By the end of the seventeenth century, Frenchmen increasingly looked outside France to foreign sources for reliable information, since the domestic press was continually edited and restrained.4 Outside of France the actions and person of the French monarch were severely critiqued.

Neighboring nation-states, particularly the Dutch Republic and Germany, provided an environment for foreigners and fleeing Frenchmen to express their view of the monarch without government interference. Negative portrayals of the king often were manifested in the form of satirical prints, which depicted Louis XIV as anything but majestic.

Indeed, often the satirical printed image took the form of a reverse portrait of the king. According to Peter Burke, the platform for the satirical images of the French monarch was actually fostered by Louis XIV's strict canon ofimagery, which

2 Joseph Klaits, Printed Propaganda Under Louis XIV: Absolute Monarchy and Public Opinion (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976) 10.

3 While the term propaganda in the modem sense was not a seventeenth century term, the authors of the pamphlets, which described details, spins and slants, were fully aware of the power of the words and images, as were the govemment officiais who were surveilling the pamphleteers. Klaits, 8, 10 and Jeffrey K. Sawyer, Printed Poison (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University ofCalifomia Press, 1990) 7, 15.

4 Klaits, 58.

2 portrayed him in a particular fashion. 5 Reverse images of the king often addressed a number oftaboo themes. The reverse portrait displayed the king's physical awkwardness, his voracious appetite for territory and control, and extravagant spending-especially in the construction of Versailles. These themes were rarely alluded to in the official imagery.6 Not only did the printmakers delight in making the taboo themes visible, but they often inverted the official themes to create satirical images of the king. My thesis will examine four ofthese images, specifically the images of Louis XIV entitled Louis XIV the Usurper (fig. 1), La Chute de Phaèton (fig.

2), Louis as Satyr: Louis XIV and Madame de Montespan (fig. 3), and La Presse

Francoisse: Holland Gives Ali the Villages and Towns that the King wants to Have

(fig. 4).

In my investigation ofthese four satirical images, 1 will engage with the idea that the body of Louis XIV was not merely the corporeal body of the king. In the satirical image of Louis XIV entitled Louis the Usurper, the artist pushes the limits of the physical body of the king in his depiction of His Majesty's lust for territorial conquest to build a universal monarchy. In the satirical images of Louis XIV entitled

La Chute de Phaèton and Louis as Satyr: Louis XIV and Madame de Montespan, the image makers investigate and attempt to detlate the allegorical proclamation that

Louis XIV was the French Apollo. These images prod at the insatiable appetite of

Louis XIV to wage war against Europe even though he ostensibly proclaimed a des ire for peace. By transforming Apollo into Phaeton or a satyr, these images present the

5 Peter Burke, The Fabrication ofLouis XIV (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992) 143.

6 For a fulilist of satirical themes see Burke, 136-43.

3 monarch as a vain and careless man who wreaks havoc on the people of Europe.

Finally, in the satirical image of Louis XIV entitled Presse Francoisse, Holland Gives

Ail the Villages and Towns that the King wants to Have from 1672-73, the printmaker visibly represents the hostile Franco-Dutch relationship in his visual satire of the governing methods of Louis XIV. The printmaker mocks the agenda of absolutism to control the French people by focusing on the censorship of the printing press. The existence of this image mocks the vain attempts of Louis XIV to control the press, and the visuallayout of the image critiques the creation and maintenance of Louis XIV's absolute monarchy.

Interestingly, satirical imagery of Louis XIV has never been investigated in relation to the images-often paintings-that it satirizes. The individual images that this thesis takes up have not been considered in depth individually. There are very few primary or secondary sources that analyze these specifie images and there is not a fully developed theoretical framework within which to situate them. To situate the satirical images, 1 have visually analyzed them in comparison to canonical images.

This visual comparison and dialogue creates a second plane of comparison, namely a theoretical one. The visual reading of the satirical image next to the official image fosters a theoretical discussion that situates the reverse portrait of the king in the theoretical framework of the official portrait of the king. Locating the images in their historical context further developed the visual and theoretical dialogue.

My line of argument draws on Louis Marin's work on the discourse on power and representation in portraiture of the king. 1 also apply Ernst Kantorowicz's political model of the king' s two bodies, which locates the king in a body in time-the physical

4 and mortal body of the king, and locates the king universally-in aH places at aIl times as the embodiment of France in the immortal, eternal body of the king. FinaIly,I engage with Jean-Marie Apostolidès' discussion of the absolute reign of Louis XIV as a product of a machine State, rather than a producer of the State. These theories help to situate the canonical images of Louis XIV, and they therefore prompt a fuller appreciation of the satirical quality of the reverse images. This approach pro vides a basis and reading of the images, which not only appraises their success as satirical objects, but also further develops an understanding of the situation that fostered their production and circulation.

While these images can be viewed in terms of their rebellion or opposition to the omnipresence, extravagance, and glory of Louis XIV, 1 argue that they are also products of a particular moment in history. As evidence suggests, seventeenth-century pamphlet production directly corresponded to the degree ofpolitical conflict.7 Printing press statistics give us an idea of the production and reception of pamphlets, as well as evidence of the circulation of satirical journals. During the reign of Louis XIV there were approximately 1500 known pamphlet titles in France. Ofthese 1500 titles, fort Y percent ofthem were anti-Louis XIV, which is a significant number considering the censorship executed by the crown.8 In the Dutch Republic alone there were twenty annual anti-Louis XIV periodicals between 1661 and 1698-from 1699 to 1715 production increased to fort Y annual publications.9

7 Sawyer, 28.

B Klaits, 23.

9 Ibid, 58.

5 The use ofprinted material to address the increasing public involvement in political issues of the time has been linked to the emergence ofnew notions of the collective public. 10 At this time, the concept of a public sphere begins to develop as a space where the collective group exchanges ideas-particularly in the form of printed word and imagery.l1 Louis XIV was certainly awareofthe potential ofprint to foster and communicate diverse opinions. He and his advisors knew that the emerging public sphere provided a site for the publication and creation of the political pamphlets, which not only defended but more importantly critiqued the crown. Therefore, he worked to infringe on this emerging public sphere, using the apparatus of the State.

According to Georgia Cowart, printers of reverse portraits of the king responded to the official image several years after the establishment of Louis XIV' s personal reign, in order to tum Louis XIV's canon of representation against him. 12 As we shall see, much ofthis anti-Louis imagery addressed the increasing awareness of the dissemblance between the person and the image of Louis XIV created by artists of the Academy. Indeed, the French Academy of Painting and Sculpture was another mechanism in Louis' apparatus ofState control. Independently established in 1643, the Academy was reformulated as a State institution in 1663. 13 After this, the

Academy became of the driving forces behind the crown's propaganda as it provided the king with an entourage of artists, historians, writers, and men of science to write

10 Klaits, 93 and Sawyer, 47.

11 Burke, 151-2 and Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation ofthe Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category ofBourgeois Society (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1989) 16.

12 Sawyer, 32.

13 Jean-Marie Apostolidès, Le Roi-Machine (Paris: Les Editions de Minuit, 1981) 13.

6 and paint His Majesty precisely as he wanted. 14 According to Louis and Colbert, the

establishment of a unity of style in the arts was crucial to the propaganda of the

politics of an absolute rule. This desire to control society absolutely through a unit y of

style is what Colbert advocated, evidenced in the Academy's monopoly over artistic

training. The establishment of the Academy as a vehicle and institute of the State

enabled Louis XIV to create an official image of himself through the establishment of

a fixed canon of pictorial representation. This official representation was disseminated

throughout Europe. Louis XIV's desire to self-consciously define himself and diffuse his image enabled his opposition to actively produce visual representations that

reworked the dominant image of the King. 15 In short, they were able to tum his canon

of representation against him.

By reworking Louis XIV's canon ofrepresentation, the makers of the satirical

imagery highlighted the discrepancies between the representation of the king and the

man, Louis XIV. Looking back, it is difficult to ascertain contemporary opinion of these discrepancies. However, about two centuries later, William Thackeray looked

back on the obvious incongruities and implored, "You see at once, that majesty is

made out ofthe wig, the high heeled shoes, the cloak .... Thus do barbers and cobblers make the gods that we worship?,,16(fig. 5) We can probably assume that Louis XIV's

contemporaries were also aware ofthese sorts of inconstancies. Clearly, the anti-Louis

XIV images are evidence of this type of response. The body of Louis XIV and the

14 Marin, Portrait ofthe King, 121.

15 Burke, 152.

16 As cited in Burke, 103.

7 power associated with his body went beyond the corporeal body of the king. In the reverse images of the king, the artists push the limits of both the material and the symbolic body of the king

As argued by Sara Melzer, seventeenth-century France was a "body-centric nation where State authority came from the king and the proximity to the king; courtiers competed to be near the king's body and observe his most private bodily activities." 17 This was particularly evident in the absolutism of Louis XIV, as he increasingly invested power in his own body rather than in anonymous institutions. 18

The investment of power in the body of the king was evident in his numerous declarations before parliament such as, "L'état, C'est moi," which established the concept that Louis XIV was France and that France was the embodiment of Louis

XIV. 19 Once the court was moved to Versailles, Louis XIV took this statement a step further in his assertion that, "the nation is not a body in France, the nation resides in her entirety in the body of the king.,,2o In this way, the body of the king embodied the powers of the nation. The physical perfection of the king was represented visually by

17 Sarah E. Melzer and Kathryn Norberg, ed, "Introduction" in From the Royal ta the Republican Body (Berkeley: University of Califomia Press, 1998) 2.

18 Ibid, 2.

19 Louis XIV made this proclamation before parliament in April of 1655, as cited by Marin in Portrait ofthe King, 9.

20 Louis XIV made this proclamation at Versailles before the courtiers in 1682 as cited by Pierre Goubert, Louis XIV and Twenty Million Frenchmen (London: Allen Lane, The Penguin Press, 1766) Il, 61.

8 the Academy, specifically in portraiture. The portrait then was not a reflection or resemblance of the king; rather it was a representation that served to define the king.21

And as such, the power of the State became dependent on the recognition of

Louis XIV's power in visual representation. The seventeenth-century ideology of representation was interconnected with a particular view of royal power-in the case of

France this power was absolutism.22 While this dependence on a distinct canon of representation unified the portrait of the king, it also meant that the king's body cou Id become the subject of political satire. As will be argued in the following chapters, the satirical image makers appropriated the institutionalized styles and genres of royal portraiture to create derisive images of the monarch by re-orchesttating the very c~mon he himself sanctioned.

21 Chandra Mukerji, Territorial Ambitions and the Gardens of Versailles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997) 276.

22 Marin, Portrait ofthe King, 7.

9 Chapter One Louis the Usurper or Louis the Protector? Blurring Corporeal Boundaries

Introduction

In the anonymous, late seventeenth-century printed image entitled Louis the

Usurper (fig. 1), Louis XIV is seated in an unadorned chair with his left arm resting on a table-he seems to look beyond the frame to his right. The king has been inserted ii1to a frugal spac~, void of the grandiose architecture and the c1assical detail that is usually associated with canonical images of the king. The king is garbed in a garment of "stolen" threads. His c10thing is made up of architectural monuments, which spill from his body onto the table and armrest of the chair. Above the table are a small window and a lantern, which illuminates ajesting figure that leans through the window into the king's space. This figure speaks directly to the king, referencing the unruly state of His Majesty's body by whispering "Il commence a rendre gorge" or

"He is beginning to vomit." The figure seemingly asserts that Louis has greedily usurped more territory than he can handle, as his body has transformed from a fleshy, corporeal body of the king into a construction of ingested, commandeered architectural monuments.

A detailed comparison of this late seventeenth-century printed image with an official canonical painting, Henri Testelin's Louis XlV, Protector ofthe Arts (fig. 7), illustrates how the satirical image maker relies on the authorized imagery. In the print,

10 the satirizing of a canonical image highlights the tense political, religious and social relations between France and the Dutch Republic. In Louis XIV's understanding,

Franco-Dutch tensions centered on economic competition in the European system, where the Dutch Republic dominated the economic market, including print publishing, in the seventeenth century.23 Given the historical context ofthe printed image, 1 suggest that the Franco-Dutch relationship manifests itself in the satirical image's appropriation of the official Academic images of the king. In this chapter, 1 propose that a detailed visual comparison of Testelin's portrait (fig. 7) and the printed image

(fig. 1) illuminates sorne of the tensions ofthis international relationship and provides incisive commentary about the environment that enabled printmakers to reverse the official images of the French monarch.

In order to successfully investigate the printed image, it is important to understand the Franco-Dutch situation of 1667 when Louis XIV declared war on the

Dutch Republic. It has been argued by Joseph Klaits that the War of Devolution was 24 declared and undertaken withoutjust cause or reason. Both Klaits and Craig Radine argue that the declaration ofwar coincided with the monarch's desire to create a universal European monarchy in the early years of Louis XIV's majority?5 By defeating other nations, Louis planned to create a singular monarchy under absolute rule. This ambition was not located solely in warfare, but also in the desire to build up a nation and expand territories. The location, economic prosperity, and governing style

23 Joseph Klaits, Printed Propaganda Under Louis XIV: Absolute Monarchy and Public Opinion (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976.) 38.

24 Ibid, 119.

25 Craig Harline, Pamphlets, Printing and Political Culture in the Early Dutch Republic (Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1987) 169.

11 of the Dutch Republic made it a focal point in Louis XIV plan to create a universal monarchy. If France crippled the Dutch Republic, it would instantaneously gain control of the ports along the North Sea, becoming the economic powerhouse of

Europe.

Hypothetically speaking, a French defeat of the Republic would have enabled the French monarch to censor Republican freedoms, which posed a threat to the absolute monarchy in France. Greater freedoms of the press in the Dutch Republic posed a threat to Louis XIV's ambitious endeavor to create a universal monarchy as it gave the people a voice and venue to express public opinion. International control of the press was particularly important because although Louis XIV could to sorne extent curtail the freedoms of public opinion and the public voice in his own nation, he of course evidently did not have the power to imprison dissidents in the Dutch Republic.

This meant that satirical images of the French monarch were produced and circulated in Holland, often finding their way into France, as weIl.

Such imagery threatened the king, as it both generated negative public opinion and the images conveyed an awareness of imagery approved by the king himself. In this chapter, 1 will demonstrate how printmakers appropriated the officially institutionalized representations of the body of the king, which symbolized both the nation of France, and the physical person of the king. Through a detailed comparison of the printed image with the Academic portrait, 1 will illustrate the reliance of the printed image on the creation of the institutionalized body by the Academy, as well as, the dissemination ofimagery of the king's body throughout Europe to successfully critique Louis XIV. In Louis the Usurper (fig. 1), the printmaker pushes the limits of

12 the official representations of the king and the circulating ideas ofkingship. In this depiction, the printmaker mocks Louis XIV's lust for territorial and architectural conquest, and his goal to create a universal monarchy.

French Academy ofPainting and Sculpture, Generating Official Imagery ofLouis XIV

During the transitory period ofthe regency of Anne of Austria to the majority rule of Louis XIV, the Academy of Painting and Sculpture was created.26 From 1610 to 1661, Paris experienced a crucial and dramatic transformation in the arts. The driving force behind this transformation was the death of Louis XIII in 1643. His death left the State without a majority ruler, since the heir to the throne was too young to govem the State. Prior to the death of Louis XIII, Parisian artists were members of the gui Ids or les Maîtrises. 27 AlI courtly, State, and noble commissions were controlled by the guilds. However well this method functioned prior to 1643, with the death of the king, this system of patronage became problematic. The problems lay in the elitism of the gui Ids that closed themselves to new artists.28 The containment of the guilds did not allow room for expansion, inclusion, or innovation in the arts. This

Ieft the artist community, particuiarly in Paris, in a perpetuaI state of chaos. As a result, the younger generations of artists were forced to look beyond the existing

26 Christopher Wright, French Painters in the Seventeenth Century (ltaly: Orbis Publishing, L TO, 1985) 68 and Paul Ouro, The Academy and the Limits ofPainting in Seventeenth-Century France (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997) 31.

27 Norman Bryson, Ward and Image: French Painting ofthe Ancien Régime (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981) 33 and Ouro, 18-20.

28 Alain Merot, French Painting in the Seventeenth Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995) l33 and Bryson, 29-31.

13 traditions of tutelage and patronage. The select few younger artists who were fortunate enough to attain membership to the guilds found they shared little with their older cornrades and sought to break away from them?9 Therefore, at the time of the death of Louis XIII, the arts were in an institutional crisis.30

Since Louis XIV was too young to go vern, his mother, Anne of Austria, assumed the throne until her son came of age. Influenced by Cardinal Mazarin, the queen tended to look beyond the nation's borders to Italy for State commissions, favoring the Italian experience over the classical French style.3l Although the queen no longer employed the guilds for State commissions following her husband' s death, she did continue to favor the system of corporate sponsoring that forced artists to submit to the guilds.32 As a result, the younger generation of French artists struggled to locate themselves in the Parisian art scene. These young artists were marginalized by both the guilds- which refused to take new members, and by the State-which favored international artists. In response to this situation, a group of artists opted to cut their ties with the guilds and united to form their own institution, which they named The French Academy of Painting and Sculpture.

Previously, aU commissions had go ne through the guilds.33 As the guilds closed themselves to new members, however, the monarchy seized the opportunity to

29 David Parker, The Making afFrench Absalutism (London: Edward Arnold, 1983) 132.

30 Duro, 29.

31 Merot, 97, 104.

32 Ibid, 106 and Bryson, 29-31.

33 Ibid, 29 and Duro, 28.

14 successfully argue against guild control over courtly commissions. According to art historian Paul Duro, the regency viewed the guilds more as a mechanical artisan unit of individuals, rather than an association composed of fine artists.34 Since it was rare for a guild artist to go abroad, these artists were not shaped by the Italian experience and therefore not trained in the style preferred by the Crown. The artists of the guilds appealed to the nobles, but were ultimately ignored by the powers of the court. As a result, by 1645 guilds were dismissed.35 Even Simon Vouet, one of the leading guild members and premiere painter to the king was dismissed from his courtly commissions.36

At this time, another group of artists who had distinctly separated themselves from the guilds and united in their desire to create a didactic Academy and forrned the

Academy of Painting and Sculpture in 1648.37 These artists understood the Crown's rejection of the guilds as an opportunity to petition for greater control over the arts of painting and sculpture. Many ofthese artists had traveled to Italy or studied under

Italian masters; therefore their work appealed to the regency. The mission of the

Academy was to create and unify the moral and intellectual status of painting. They achieved this conforrnity through imposing limits and creating treatises to define the fine arts in "a watertight sealed package" to prote ct the fine arts of painting and ~

34 Duro, 31.

35 Ibid, 34.

36 Merot, 104-106.

37 The Academy was established in 1648 and appropriated to a State institution in 1663. Parker, 132.

15 sculpture from future institutional crisis.38 The goal of unifying both morality and intellect appealed to the members of the French court, and Colbert who as the first minister was assigned the task of supervising the formation of the Academy as a vessel of propaganda to directly and indirectly elevate the monarchy in the eyes of

French subjects.39

While the alignment of the Academy to the Court went against the original goals of the Academy to be an independent authoritarian force behind French art, it was necessary to have the patronage and backing of the court to assure the authority that the artists were seeking. The artists of the Academy directed by Colbert saw the influential aspect of the arts in the creation of a moral and ihtellectual society. While the artist's vision pushed for a reformation in the arts, Colbert's vision and use ofthe arts tended to be particularly political in nature. In fact, Colbert viewed the arts as a tool of social manipulation and control, which would be particularly useful to the mIe of Louis XIV once he reached his majority.40 In this respect, Duro has argued that the

Academy destroyed the arts by forming mIes and guidelines that suspended artistic freedom.41 However, this argument dismisses the fact that the creation ofthe

Academy created a nationally unified harmonious art, previously unseen in France.

38 Duro, 33,41, and 43.

39 Parker, 133.

40 Duro, 209-210. and Louis Marin, The Portrait ofthe King (Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis Press, 1988) vi.

41 Ibid, 55.

16 Hence, Louis XIV depended on the Academy to build his State, while the Academy depended on the king for commissions.

In the years leading up to the reign of Louis XIV, and until his death, the arts performed an extremely important role. Louis XIV relied on the arts to communicate his intellectual and cultural preferences. The monarchy employed the Academy to guide aesthetics and society in the creation of a canonical body of works, which was disseminated throughout France.42 In fact, power was not found in absolutist ideology alone-rather, it relied on art and writing to create and as sert its power.43 The visual representations and written word were crucial to affirming the absolute power of the king, especially after the Crown was transformed from a traveling, ceremonial monarchy to a stationary, court society in the move to Versailles. The success ofthe transition from a ceremonial society, which depended on the presence of a monarch who traveled throughout his kingdom, to a court society, where the king was permanently installed at the palace, relied in part on pictorial representations of the monarch. As the people had less contact with the actual, physical body of the king, the king's image was disseminated throughout his territories.

42 Marin, Portrait ofthe King, 20, 22, 28, 30. and Bryson, 30-33.

43 Louis Marin, Le récit est un piège (Paris: Les editions de Minuit, 1978) 9.

17 Portraiture and its RaIe in the Absolute Agenda

Louis XIV was actively interested in the production ofhis public image.44 The king's image was known, seen, and experienced in various forms, such as prints, paintings, and sculpture.45 While there was a plethora ofrepresentations of the king, artists focused their attention on the body ofthe king. This interest c1eady was interconnected with political theories about the king's body. As Louis XIV himself put it, "the nation is not a body in France; the nation resides in her entirety in the body of the king" and "[France is] my dignity, my glory, my greatness, my body, my reputation.,,46 These statements equate the king's body w~th the State. As Louis

Marin has argued, within this political context, representations of the king's body did not merely represent the corporeal body of the king.47 Instead, they contributed to the redefinition of the king's body as an institution. The wide dissemination of images of this "instituted body" served to make Louis XIV omnipresent. This omnipresence was a key component in his absolute agenda. However, the notion of omnipresence could also be used against the monarchy, for it was the international dissemination of images of Louis that enabled pamphleteers in the Dutch Republic to satirize the image of the king. The pamphleteers obviously were aware of the power and significance of

44 Jeffrey K. Sawyer, Printed Poison (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University ofCalifornia Press, 1990) 16.

45 ln this investigation, 1 defme people as the group of domestic and international individuals including the nobles clear down to the peasants. The people are the sphere in opposition to the monarch, they are a part of the State but do not have arbitrary power over the State.

46 Pierre Goubert, Louis XIV and Twenty Million Frenchmen (London: Allen Lane, The Penguin Press, 1766) Il,61.

47 Marin, Portrait ofthe King, 5,

18 representing the king's body. They used this knowledge to their advantage to create the reverse image of Louis XIV.

An investigation of official portraits of the king is crucial to understanding and estimating the success of the satirical images of Louis XIV. In France, as Marin has argued, the power of the body of the king was codependent on visual representations ofhis body.48 As noted above, the body represented in the images of the king was more than a corporeal body. It was the embodiment ofthe entire nation. To bolster the position of the State, the pictorial representation of such a body required greatness.

To represent this greatness or the myth ofthis greatness, it was necessary for artists to deliberately confuse distinctions between the representation and its prototype. This confusion between portraits of the king and the physical person of the king was achieved in representations that were intended to be viewed as extensions of royal power. Increasingly, visual representations of the king began to function as substitutes, causing the king's subjects to invest power in his image as ifit were the physical king.

For instance, when the king was not at Versailles, his subjects were required to bow to the large portrait of him by Hyacinthe Rigaud (fig. 6) that hung at the court.49 While the representation depended on the power of the king, the king also depended on the power of the representation to maintain absolute power and authority over France.

Thus, the portrait was an intensified presentation of Louis XIV, emphasizing the king as the central figure who bursts forth from the canvas.50

48 Marin, Portrait ofthe King, 5.

49 Chandra Mukerji, Territorial Ambitions and the Gardens of Versailles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 276.

50 Marin, Portrait ofthe King. 6-7.

19 An example of an official canonical representation is the portrait by Henri

Testelin commissioned on February 27th, 1666, entitled Louis XIV, Protector ofthe

Arts (fig. 7). The image was commissioned by Louis himself for the Assembly Hall at the Louvre where it was installed in 1668.51 This image is an example of the codependent relationship of the Academy and the king. The king is painted against a lavish background to emphasize his magnificence. Directly behind the monarch is a rich, deep red curtain, which covers the left quadrant of the image and spans the upper portion of the canvas. The curtain appears to have just been lifted by golden cords to reveal His Majesty. The action ofthe curtain adds to the theatricality of the moment, creating the illusion that the monarch is center stage. The curtain is balanced by two rich square blocks, supporting a grouping of four corinthian columns that frame the seated king and echo his body. Like the body ofthe king, these marble blocks assert sturdiness, massiveness, and greatness. The column, the curtain, and the king are aH positioned on a tapestry of reds and golds, which flow down the stairway.

The image opens up in the top right-hand quadrant, giving a view into the gardens of Versailles. Here we see a sculptural group of allegorical figures. Through a triumphal arc, Testelin displays one of Versailles' many fountains, an arcade of columns, and a distant mountain range. This points to the intricate relationship between pictorial representation, architectural structures and the visual arts under the

51 At this time, the Louvre was the king's permanent residence and the location of the court. When the King moved his permanent residence to Versailles, this image was later moved to Versailles and hung in one of Louis XIV's many salons. Thierry Bajou, Paintings at Versailles XVIlth Century (Paris: Buchet/Chastel, 1998) 110.

20 reign of Louis XIV. 52 The juxtaposition of the chamber of the king and the architectural exterior adds to the sense of a three-dimensional theatrical setting.

Perhaps this alludes to the relationship between the absolute monarch and the advent of a court society where the monarch sacrifices his private life to al ways be visible to his people.53 The public display of the monarch is illustrated by Testelin who shows both the exterior and interior realms within the same framework.

Against this extravagant backdrop, Louis XIV is enthroned in his royal mantel.

In his right hand, he ho Ids Charlemagne's golden scepter, which serves to visually legitimize his kingship. Elevated on his throne, the king is seated at a distance from the public. While he faces the viewers of the image, he also looks down on them. His face is serene and firm. Here, the face of the king authenticates the image, transforming the portrait from a narrative into a bodily portrait of the king depicting the kingship of Louis XIV. 54 His stance conveys the strength and puissance of the king. He is rigidly seated, tumed out towards the viewer with one leg protruding from the royal mantel. This rigidity and poise asserts the king's control over his body.

While his stance is open, making him appear approachable, the depth of space created by the stairs distances him from the people. The deep blue royal mantel is draped over

Louis XIV, and emphasizes the surface of the king's body. 55 The ease with which the

52 Sarah R. Cohen, Art, Dance and the Body in French Culture ofthe Ancien Régime (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000) 3.

53 Alain Bordeau, "The King" in Rethinking France: Les Lieux de Mémoire. Vol. 1. ed. Pierre Nora (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2001) 200-5.

54 The narration is informed by the representation of dance, art and architecture around the body of the king. Marin, Portrait ofthe King, 74-6.

55 Cohen, 21.

21 king wears the heavy mantel expresses not only the king's strength, but the control he has over his body. 56 The royal mantel encases the king's body in fleur de lys, the symbol of France, indicating how the body ofthe king is also the body of France.

As argued by Sarah Cohen, the royal body draws and sustains attention based on the gestures and stance ofits arrangement. s7 In the royal body, the gestures and stance illustrate a containment and control, which shapes society. Here, Louis XIV sustains and draws attention to the absolute control he has over his body, asserted and echoed by the pillar to his right. The body of the king juxtaposed with architectural structures asserts the magnificence of the monarch's body. The royal mantel, encasing the king's body, asserts that the body of the king is indeed the body of France. It is not only the architectural arrangement of the composition that illustrates the king's bodily composure, control and attention. The positioning of the king's foot, which purposefully protrudes from the royal mantel in an elegant ballet poise also illustrates his control. Dance played a central role at the court of Louis XIV and was considered to be the ultimate expression of bodily eIegance and pose. 58 The art of dance represented an absolute control over the body and was considered an artistic production. The king's revealed leg illustrates his ability to organize and control not only his body, but France as weil.

56 1 came to this conclusion based on Cohen, 21 and Bajou, 110.

57 Cohen, 2.

58 Ibid, 10, 13 and Mark Franko, "Majestic Drag: Monarchial Perfonnativity and the King's Body Theatrical," The Drama Review (2002): 72.

22 Surrounding the body of the king, Testelin also represents the symbols and attributes of the visual arts of the Academy. The king's free hand rests on the head a chubby child. It is possible that this figure represents the attributes of art-more specifically it has been interpreted as a personification ofthe Academy.59 The chi Id holds annor engraved with the Academy's coat of anns.60 At the bas~ of the cascading stairs, between the viewers and the enthroned king, we see a sculpted bust, scroIls of canvas and paper, a variety of artistic tools, and a globe. These objects are attributes of astronomy, geometry, perspective, painting, and sculpture. At the foot of the stairs is a bust of Alexander the Great, an allegorical reference to Louis XIV as the hero of the day. AlI ofthese attributes reveal what iS'important about the king and cause him to burst forth as the protector of the arts, and as an attribute of the arts.61

The representation of the globe in the lower left quadrant as well as the cartographic tools on the last stair in the bottom right quadrant of the image emphasizes Louis XIV's cartographic interest. At the time this image was commissioned, Louis XIV was waging war on Flanders.62 Prior to the reign of Louis

XIV, when France was engaged in war, the king placed a hold on aH artistic commissions and endeavors to make aH finances available to the war effort.63 Here,

59 Bajou, 110 and Duro, 59-60.

60 Guillet de Saint Georges, "Henri Testelin" in Académie Royale de Peinture et de Sculptur~. Volume 1 (Paris: F. de Nobele Réimpression, 1968) 234.

61 Marin, Portrait ofthe King, 88.

62 ln 1667, Louis XIV declared war against the Spanish Netherlands commencing the War of Devolution. Bajou, 110.

63 Parker, 144.

23 however, Louis XIV has commissioned a self-portrait where he is depicted as protector of the arts. While there are no direct references to warfare, it is possible that the globe alludes to the state of war as a reminder of Louis XIV' s mission to build the nation of France and create a universal monarchy. These cartographic motifs may thus indicate a desire to delineate and build up territories.

To sum up, in this painting, Testelin has paid careful attention to the body of the king-both his physical body and the attributes surrounding him. The use of rich, vivid color in the foreground juxtaposed with the dark background frames Louis XIV.

The contrast of color enables the artist to paint the setting in an opulent style without detracting from the body of the king. This image, which highlights the king's body and his cartographic interests, is in keeping with the official tradition of portraiture painting. As we shall see, however, these sorts of visual tropes could also serve as a basis for the incisive mockery of satirical printmakers.

Representation and Power: The Body

In the study of the portraits of Louis XIV, there are two theories of the body of the king detailing the importance ofportraiture.64 The tirst theory is set forth by Ernst

Kantorowicz. Kantorowicz asserts that the body-politic plays a crucial role in the portrait of the king. The body-politic is based on the medieval model of the church, whereby the king, like Christ, has two bodies. The tirst body is the physical fleshy

64 1 am referring to both the official and the unofficial portraiture in seventeenth-century France.

24 body of the king, the body that eventually dies. 65 The second body is the symbolic or imaginary body ofthe king. This is the body that is etemal, where the king is the shadow ofChrist.66 In the Testelin image (fig. 7) the representation recognizes and asserts the power of the king, while the power of the king enables the representation to exude power. 67

A second theory of the body of the king cornes out of the works of Louis

Marin and Jean-Marie Apostolidès. Marin includes Kantorowicz's theory ofthe two bodies of the king in his discourse and expands on the ideas set forth in Kantorowicz' s work by asserting that the representation of the king is an extension of the body of the king. 68 He argues that the power ofthe king causes the viewer to recognize the representation and the representation displays the power of the king. Kantorowicz, by contrast, asserts that the power of the king is not solely dependent on the representation, while Marin asserts that it is a reciprocal relationship linked by viewer recognition. In both the official image, previously discussed, and the satirical image, to be discussed, the material body of the king is connected to the figurative body of the kingdom in this act of recognition. Without the recognizable elements, the image of the king does not exude power nor can the viewer distinguish the image as anything other than a man. In the portrait, the authentication of the royal mantel, the head of

65 Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies, A Study in Mediaeva/ Po/itical The%gy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957) 220-221.

66 Ibid, 47, 58.

67 Ibid. 383,446.

68 Louis Marin, Foodfor Thought (New York: John Hopkins University Press, 1997) 211.

25 Louis XIV, and the fleur de lys confinns the power of the king. The power of the king is further asserted by the commission of the image.

While Marin and Kantorowicz are interested in the relationship between power and representation in the theories of the king's two bodies, Apostolidès acknowledges the inconsistencies in the representation and texts compared to the actual pers on of

Louis XIV. This theory of the body of the king can be explored best in the satirical image of the king. Apostolidès argues that sorne time around 1661, with the advent of his personal rule, Louis XIV was transfonned from the creator or authorizer of his images to a creation or product of these images.69 Apostolidès refers to this transfonnation as the roi-machine, which can be understood as the hollow presence of the king's body, which can be filled by successive kings. The machine works because of the way that absolute power increasingly was associated with the physical body.70

According to Apostolidès, the perfections of each king are passed on to the next king, ultimately creating the most perfect king. 71

The king therefore never dies and is a product rather than a producer of his representations. In Louis the Usurper (fig. 1), the printmaker satirizes the idea of the hollow body of the king as product rather than producer. This is done by flattening the image, which de-emphasizes the materiality ofthe king's body. As a result, the king no longer oversees his image but has become the product of the image maker. This process of representing the body in seventeenth-century France was appealing not

69 Jean-Marie Apostolidès, Le Roi-Machine (Paris: Les Editions de Minuit, 1981) 12.

70 Ibid, 12.

71 Ibid, 12 and Cohen, 10.

26 simply for political reasons, but because it enabled the artist to altemate between the physical body of the king and the pictorial representation of the king. This alteration enabled the artists of the Academy to create an image fit for a king and the pamphleteers to satirize the royal image.72

Satire: The Pamphleteers and the Unofficial Image

The artists of the academy created and perpetuated the myth of the omnipresent body of the king in State commissioned portraits of the king. However, there were many who saw throug~ Louis XIV's carefully crafted image. The establishment of the Absolute Monarchy in 1661 was the final straw for many who were exiled to the Dutch Republic and other nations of Europe. These exiled

Frenchmen and the angry Dutchmen, who were being persecuted by Louis XIV in their home land, rallied together to create a different type of image of the omnipresent, opulent king. 73 The political, religious and social situation in the Dutch Republic created an environment where these dissenters could collectively produce satirical images of the king. 74 In the attacks on Louis XIV, printmakers and pamphleteers focused their satire thematically. In the print entitled,Louis the Usurper (fig. 1), to be further examined in this chapter, the image maker focused on five themes of representation in his satirical portrait of Louis XIV. These themes are: the insatiable

72 Cohen, 3.

73 Klaits, 88, and the Baron Francois Paul Lisola, The Bouclier afState and Justice Against the Design Manifestly Discavered ofthe Universal Manarchy, Under the Vain Pretext ofthe Queen ofFrance Her Pretensians (London; James Flether, 1667) A3-A7.

74 Klaits, 38.

27 appetite of Louis XIV for material victory, the vanity of the king in his erection of

Versailles as a temple for the Sun King, the idea of the king as the State, the idea of the king as a mnemonic figure, and the idea ofthe king as a nation builder. 75

As argued by Sarah Cohen, the royal body attracts, maintains and asserts power in the gestures, stance and arrangement of the body to maintain the essence of the royal. 76 In Louis the Usurper (fig. 1), the printmaker creates a recognizable body of the king in the act of capturing the essence and power of Louis XIV, albeit satirically. In this satirical print, Louis XIV is seated in an unadomed chair with his left arrn resting on a table. The chair does not emulate a throne. Rather, it is a simple, leather chair with beastly claws, which slants sideways, possibly"in reference to the instability of the king. He is not clothed in the royal mantel, or any form of royal regalia. Rather, he is garbed in a garrnent of "stolen" threads. The threads are made up of architectural monuments. The architectural monuments spill over onto the table and arrnrest ofthe chair. The positioning of the body of the king also mocks the official, canonical image. The king is seated with his legs in the canonical ballet pose, exerting control over his unruly body.77 He looks out ofthe image, but not at the viewer, avoiding eye contact as he steals another building from the table to add to his collection. The tablecloth draped over the small table is simple. The number sequence, which is carried out throughout the king's body continues on the clotho The cloth itself appears to be illustrated with buming buildings and dancing satyrs. The

75 These themes are discussed in Peter Burke, The Fabrication ofLouis XIV (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992) 137, 139, and Nora, 93-95,187,299,279.

76 Cohen, 2.

77 Franko, 72.

28 continuing number sequence and buildings that spill from the arm onto the table work to blur the boundaries of the body of the king. As the body of the king and the table intersect, the king is aligned with the dancing satyrs on the table clotho Allegorically, the figure of the satyr-half man and half goat, represents earthly pleasures as an unruly beast. 78 This ass~ciation implies that, like the satyr, the king has entered the realm of vices-where pleasure, conquest, and gluttony rule.

Above the table is a lantern illurninating a jesting figure leans in through a small window above the king's head. He seems to speak directly to the king, whispering "Il commence a rendre gorge," or "He is beginning to vomit". This jesting figure informs t~e inattentive king that he has forgotten his dut y to his people and his role as the king of France, and as a result his actions are proving detrimental. The grotesque, uncontrolled body of Louis XIV is depicted in excessive detail here. In contrast to the official images, such as Testelin's portrait (fig. 7), this print situates the king in a more frugal space. The printmaker seems to appropriate the excess and extravagance of the official imagery, but he flattens this extravagance to create a reduced two-dimensional body. The printmaker seemingly is aware of the numerous discrepancies between the body ofthe king and the representation ofthat body. He emphasizes these discrepancies as he satirizes the king's lust for domestic architecture, mapping, and nation building. Therefore, in the end, this representation depicts Louis

XIV as the product of his own conquests rather than the producer of these conquests.

78 Andrew Stewart, Art, Desire, and the Body in Ancient Greece (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997) 187.

29 Following Apostolidès, 1 would argue that this is achieved, at least in part, in the flattening of the king's body by representing a non-fleshy, architectural body. As a two-dimensional monarch Louis XIV is no longer the producer or authorizer of the imagery or conquests. He has been reduced by these endeavors to a two-dimensional product. And, as the mocking figure in the window asserts, these conquests are starting to have an adverse affect on his physical body.

According to Michel de Certeau, the order of a place is defined by the tradition in which the authority that pro duces it is founded. 79 In this image, the materiality of the body is flattened, making the king's hands and face the only recognizable attributes ofthe king's body. Here, the face and hands of the king authenticate the image as the corporeal body of Louis XIV. 80 The dematerialization of the body occurs in its absolute flatness, and creates a two-dimensional representation to be read as a text. This language and hollowing of the body of the king indicates that the authority of Louis XIV is indeed founded on nothing, that he is merely the reduction of a form in a symbolized body. While the posture, face, and hands signify the pers on of Louis

XIV, they also appear as prefabricated parts fit together to create a recognizable likeness in the image of the kingY

Louis the Usurper was produced within the years that the French court was moved from Paris to Versailles. Like Versailles, which often was criticized for pushing the limits of architecture, the body of Louis XIV pushes its physicallimits in

79 Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life. (Berkeley: University of Califomia Press, 1984) 36-7.

80 Louis Marin, On Representation (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001) 208.

8\ Ibid 205.

30 this print (fig. 1). By referencing the limits ofhis physical body, this image also

mimics the way that France was pushing its boundaries and territoriallimits. 1 propose

that the manner in which the king's body becomes nothing but territory could serve as

a commentary on the debt and sacrifices incurred by Louis XIV in his extravagant

renovation of Versailles and his irresponsible methods of building a univers al

. monarchy.82 The emphasis on architecture and mapping mocks the ambitions and

body of the king, especially rus excessive lust for conquest and control.

The printmaker illustrates the king's inability to contain his architectural conquests as

they spill onto the table and arrnrests of the chair and threaten to spew from his body

itself.83 The jeering jesting figure mocks the king' s actions to create a univers al

monarchy by asserting that the king's actions are backfiring in his pursuit ofhis

personal agenda. The frugal space and threads of thievery that make up his attire can

be read as a commentary on a universal monarchy, where everything has been usurped

in the ambition of the king to build France. The stolen items mock the nation-building

ambitions of the king as weIl as the debts that were incurred as a result of his

ambitions. In this image, the king's essence is his conquest, which results in dire

circumstances for aIl of Europe.

The satirizing of nation-building also addresses the notion of territories-both

corporeal and geographical. The insatiable appetite of the king results in the blurring

of bodily terri tories as his attire spills from his body onto the table. Despite the

elegant ballet pose, which implies bodily control, the king cannot control his body or

82 Apostolidès, 12.

83 Mukerji, 1.

31 his passions, his lust for territory. This blurring ofterritories confuses the body ofthe king with the table. The king's grotesque body is in stark contrast with the classical

contained body of Testelin's portrait. While the grotesque printed body appears

classical in posture, it is also a non-classical body. Ruled by unbridled passions, the

body of the king exceeds its own boundaries. The printmaker has taken the notion of

unbridled passion a step further by decorating the tablecloth with allegorical figures

that become part of the body of the king. These allegorical figures depict dancing

satyrs in the throes of fiery destruction, which become associated with the body of the

king. In his deliberate choice of allegorical figures, the printmaker does not depict

immortal figures of gods and "heroes, which the official imagery associates with Louis

XIV. In another reversaI, the body of the king becomes associated with the allegorical

satyr who's half-human and half-animal body represents an non-contained body in

opposition to civilization, reason and control.

A Conclusion in Mapping: Cartographie Interests

During the early years of the reign of Louis XIV, an emerging cartographic

interest was central to the monarch's desire to create a universal monarchy. The

cartographic interest embodied a desire to delineate territories, and map new

boundaries. As a result of this new interest, cartographers created international,

national and urban maps, which visually represented the subject matter in a manner

that echoed an artist' s depiction of a sitter in a portrait. 84 As Marin has argued, one

84 Marin, On Representation, 205.

32 way to view the seventeenth-century map is as a portrait of the city, just as a portrait of the body of Louis XIV is a portrait ofboth France and the individual king. AS.a portrait of the king, which was used to influence society-the cartographic image was a visual tool, which simultaneously depicted the origins and organs of social control in the examination of territorial boundaries and the process of inclusionlexclusion.85 In

Testelin's image (fig. 7), the insertion of the globe in the lower left quadrant of the image displays the king's cartographic interests and suggests a local order of authority residing in the king. This authority is established in the seventeenth-century notion that maps celebrated localized authority. 86 The inclusion of a mapping image in this official painting locates the origins of social control in the person of Louis XIV. This is done by reading the image as a text, which visually connects the attribute of the globe to the king. This association locates social control and truth in the reigning monarch. While a reference to mapping was used by the Academy to locate control in the person of Louis XIV, the printmaker of the satirical images appropriates Louis

XIV's cartographic interests to locate chaos in the person of Louis XIV.

The printmaker of Louis the Usurper (fig. 1) was evidently aware of Louis

XIV's cartographie interest. Using a eommon cartographie deviee, the printmaker has included numbers that mark the surfaces of the body, table and throne. These numhers work to move the viewer through the image. In aetuality, however, the numhers lead us nowhere. There is no surviving legend to this print, enlightening us on how to

85 Marin, Portrait ofthe King, vi.

86 Marin, On Representation, 180.

33 approach the pamphlet image. While a legend or key may have been printed with the original image, the fact that it did not survive and that there is no archivaI evidence that such a legend ever existed is interesting. We are presented with a map, which asserts power, but we have no key to read the map. There is an implication of a method to approach the map, but the lack of legend leaves the approach open and adds chaos to the image. This reduces the power of the map that makes up the chaotic body of Louis XIV. 87 As a result, the power of Louis XIV is reduced.

The reduction of power, the deliberate depiction of chaos and the unbridled passions of the king are revealing in light of the work of Michel de Certeau. In de

Certeau's study of space and place, he asserts that maps are sets of structural arrangements established by the authority of the local order and they shape the future ofthat order.88 However, in this image the printmaker leaves the viewer searching for a local order. Although the numbers allude to an order or instruction for use, no order exists and we are left unsure about how to approach the image. In the end, we find that there is no local order. This results in complete chaos for the viewer as weIl as for the subject of the print. The jeering figure implies that the actions of Louis XIV will haunt him and ultimately destroy France.

In the print image, the lack of local order and structure to guide the future affirms the dangers of the French monarch in his unbridled ambitions to create a universal monarchy. Here, the grotesque body of Louis XIV pushes the boundaries of its physical presence as it spills beyond the contained classical structure of the king's

87 De Certeau, 117.

88 Marin, On Representation" 208.

34 body, blurring boundaries. The printed image questions the motives and incentives of

Louis XIV's cartographic interests, architectural conquests and territorial ambitions.

As illustrated, the satirical image re-appropriates the official, canonical image of the

Academy. In the strategies of the printmaker, an understanding of the complex seventeenth-century relationship between representation and power in the absolute monarchial society of France is revealed.

35 ChapterTwo Phaeton's Chariot or Louis as the Triumphant Apollo The Allegorical Alignment of Louis XIV

Introduction

On the frontispiece of the German pamphlet entitled Der Erjàhrte Hahn- The

Canny Cock, printed in the mid-seventeenth century, the printmaker has re- appropriated the official symbol of Louis XIV's alignment with Apollo to portray the monarch as Phaeton.89 This print, entitled La Chute de Phaèton (fig. 2), was probably createdafter 1654, the year when Louis XIV reached his majority and appropriated the Sun as his symbol and Apollo as his individual personification. The upper quadrant of the image depicts Phaeton falling from his father's broken chariot, which has just been destroyed by Zeus. Emerging from the clouds along with rays of the sun are the words tamen mangnis excidet aufis [sic], which, roughly translated, states that he failed at a great undertaking.90 The words burst forth from the dark cumulus clouds, bathing the scene below with light as they proclaim that Louis XIV is a failure.

89 Hubert Gillot, Le Règne de Louis XIV et l'Opinion Publique en Allemagne (Nancy: A Crepin Leblond,1914) 274.

90 "He failed at a great undertaking." Thomas Bullfmch, Bulfinch's mythology: The age offable or stories ofgods and heroes (New York: Harper-Collins, 1991) n.pag. Appendix: Proverbial Expressions.

36 Beneath the words, the four immortal horses (symbolizing the four corners of the earth) fall from the heavens, their bodies twist and contort as smoke bellows from their mouths. Phaeton's chariot also faIls, broken and splintering, along with the contorted body of Phaeton and various authenticating symbols of France, such as the fleur de lys and roosters. In fact, the entire upper quadrant of the image is falling down to the earth below. The earth itself is in chaos, having been scorched by the careless mortai.

The lower half of the image depicts barren land, a river and the charred remains of villages. The legend of Phaeton tells <;>f a mortal' s quest to take on an immortal' s endeavor, in a vain effort to prove himself and to fulfill a personal drive for legitimization without regard to the consequences of his actions. Upon learning that his father was Helios, the sun god, Phaeton went on an eastward joumey to meet his father. The cunning, young man convinced his father to allow him to drive the sun chariot across the sky for one day. AIthough Helios succumbed to his son's plea, the tenacious, immortal horses who pulled the chariot of the sun across the heavens were not as easily seduced, however; the four horses sensed the weakness and vulnerability of their new conductor and ran wild. The immortal beasts, with Phaeton at the reins, went off course, bringing the sun dangerously close to torching humanity and spreading destruction across the earth. Phaeton's carelessness angered Zeus who threwa lightning boit at him, sending Phaeton's lifeless body down into the Eridanus

River where his sisters mourned his death. 91

91 Bullfinch, n.pag.ch. V.

37 Foes of the French monarchy portrayed the monarch as Phaeton, in contrast with the artists of the Academy who were under the direct surveillance of the court and who often portrayed Louis XIV as Apollo. In this chapter, 1 investigate one of the

Academy's canonical images, entitled the Triumph ofLouis XIV (fig. 8) painted by

Joseph Werner in 1664, in order to contrast it with the print (fig. 2) introduced above.

The monarchy commissioned Werner's painting to be hung in one ofthe salons at the unfinished Château de Versailles, but, until the Apollo Salon was completed, this painting, which successfully portrayed the king's power, authority, and ability to rule alone, was hung at the Louvre. Werner depicts Louis XIV as Apollo driving the chariot of the sun as he protects, inspires, and supports the arts of civilization. The recognizable head of Louis XIV on the body of a god authenticates the image of

Apollo as Louis XIV. In this image, the god-like figure drives the four horses while looking out and down upon the viewer. The artist depicts Louis XIV as a young man with curly hair, leading the sun through a triumphal arc and carrying his attribute, the lyre- a symbol ofharmony. He is flanked by the figures of Fame and Victory. The

Academy indirectly represents the king in the body of an immortal, thereby transforming him into a Greco-Roman god.92 This appropriation not only created a myth of the absolute monarch and the centrality ofhis reign, but also worked to perpetuate the myth of the immortal body of the king.

After Phaeton' s careless escapade across the heavens, Apollo, the son of Zeus and the mortal beauty Leto replaced Helios as sun god. The ideal physical beauty of

92 David Parker, The Making ofFrench Absolutism (London: Edward Arnold, 1983) 133.

38 these parents manifested itself in their offspring, Apollo. Apollo was the god of music and poetry, who both encouraged and inspired artists. He was also the epitome of light and warmth, driving the chariot of the sun across the heavens. In fact, Apollo was considered to be the god of aU of the arts of civilization since he represented order, harmony and civilization in a manner unequaled by his fellow deities. 93

However, while many of Louis XIV's contemporaries accepted the myth and the

French monarch's supposed connection"to it, others believed neither in the myth nor in the immortal alignment. Rather, they found the careless mortal son of Helios to be a more appropriate alig!lment in order to emphasize the failures of the undertakings of

Louis XIV. Therefore, printmakers created satirical images of the monarch by appropriating and reversing the images of allegorical representation.

These images depict two of the many allegorical alignments of Louis XIV. In this chapter, 1 will address the role of aUegory in both the canonical and non-canonical images of Louis XIV. 1 will argue that the satirical printmakers and official court painters, such as Werner, were aware of Louis XIV's presumed identification with

Apollo and used it to their respective advantages. As in Louis the Usurper, discussed in chapter one, the printmaker draws on a formula created and sanctioned by Louis

XIV and satirizes it to mock His Majesty. An investigation ofthese images reveals similarities in the symbolic meaning, technique and allegoricallanguage used by both the official and unofficial image makers.

93 Richard S. Caldwell, Hesiod's Theogony (Newburyport, MA: Focus Classical Library, 1987) Il, 14, and 19.

39 The printed satirical image raises questions about the vanity of the king as it points to Louis XIV's complete disregard for the consequences ofhis actions, the integrity of a king who champions peace but pursues war, and the claims of a semi divine king who fashions himself as Apollo. As an allegorical image, it also raises questions about the power of allegory, heroism, representation and power. As discussed in chapter one, the body of Louis XIV was not merely the corporeal body of the king; it was also an allegorical body. The decision to associate himselfwith

Apollo propagates a myth of the absolute monarch and the centrality of the body of the king. In the satirical image of Louis XIV entitled La Chute de Phqèton (fig. 2), the printmaker investigates the allegorical proclamation that Louis XIV is the French

Apollo and pokes fun at the vanity of the man behind this proclamation. This image prods at the insatiable appetite of Louis XIV to satisfy his personal des ires without regard to the consequences for the rest of Europe or even for the people who make up the body of France, his proclaimed body.

Allegory in Academic Images

In Wemer's painting, The Triumph ofLouis XIV (fig. 8), Louis XIV is represented as Apollo driving the chariot of the sun through an idealized triumphal arch. The artist portrays Louis XIV as a force of physical movement as weIl as a

40 gui ding astral force, as he moves the sun across the heavens.94 Garbed in a toga and wearing a laurel wreath, the heroic king is seated in his golden chariot on a blue throne. The white toga against his royal skin emphasizes his muscular, c1assical body.

The laurel wreath proclaims his victory and the figure of Fame above his head heralds his triumphant arrival.through the arch. His body and head are framed by a halo of sunlight. Apollo was knowh for his curly blonde hair, and, in this image, Werner uses the halo of sunlight tohighlight and lighten the king's curly brown hair, which is portrayed as loose, and flowing to emphasize his youthfulness. Like the sun, Louis

XIV ~s at the center of the painting creating a heliocentric image, which also alludes to a French-centric or Louis-centric universe. Louis XIV is blocking the sun's arrivaI, emphasizing the importance ofhis own arrivai. Chandra Mukerji argues that a portrait of the king is not a reflection, but a source ofkingly definition. 95 Ifthis is the case, the portrait of Louis XIV as Apollo goes beyond merely assimilating attributes of the sun god; rather it aligns and defines Louis XIV as a god or divine figure. By defining Louis XIV as Apollo, or more generally as an immortal, the allegorical image becomes a too1 ofpropaganda in its representation of Louis XIV.96

As propaganda, the allegorica1 image must evoke simu1taneous recognition of the physica1 being of the king and of the heroic figure with which the king aligns

94 Sarah R. Cohen, Art, Dance and the Body in French Culture ofthe Ancien Régime (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000) 87.

95 Chandra Mukerji, Territorial Ambitions and the Gardens of Versailles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997) 276.

96 Sara E. Melzer and Kathryn Norberg, From the Royal to the Republican Body (Berkeley: University of Califomia Press, 1998) 136-7.

41 himself. This is do ne through careful attention to the physical body of the king, particularly to the king's movement and muscular depiction. In the Werner painting, the movements of the king are graceful and contained. While the physicality ofhis stature is emphasized, he is carefully clothed and the image does not portray his sexuality.97 The glamour of the allegorical presentation and direct movement replaces the formaI stiffness and simplicity seen in canonical royal portraiture. This makes the painting more than a portrait - it is a history painting as wel1. 98 As established in

'chapter one, the royal body sustains attention through the gestures of the monarch. 99

In the Werner portrait (fig. 8), the gestures of Apoll~ are represented as the gestures of

Louis XIV. The total control over his body and containment of his being is depicted in the classical style of Louis XIV. The artist departs from the typical classical styling which Academy artists used to present the king and uses the Baroque style to allegorically present the king. As in Louis as Protector ofthe Arts, (fig. 7), the king's body isjuxtaposed with powerful Greek-style columns. In the Werner painting (fig.

8), the king's body echoes the idealized architectural structure of the elaborate triumphal arch. This reiteration of the Corinthian columns in the body of Louis XIV asserts the fortitude of His Majesty.

Although the body and person of the king are central in this heliocentric image, the inclusion and attention given to the rest of the composition places this image

97 Before the absolute rule of Louis XIV, the sexuai body was not detrimentai to a king's display of power. However, during his ruIe, the sexual body was viewed negatively and was tabooed. Melzer, 34.

98 Christopher Wright, French Painters in the Seventeenth Century (ltaly: Orbis Publishing, LTD, 1985) 201.

99 Cohen, 2.

42 within the genre of history painting. In history painting, the scene and events unfolding beyond the subject are crucial. They become extensions of the subject, describing the subject and embodiments of the subject. This allegorical image becomes a history painting in the elaborate depiction of the chariot, allegorical figures, hors~s and architecture around the Apollonic figure of Louis XIV. Like the body and head of the portrait of Louis XIV, the surrounding elements become describing elerrients, which delineate essences. The allegorical image is akin to a history painting in its manner of representing the king in a moment from which he was absent-the allegorical portrait rewrites the monarch's history, giving him a presence at Mt.

Olympus.

Four large horses representing the four corners of the earth, two white and two brown, pull the chariot of the sun. The movement, facial expressions, and wild manes imply the unruliness ofthese great animaIs. However, Apollo controls them and steers them on course with the greatest of ease. The four horses, which signify the sunrise and sunset, transport the cumbersome golden chariot of the sun, representing the journey of Apollo across the heavens. Below the golden chariot, which is " engraved with images of the earth, the billowy cumulus clouds frame the wild horses.

The clouds do not detract from the idealized architecture, which frames the upper portion of the image; however, the juxtaposition ofthe clouds and idealized architecture creates the illusion of a stage on which Louis XIV plays the role of

Apollo. Above the clouds, the four horses are controlled by His Majesty with a single, powerful gesture of his right arm. This control over the immortal horses emphasizes

43 the power of the king, who can control the unruly forces of nature, showing that reason and mind mIe over passion and nature. Meanwhile, his left arm is occupied with a lyre. The lyre was an attribute of Apollo, but also symbolized harmony and unity-the two goals of the French monarch. This association with the lyre is important for Louis XIV who was attempting to build a univers al monarchy, at a time when his nation was in the throes of chaos. According to David Parker, nothing symbolized Louis XIV's desire to bring harmony and an idealized universal order to

Europe more obviously than Louis's appropriation of Apollo: thequintessential deity of harmony in the cosmos. 100

Eight Nike figures flank the triumphant Louis XIV and his chariot. The winged figure above the monarch personifies Fame while the figure below symbolizes Victory.

The two allegorical figures accompany the king on his triumphant quest through the arch, leading the sun across the heavens. Through images such as this one, he made the people of his kingdom aware of his physical presence as well as his embodied power. Allegorical images that presented the king as magnificent and immortal worked to create a mythological kingship.lOl

This image depicts Louis XIV in a mythological theatrical setting where he plays the role of Apollo. This image thus functions as one of the props ofthe baroque stagecraft that constituted the reign of Louis XIV. 102 The inclusion of the chariot, horses, allegorical figures, lyre, architecture and clouds enfold the figure of Louis XIV

100 Parker, 136.

101 Joseph Klaits, Printed Propaganda Under Louis XIV: Absolute Monarchy and Public Opinion (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976) 12.

102 Klaits, 13.

44 in an existing and well-known narrative. In the Werner painting (fig. 8), it is the head of Louis XIV that is the agent of recognition that empowers the narration. 103 Once the painting is recognized as a depiction of Louis XIV, the immortal guise of Apollo acts as a secondary agent, which empowers the narration. The Apollonic costume associates the king with an immortal. This allusion to immortality and the classical past works to legitimize the Bourbon Dynasty and kingship of Louis XIV. 104 While the classical past obviously is linked to Greece and Rome, the style of the painting promulgates a specifically French brand of classicism. This was a formulaic tool that

Academic artists employed to both directly and indirectly elevate the monarchy.105

The Significance ofAllegory

Louis Marin argues that a royal portrait intensifies and illustrates the presence of the king because the portrait creates a sense of omnipresence because of the manner that the king's image was disseminated throughout the kingdom. 106 In Werner's image (fig. 8), Louis XIV was identified as an immortal, and his reign is authenticated through the reference to the long tradition of classicism. In this way, the objective of representation was to establish the glory of the king in the permanence ofmemory.

From Marin's dialogue on legitimization, 1 argue that in The Triumph ofLouis XIV

103 Louis Marin, Le récit est un piège (Paris: Les editions de Minuit, 1978) 17-19.

104 Jean-Marie Apostolidès, Le Roi-Machine (Paris: Les Editions de Minuit, 1981) 69.

105 Parker, 133.

106 Louis Marin, Portrait ofthe King (Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis Press, 1988) 5-8.

45 (fig. 8), Louis XIV locates himselfin the memory ofantiquity, classical power and the

Bourbon dynasty.107 The legitimization of the monarch in the allegorical image represents the modem shift of the ancient regime, moving away from elaborate rituals toward elaborate representations of the king. 108 In other words, this shift reflects the transformation from a ceremonial to a court society. In a ceremonial society, the migration of the king legitimized his rule and made him visible to his people, whereas in court society, the king was stationary and relied on elaborate representations to fill his migratory void. In this way, Louis XIV could remain at Versailles and rely on representations to assert his omnipresence. 109

As argued by Marin, the act of recognition is the intermediary in the power- representation relationship.llo In this allegorical image, the representation of the king's body is easily recognizable, despite the king's Apollonic disguise. This type of representation creates and propagates the myth of similarities between the French king and the Divine, and thus becomes a visual tool of manipulation: the recognizable figure of the king draws the viewer in to interpret the image, but the king's divinity keeps the viewer at a distance. III

The allegorical image's success as propaganda thus hinges on its ability to project the perfect distance from the viewer. If the distance were too small, viewers

107 Ibid, 12.

108 Pierre Nora, Rethinking France: Les Lieux de Mémoire (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2001) 200 and Mukerji, 1.

\09 Bernard Teyssèdre, L 'Histoire de l'art vue du Grand Siècle (Paris: René Julliard, 1964) 68.

110 Marin, Portrait ofthe King, 124.

III Klaits, 12.

46 would recognize themselves in the image of the king and its allegorical impact would be diminished. If the distance were too great, viewers would not recognize the king in the allegorical representation. This would render the image unapproachable, negating the intended effects of allegorical portraits. Therefore, it seems that images of Louis

XIV as Apollo were successful because Academic artists were able to create the perfect distance for the purposes of a controlled and controlling absolute monarchy.

Wemer's painting must be considered in the context of the proliferation of images, which represent Louis XIV as the mythological god Apollo, which ensured widespread recognition of this visual trope.

The Apollonic alignment (fig. 8) empowers the representation of the king, creating a reciprocal relationship between power and representation. 112 It is this reciprocity, then, that makes the portrait of the king an icon of the absolute monarch.

He is recognizable and identifiable yet, at the same time, he is depicted in a context from which he is absent, namely the realm of mythology. 113 This allegorical representation rewrites the monarch's history, placing him in antiquity as a deity in an abstract moment. This creates a complex interaction between symbolic and tangible time. This interaction in turn establishes a boundary between the legible and the invisible. 114 Because image makers, like Werner, tangibly locate the monarch in a symbolic, invisible realm. The printmaker of the satirical allegorical image (fig. 2), by

112 Marin, Portrait ofthe King, 5.

113 Ibid, 6-8, 133.

114 Marin, Portrait ofthe King, 121.

47 contrast, locates the monarch as a mortal body in a legible and tangible moment. Both the official and unofficial image makers use allegory to their advantage.

The use of allegory also fits into Kantorowicz' s theories on early modern kingship. As discussed in chapter one, Kantorowicz proposes that concepts of early modern kingship depend on the model of the king's two bodies- one the immortal and one the mortal. l15 In the representation of kingship, the alignment with an immortal god represents an immutable moment within time. 1l6 In allegorical representation, such as Werner's, Apollo represents the body ofthe king that never dies. In this manner, the allegory becomes a metaphorical extension of the immortal body of the king. According to this political theory, the court becomes the site of royal

1 construction and fabrication, and the king is a product of this fabrication. 17 As

Apostolidès asserts in his the ory of the 'king machine,' the State is a machine propelling its own imperial myth ofthe immortality of Louis XIV. As the State becomes the machine whose final product is Louis XIV, the king is transformed into a product of the State. He is no longer the producer of the state. In this seminal study, we see how Louis XIV is transformed from the creator of his image to the product of his image. This means that the body of Louis XIV becomes an empty entity, which can be filled by anyone who daims the power associated with this body. In Werner's painting, Louis XIV's omnipresence and power is established through the Apollonic

115 Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies, A study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957) 4.

116 Ibid, 8. ll7 Apostolidès, 51, 66.

48 alignment. This tums the body of the king into a product ofhis absolute agenda to be the French Apollo.

Baron Lisola and the Disgruntled Germans

The frontispiece of the German pamphlet entitled Der Erfâhrte Hahn (The

Canny Cock) (fig. 2) represents the monarch as Phaeton. This German print was produced in the context ofheightened tensions between France and Germany at a time when France began to gain European dominance as the Holy Roman Empire collapsed.

The Thirty Years War (1618-48) reduced the Emperor' s European dominance. 118 The

Roly Roman Empire not only lost its seat of European domination, but also lost hope ofunifying the now religiously diverse Empire. The waning power of the Holy

Roman Empire meant that its western neighbor, France, emerged as the most powerful

European state.

Even though the Roly Roman Empire and France were political rivais, local

German princes modeled themselves on Louis XIV. 119 The puissance of Louis XIV seemed to mesmerize his contemporaries. This hypnotic effect was the very thing that the official images promoted as they perpetuated the myth of the all-powerful, absolute king Louis XIV. 12o As an anonymous German courtier put it,

[E]very king and prince in Europe was building his own court as much beyond

118 William and Ariel Durant, The Age ofLouis XIV (New York: Simon and Schusler, 1963) 411.

119 Ibid, 416-18.

120 David Parker, Class and State in the Ancien Regime France: The Road to Modernity? (London: Routledge Press, 1996) xvi.

49 his means as his subjects and credits would permit. Amidst the mirrors and fine furniture of the palaces ofthose days went a strange race of 'gentlemen' in tall, powdered wigs, silks and laces, poised upon high red heels, supported by amazing canes; and still more wonderful 'ladies', under towers ofpowdered hair, and wearing vast expansions of silk and satin sustained on wire. Through it all postured the great Louis, the sun of his world - unaware of the meagre and sulky and bitter faces that watched him from those lower darknesses to which his sunshine did not penetrate. 121

In this way,·the power of Louis XIV successfully infiltrated European society. Even those who hated the monarch, and experienced his oppressive, tyrannie al means of obtaining what he wanted, seemed to stand in awe ofhim. He entranced aU of Europe with his absolute power manifested in cultural forms such as architecture, art, print, and even fashion.

Although the courts of the Holy Roman Empire esteemed the cultural, political and absolute style of Louis XIV and modeled themselves on French Absolutism, other inhabitants of the Holy Roman Empire resisted the allure of Louis XIV. In particular, those who witnessed their power diminishing in the fragmenting of the Holy Roman

Empire viewed the French monarch differently than did the German princes. These individuals saw in Louis XIV a careless, mortal tyrant who belittled and manipulated the whole of Europe for personal gain. As in the Dutch Republic, satirical images of

Louis XIV were created to unveil the mortal man behind the allegorical myth created by the Academy. Amongst those who sought to unmask the portraits of Louis XIV and to reveal the inconsistencies and dangers of French Absolutism were not only artists but also writers, poets, musicians and even diplomats.

121 Durant, 416.

50 A key figure in the Gennan terri tories who sought to open the eyes of the

Germans was Baron Lisola, a Gennan diplomat who served the Roly Roman Emperor and who had visited the Château of Versailles. Lisola strove to show that, under the reign of Louis XIV, France was a machine in motion with the ambition to create a universal monarchy regardless of the consequences. Lisola feared that the Gennan territories were throwing themselves into the pathway of the French machine by modeling themselves on French Absolutism. Lisola believed that, as a resuIt, the

Gennans were in danger of losing their own cultural identity as they feH under the say of the French. 122 To illustrate the dangers of French Absolutism, Lisola exposed the differences between the sovereign princes of Europe. 123 Lisola also urged French writers to hold Louis XIV accountable for his discrepancies as a mler. 124 Like the print investigated in chapter one, the works of Francois de Lisola and the satirical images created in Gennany were printed and disseminated by Dutch printing presses. 125 The greater freedoms of the press in the Dutch Republic made it a center, where dissenting voices could express themselves in print.

In his pamphlet, Bouclier d'État, Lisola asserts that Louis XIV placed roadblocks in the way of peace and that it had not yet dawned on him that acts of

122 The Baron Francois Paul Lisola, The Buckler ofState and Justice against the Design Manifestly Discovered ofthe Universal Monarchy, Under the Vain Pretext ofthe Queen ofFrance, Her Pretensions (London: James Flether, 1667) 5.

123 Ibid, 7.

124 Ibid, 5.

125 Ibid, 5.

51 hostility were incompatible with peace. 126 Lisola was not the only one who was producing such critiques. Fifteen years later in the pamphlet entitled The French

Machiavelli produced in 1675, an anonymous German printmaker stated that

"The ~un king is just a title, as there is only one sun who doesn't know how to rest, hot and ardent. In the nature of France dominating the airs, France wants to dominate Europe and the world while with the sun it wars, France wants money. The sun blinds as does money." 127

This pamphlet also critiques the representations of the Sun king and wams the

Germans to be wary of the ways of Louis XIV.

Louis as Phaeton

As previously introduced, the frontispiece of the German pamphlet entitled Der

Erfohrte Hahn (The Canny Cock), printed in the 1650s, appropriates Louis XIV's alignment with Apollo and portrays the monarch as Phaeton (fig. 2), who fans from his broken chariot, destroyed by Zeus. The text that emerges from the clouds with the rays of sunlight forebodes the fate of the individual who usurps an image of greatness that he can not substantiate. This attack on the integrity of Phaeton of course implicates Louis XIV. The words burst forth from the dark cloud in order to enlighten the earth to the ways of the careless mortal who is falling to his death. Beneath the words, masked as a ray of the sun, the painter has included the zigzag trajectory of the lightning boit sent from Mount Olympus to destroy Phaeton. On the clouds, beneath

126 Lisola, 25-7.

I27 Pieter Malssen, Louis XIV d'aprés les pamphlets repandus en Holland (Amsterdam, 1936) 32.

52 the words and lightning trajectory, the four horses fly, as in the Werner image (fig. 8).

In this satirical image, however, the horses have run wild, their bodies twisting and contorting as smoke bellows from their mouths. The broken, splintering chariot of the sun, its splendor has been destroyed by Zeus' lightning bolt. In fact, the entire upper portion of the image is falling to the earth, which is in chaos after being scorched by the careless mortal.

Falling with the horses and chariot is the contorted body of Phaeton, surrounded by the authenticating symbols of France. The fleur de lys in this image work to identifying the figure of Phaeton as Louis. XIV. When looked at carefully, thesefleur de lys are notjust the floral symbol of France. Rather, the majority ofthem are actually roosters in the shape offleur de lys, creating a two-fold device of recognition and association with the monarch. 128 Louis Marin asserts that repetition of a motif constitutes an instantaneous presence. Therefore, in this image, the presence of Louis

XIV is constituted in the repetition ofthe combination oftwo French symbols- the coq and the fleur de lYS.129

The figure of Phaeton himself also evokes recognition that this allegorical figure is indeed Louis XIV. Phaeton appears completely unfazed by his carelessness as he cascades from the clouds to the earth below. He is looking into a shield, engraved with the cock-jleur de lys symbol, which serves the function of a mirror. The mirror reflects the image of the mortal who assumes a graceful ballerina pose. This ballet

128 Colin Jones, France (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994) 88 and 138.

129 Marin, Portrait ofthe King, 126.

53 positioning mocks the King whom Academic artists consistently represent as the possessor of absolute control over his own body. Moreover, the mirrored shield mocks the vanity of the king, for Phaeton seemingly admires himself even at the moment of his own device. Louis de Rouvroy, the duke of Saint Simon and a sharp critic of

Louis XIV who resided at the court, noted that Louis XIV possessed a vanity that knew no limits. 13o In this image, Phaeton remains enthralled by his self-image as he tumbles to his physical and symbolic demise in the river below. This suggests not only that the whole of Europe has been scorched by the careless Phaeton-Louis but also that Louis XIV himself has become lost and blinded by his own vain ambitions. 13l

In the lower half of the image, we see the results of the careless and selfish actions of the falling mortal. The land has been reduced to famine. The terrain is barren and the waters of the river have receded. On the banks of the river, villages bum, after having been scorched by the sun, or rather by the carelessness of Phaeton and the incessant wars of Louis XIV. While the artists of the Academy created images like The Triumph ofLouis XIV (fig. 8) to represent an image ofpeace and magnificence, printmakers created images like La Chute de Phaèton (fig. 2) to depict

Louis XIV's tendency to wage war and carelessly obtain European dominance. This image represents the cause and the consequences of French dominance.

130 F. Arkwright, The Memairs afthe Duke de Saint-Simon (New York: Appleton and Co, 1924) 53,67.

131 Gillot, 274.

54 The German Railleries and Joseph Werner

The satirical printmaker attempted to counter the myth created by the machine of the state, which asserted that Louis XIV was Apollo. This undoing of the myth was one of the many foci of the German RaiUeries- meetings of German aristocracy who sought to assert traditional Germany identity by mocking France in written prose, visual representation and verbal discussion. 132 Here it is interesting to consider an image that was commissioned by a German nobleman who participated in meetings of the Railleries- an oil pa~nting by none other than Joseph Werner. In 1665, Werner lost his position as court painter at Versailles and was exiled from France. 133 The events leading to this exile are unclear, but most sources agree that Werner painted an image of the king that displeased Louis XIV and led to his banishment. 134 Werner returned to his homeland, Germany, where he worked for a number ofwealthy German families.

For these families, he painted portraits, landscape paintings and the occasional image for members of the Railleries. One of these Railleries images is entitled Louis as

Satyr: Louis XIV and Madame de Montespan (fig. 3). It was painted in 1670 for a wealthy German family to be hung in their private art collection. 135

132 Gillot, 274. l3J Daniel Meyer, Versailles: Visite du Château, des jardins et de Trianon: description et plans complets (paris: Belmnossion, 1988) 43

134 Ibid, 45.

135 Burke, 138.

55 An examination of this oil painting brings the satirical imagery of Louis XIV full circIe. In Louis as Satyr: Louis XIV and Madame de Montespan (fig. 3), Werner satirizes the monarch in the exact style, form, and use of allegory that, a few years earlier, he employed to represent the king in aIl ofhis glory. Now, Werner uses the same allegorical template as in The Triumph ofLouis XIV (fig. 8), but he reverses the allegory to portray Louis XIV as a lusting, gluttonous, philandering satyr. The literaI and symbolic implications suggest the king to be anything but heroic and honorable.

In this image, the iush extravagant Baroque style is used to poke fun at the extravagance of the king, depicting him as a participant in a Bacchanal feast. In the satirical painting (fig. 3), Werner exaggerates the allegorical, immortal body of Louis XIV that he painted in The Triumph ofLouis XIV (fig. 8). He gives the king an excessive and fleshy body, rather than a cIassical, muscular immortal one.

Here the body of the king is rendered corporeal and tangible, not symbolic or heroic.

This change reduces the symbolic value of the allegory. As a result, the satyr's resemblance to the monarch makes the viewer see Louis XIV as- and believe him to be-a gluttonous, broken satyr, rather than an immortal god.

Werner represents Louis XIV as a mortal: halfman, half goat, embodied as a satyr to mock Louis' self-proclaimed titles as "most Christian king" and "the most godly man in France.,,136 Werner garbs Louis in the sumptuous wig he wore to perfect his physical appearance. However, instead ofusing the king's hair to magnify his presence as in The Triumph ofLouis XIV (fig. 8), Werner turns the wig into an object to denigrate the king. For the curly hair of the wig is echoed in the depiction of

\36 Burke, 153.

56 the king's goat leg. The pattern of the wig also conflates with the platter of oysters that the king is in the process of ingesting, which implies that he is gorging himself on his own body.

Werner's composition also seems to reference the tradition of depicting the Las~

Supper. In particular, l believe that the separation of the heavenly and the earthly spheres in this painting recalls the work of Paolo Veronese. Werner's satirical painting (fig. 3) especially evokes the Veronese image Feast in the House ofSimon

(fig. 9), which Veronese painted in 1570 and which the Republic ofItaly gave to

Louis XIV in 1664, the year prior to Werner's dismissal. 137 The Veronese painting

(fig. 9) was immediately hung at the Louvre. However, the painting was later moved to the Château de Versailles and still hangs as the focal point in the Salon d'Hercules.

The transfer of the work from the Louvre to Versailles indicates the high esteem in which Louis XIV held the painting. In alllikelihood, Werner was aware ofthis painting and its importance to the king. Therefore, possibly, he alludes to it here, which lends his satirical image even more impact.

As in the Veronese painting, Werner frames the central action of the subjects with curtains. These curtains not only echo Veronese, but satirize the facades and theatrics of the French court at Versailles. Above the curtains, entering from the heavenly sphere, a mass of lavish smoke and c10uds swirls around the figures. This mixing of c10uds and smoke creates an eerie effect in the heavenly space as it mixes the heavenly and hellish. The dark grey c10uds are moving into the earthly sphere.

Riding on these c10uds is an angelic-demonic figure beckoning the king to come and

137 Meyer, 41.

57 meet what awaits him in the world beyond. 138 Behind this figure are figures of death, skeletons, tortured souls, fallen warriors, and a demonic female. The female figure is

Medusa-like with wild hair and a vivid facial expression. She aiso carries the French flag, possibly indicating that she is the physical symbol or embodiment ofthe France that Louis XIV has created.

The artist also mocks the figures who sit at the table with the king. The figure of

Madame de Montespan is represented in terrns ofher sexuality. Her arrn lifts up a goblet of wine, and her legs and arms are spread apart, revealing mounds of flesh. She balances on a round sphere being held up by a jester. The sphere alludes to the globe, a map of the world, and possibly asserts that the earth, cartography, knowledge, and, more specifically, France are being held up by ajester who can hardly sustain the integrity ofthe nation. To the left of the king sits a figure who is eating the entrails of the king; the platter before him resembles the one in front of the king. This male figure, engorging himself on the king' s body, appears to be on the verge of bursting because of his gluttonous ways. The king, the gluttonous man, Madame de

Montespan, and jester are not the only figures around the table. The individuals are joined by the allegorical figures of justice, pride, music, and theater. These figures are not guests; rather they surround the king's party, waiting on the king and serving him, which is a reverse of the authorized canon. Here, rather than protecting or fostering the arts of civilization, as is depicted in many canonical images (fig. 7), the king has enslaved culture, arts, music and theatre.

138 Burke, 175.

58 An Allegorical Conclusion

.The comparison of the official painting of Louis XIV with two allegorical satif(~s-the Werner painting and the Phaeton print-highlights the impact of satirical imagery. The artists of the satirical images ofthe king did not develop their own mode of representation; rather they employed the powerful canon of representation that had been authorized by the king himself. This use of an established authoritative tradition successfully invested power in these mocking images of allegorical figures such as

Phaeton or satyrs to satirize the glory of the king. This was a powerful method of representation as it enabled artists to fully critique the body of the king as the embodiment of the nation. These clever appropriations of the canon allowed the satirical image makers to address the discrepancies between the physical, mortal man who was Louis XIV, and the idealized representations of an immortal king. While

Louis XIV and the Academy used allegory to propagate the myth of an absolute monarchy and the unequaled monarch, Louis' detract sought to use visual imagery to unveil the man behind the myth.

59 Chapter Three The French Press: The King Gets AlI That He Wants Censorship, Surveillance, Stagecraft and Labor

Introduction

In a late seventeenth-century Franco-Dutch printed image entitled Presse

Francoisse: Hal/and Gives Al/ the Villages and Tawns that the King wants ta Have

(fig. 4), the printmaker satirizes the physical and symbolic body of Louis XIV. The image was printed by a French printmaker on a Dutch printing press in Amsterdam in

1672 or 1673. 139 The print portrays two men turning the wheel of an enormous printing press to torture an anonymous Dutchman. The distinctive costumes of the two men identify them as a French soldier and a French nobleman. The action occurs in the center of the image, framed by classical architectural structures. Here, we see the Frenchmen lowering the printing press down on the Dutchman. The printing press squeezes liquid from the orifices of the Dutchman, which cornes out as a soup of names of places in the Dutch Republic, creating an incongruent, amoebic-like map of the Dutch territories. The massive fleur de lys on top of the printing press, the costumes of the elite Frenchmen, the classical architecture and physical poise of the

Frenchmen aU work to suggest that Dutch Republic is being extorted by the French king.

139 Pieter Malssen, Louis XIV d'aprés les pamphlets repandus en Hal/and (Amsterdam, 1936) 116.

60 This print examines and incisively mocks seventeenth-century French methods and strategies of governing, censorship, surveillance, absolutism, and the theatricality of the state. As there are few secondary and primary sources discussing this printed image, 1 will be utilizing the theories of Ernst Kantorowicz, Jean-Marie Apostolidès, and Louis Marin. 1 will also rely on the historical studies of pamphleteers and print making conducted by Craig Harline, Joseph Klaits, and Jeffery Sawyer, to formulate an approach to study and analyze the print Presse Francoisse. My investigation of this print unfolds in three ways. First, 1 will analyze how the printmaker examines the intensity of surveillance and censorship in France. Secondly, 1 will explore how the printmaker blatantly depicts the oppressive ways of Louis XIV by asserting that this oppression is but one thread of Louis' universal monarchy. Finally, 1 will examine how the image maker directly alludes to the baroque stagecraft of Versailles and the idea ofthe laboring body. This investigation thus questions the means and ends of creating a universal monarchy at the moment when France invaded the Dutch

Republic.

Unlike the images discussed in the previous two chapters, this image does not satirize one particular type of official image. Rather, 1 propose that the print mocks the governing methods of Louis XIV and the king's desire to attain European dominance.1t does this by employing the classical style of the Academy. By visually departing from the canonical images, but stylistically emulating them, the printed image visually satirizes various methods of control in France and the threat of these contraIs to the Dutch printing press. In order to fully critique the success of this type of satirical image, as weIl as its aims and methods, 1 will look at the print Presse

61 Francoisse (fig. 4) in relation to depictions of the laborious process ofprintmaking

(fig. 10). 140 In this comparison, the broader notion of controlling knowledge will be further explored.

Censorship and Surveillance

On the sixth of April 1672, Louis XIV dedared war on the Dutch Republic. 141

The war lasted until 1678. The Dutch War was an important war, in which Louis' aim was to collapse the Dutch economy as well as to daim border territories in Europe and overseas colonies: During the firs~ two years ofwar, the Dutch struggled to maintain their Republican speciticity, while Louis XIV aspired to create his universal monarchy.

The establishment of a universal monarchy involved creating chaos and discord in the

Dutch Republic. This was directed in part at the threat that Republican methods of governing posed to absolutism. 142 The Republic was considered a threatening opponent from the moment Louis XIV reached his majority. Initially, it was Jean-

Baptiste Colbert, tirst minister to the king, who asserted that the Dutch alone blocked the pathway to a French dominated Europe. He insisted that it was necessary to destroy the Dutch Republic, above all other nations, because of the Dutch economic

140 Joseph Klaits, Printed Propaganda under Louis XIV: Absolute Monarchy and Public Opinion (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976) 8-9.

141 Malssen, 20.

142 Ibid, 21.

62 monopoly as well as the perceived freedoms that were a part of the fabric of a

Republic. 143

It was argued by Colbert, and evidently accepted by Louis XIV, that the only way for France to prosper was to undermine the economy of the Dutch Republic. The print market monopoly was specifically targeted because of the growing awareness of the persuasive power of the printing press. Colbert encouraged Louis XIV to use print as a machine of the State. 144 Until his death in 1683, Colbert served as a mediating figure between the monarchy and print. 145 He also was responsible for expanding the scope of Crown-sanctioned propaganda by using the printing press to its fullest potential.

In this respect, the seventeenth-century French government was quite modem in its understanding of the power and uses of the printed image and word. The evidence and awareness of an emerging sphere of public opinion intensified the concem to influence a broad segment of the population. This meant that censorship was fundamental to absolutism. 146 It was understood that there was a relationship between knowledge, the human mind, moral conditioning, social formation and printed material. 147 Therefore, censorship of printed material became a top priority.

Colbert took on the task of recruiting, supervising, and paying skilled pamphleteers to

143 Malssen, 7.

144 Louis Marin, Le Récit est un Piège (Paris: Les editions de Minuit, 1978) 8.

145 Klaits, 27.

146 Jeffrey K. Sawyer, Printed Poison (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University ofCalifomia Press, 1990) 133. and Klaits, 35.

147 Lucien Febvre and Henri-Jean Martin, The Coming ofthe Book: The Impact ofPrinting 1450-1800 (London: NLB, 1958) 128.

63 control the printing press. 148 AH images produced under this surveillance were

stamped with the seal and approval of the king and the phrase, avec privilège du roi,

which signified that the king's censor had sanctioned the reproduction of the printed

material. While this kind of surveillance and control was crucial to monarchial

stability, it is evident in Presse Francoisse (fig. 4) that this policy certainly had

detractors, who viewed the king's control of the press as tyrannical. 149

Indeed, the central concem of this image is the problem of control and containment. The control and containment of the printing press was achieved through

censorship and surveillance of the press. The printmaker of Presse Francoisse was conscious of this aspect of absolutism. At first glance, the printmaker satirizes the notion of control in the very structure of the print. As a backdrop to the printing press, the image maker has inserted a classically articulated architectural setting, which

serves to create and frame the theatrical space where the action takes place. This classical architecture resonates with the architecture of Versailles. As we have seen in the previous two chapters, the evocation of Versailles is an important element in the satire of Louis XIV. The space in the printed image recalls both Versailles and a printer's workshop. The framing colonnades create a contained space, separated and

isolated from the rest of the world by the architectural frame. This sense of isolation is enhanced by the empty landscape visible beyond the architectural structure of the courtyard or workshop space. Through the colonnades we can glimpse the space beyond, or exterior to this space, but in effect nothing really seems to exist beyond the

148 Sawyer, 136.

149 David Parker, The Making afFrench Absalutism (London: Edward Arnold, 1983) 1.

64 space of the workshop. The framed space can be se en as a sort of workshop of absolutism. This workshop, 1 suggest, is controlled by the king who, in the words of

Louis Marin, was a 'divine puppet master.,150 This claim demands a discussion of the representation of Louis XIV in the image. As has been noted by Pieter Malssen, there are several interpretations of the representation of the king in this print. Malssen asserts that the aristocrat's face resembles the face of Louis XIV. Thus, he argues that the nobleman is a representation of the monarch.

A second possibility, also suggested byMalssen, is that Louis XIV is represented allegorically in this image, in the form of the large fleur de lys that 151 appears at the top ofthe printing press. As the fleur de lys is. a symbol of the State of France, it is also a symbol of the body of the king. Thus, in this satirical print, the represented body of the king is his symbolic body. Following Ernst Kantorowicz's political model, 1 would argue that the print portrays the immortal body of the king in the symbol of the fleur de IYS.152 Louis XIV is allegorically looming over the scene, seemingly orchestrating the action as the fleur de lys forcefully presses down on the mechanism that squeezes the Dutchman. Embodied in the fleur de lys, Louis XIV becomes the omnipresent viewer, who oversees the torture of the Dutchman.

Consequently, although the monarch is not physically represented, he is certainly present in the image. His parliamentary proclamation in 1664, "L'état C'est moi," not only suggested that France was his body, but also insisted that his body was

150 Louis Marin, The Portrait ofthe King (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998) 13.

151 Malssen, 134.

152 Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies, A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957) 316.

65 France. This daim asserts that while his actions were the actions of France, the reverse is also true and the actions of France were the actions of Louis XlV. Therefore, the representation of Louis XIV in this image is the representation ofhis symbolic body, which presides over this workshop of absolutism. It is through the mechanisms of the technology in the workshop that the notion of an absolute state is created. Louis XIV has clearly gained control ofthis printing press and is using it to press and oppress the

Dutch.

The Importance ofthe Printing Press in France and the Threat of ifs Existence in the

Dutch Republic

While the omnipresence of the French king's censorship and surveillance is central to the satire of Louis XIV, it is but one theme being satirized in this image.

The printmaker also alludes to the Dutch printing press, and thus addresses the issues of public opinion and the freedoms of the Dutch press. In so doing, the print also mocks the oppressive ways in which Louis XIV created a universal monarchy. The printing press played an important role in seventeenth-century politics, and, as noted above, control over the press was crucial to Louis XIV's absolute agenda. The printed word communicated the word of the king intemationally and domestically.153 Since there were over twenty million people living in France and printed material was easily disseminated, the court relied on the printing press to transmit the grandeur of Louis

153 Klaits, 20.

66 XIV beyond Versailles and Paris. 154 Gazettes, newsletters, and pamphlets were the sites of the strongest censorship and it was Louis XIV' s goal to have every printing press und er hg. h t survel'11 ance. 155

The War of Devolution (1667-68) foHowed by the Dutch War (1672-78) were

Louis XIV's first attempts to overhaul and control the Dutch government and people.

This succession of wars was met with much criticism and brought about a sharp rise in the circulation of printed criticism of Louis XIV in the Dutch Republic. 156 The war infuriated the Dutch, who asserted that, "aH conquests and victims that are proclaimed by Him [Louis XIV] that are withoutjust cause are in effect robberies.,,157 The

Republic viewed Louis XIV'!; attempt to overhaul their way of life, governing methods, and desire to control the Dutch territories as outright tyranny and thievery.

In effect, since Louis' aggressive attacks were without legal or moral justification, his actions lead to an increase in the daily production of printed pamphlets vilifying the

French king. 158 The increase in production reveals an increasingly active public voice.

The harboring of negative feelings towards the French monarch fostered an environment for printed criticism of Louis XIV. 159 As a result, Europe witnessed an increased production of printed material satirizing the French king. The heightened

154 Klaits, 36, 40.

155 Ibid, 36, 40, and Sawyer, 137.

156 Craig Harline, Pamphlets, Printing, and Po/itical Culture in the Early Dutch Repub/ic (Dordrecht Martinus NijhoffPublishers, 1987) 167.

157 These are both Flemish and Dutch descriptions of Louis XIV. Malssen, 16

158 Klaits, 89.

159 Ibid, 23.

67 production of unflattering images of Louis XIV ironically coincides with French laws and measures that slashed the distribution and availability of printing funds in Paris. 160

This crippled French pamphleteers, forcing them to go elsewhere in Europe, where they had more freedom to critique the reign and policies of Louis XIV.

The redistribution of funds that lead to the decline of the Parisian print market was one of Louis XIV's attempts to intensify surveillance and censorship in order to control his image. 161 Printed attacks of the monarch were severely puni shed. In sorne cases, such an offence was even puni shed by death. 162 However, neither the threat of punishment nor the slashing of funds worked to completely arrest the production of the satirical images. Louis XIV even went so far as banning aIl Dutch publièations from entering France, but this too was unsuccessful. 163 The loss of funds, and constant state ofwarfare also generated waves ofprinted criticism against Louis XIV within

France. The image makers had three options. They could flee the persecution of Louis

XIV, continue printing in secret, or they could import and distribute satirical images that were printed elsewhere. 164 Many illegal books found their way into the country despite the Parisian surveillance. 165 Many French printers also fled to the Dutch

Republic, a territory over which Louis XIV had no control. While Louis attempted to tamper with the Dutch Republic' sprint market, he was met with continuous resistance.

160 Klaits, 91.

161 Ibid, 91.

162 Ibid, 35.

163 Ibid, 169.

164 Ibid, 38.

165 Ibid, 38.

68 Finally, he chose warfare as a method to control the print market in the Dutch

Republic, and display his might to the rest of Europe. 166

From 1660 to 1680, the amount of French language gazettes, pamphlets and printed material produced in Holland increased signiticantly.167 By the mid-1670s, there were over twelve French language gazettes and pamphlets produced and edited in the Dutch Republic by Frenchmen, particularly Huguenots, who had fled France to escape religious persecution. Printmakers who did not work under the seal of approval of the crown also were forced to flee from censorship and control in order to print freely.168 Interestingly, it was not only Frenchmen who fled to the Dutch Republic to enjoy the gteater freedom of the press. The paper produced in France also left the country to supply the demands of the Dutch printing presses. As early as the 1640s, with the tirst wave of intense surveillance and censorship, high-quality paper was exported from France to the Dutch Republic. 169 The blank paper that left the country was nontaxable by the French monarch. Later, these same sheets retumed in the form of anti-Louis, anti-absolutism and anti-French govemment books, gazettes and pamphlets whose circulation was banned, but never fully inhibited.

166 David Parker, Class and State in the Ancien Regime France: The Road to Modernity? (London: Routledge Press, 1996) 158-59.

167 Klaits, 20.

168 Febvre, 156.

169 Ibid, 43.

69 The Dutch Printing Press and Public Opinion

In contrast to France, there was limited government interference with print production in the Dutch Republic. This enabled writers and artists to disseminate their ideas within and beyond the boundaries of the Republic. 170 The circulation ~f printed material worked to break down the isolation of nations, peoples and govemments across Europe. It also addressed and created a literate audience, and thus fostered the growth of public opinion on European political matters. 171 This kind of public opinion had the potential to influence politics. l72 As a result, this influence posed a threat to the ideals of absolutism and the aims of absolute rulers to turtail the influence of the populace on matters of govemance. In this way, the production of printed material in the Dutch Republic provided an opportunity for the opinions of the people to be expressed and gave a voice to those who opposed the politics of absolutism.

In 1672, at the time of the French invasion of Holland, the expression of anti-

Louis XIV sentiment reached a record high. 173 In France, the censorship of printed material intensified, which severely limited the expression of public opinion. 174 In the

Dutch Republic, on the other hand, the people were not controlled by absolutism and many resisted the efforts of Louis XIV to control their country. Print was a particularly

170 Harline, 13.

171 Klaits, 22.

172 Harline, 168.

\73 Malssen, 21

\74 Pierre Jurieu, The Sighs ofFrance in Slavery, Breathing After Liberty (London: Printed for D. Newman at the King's Anns in the Poultrey, 1689) 12.

70 effective way to express this resistance. Dutch pamphlets of the time publicized political statements such as "it is impossible to have durable lasting peace with the king of France;" "Louis XIV al ways wanted to be bigger than he really was;" and

"Dogs are more honorable than Louis XIV.,,175 It was not only native Dutchmen who distrusted the king of France; therewere many French people residing in the Dutch

Republic who also voiced public criticism of the French king. Antoine Aubéry pointed out the discrepancy between Louis XIV's words and actions, and insisted that he was not a great man:

If one looks closely, one does not find the traces of a heroic man worthy of the title [king]. Nor is there evidence that he will be great when looking at the nu~ber of towns and countries he has reduced to ashes, nor by the number of Christians that he has betrayed, tortured, and killed? So, why would his words make him great?176

It was this type of opinion that sparked the production of printed political satire of

Louis XIV. While the monarch used the printing press to manipulate public opinion, those in direct opposition turned the printing press against the monarch to fully critique his governing strategies.

In Presse Francoisse, the printmaker satirizes the monarch through visually representing the printing press as one ofthe king's many tools of torture, manipulation and control over Europe. In depicting the printing press as an instrument of torture, the print not only satirizes the king' s censorship of the printing press in France, but also his attempt to control the Dutch printing press, and, indeed the Dutch Republic itself.

175 Malssen, 7, 16,31.

176 Antoine Aubréy, Des Juste Pretentons du Roi sur ['Empire (Paris, 1667) 270.

71 According to the image, Louis XIV's use ofthe printing press both represses and oppresses the freedoms of the Dutch Republic. In the positioning of the prostrated

Dutchman, the printmaker plays with the idea of the press as oppressor, suppressor and repressor. This figure possibly represents the Dutch Republic as a whole or the

'every man' of Dutch society. In this reading, the press bed can be viewed as a kind of altar, on which the man is being tortured, diminished and violated for the monarch's personal gain. This image points to the king's inability to control the Dutch except through tyrannical means, since he must sacrifice a mortal to obtain the land he desires to defeat. What is revealed here is that territories and control are gained only through the oppression of others. By sacrificing the Dutchman on the altar of the printing press,

Louis XIV presses towards the establishment of a universal monarchy.

This image of the Dutchman on the printing press with liquid spewing from his orifices resonates with the history of the printing press. In its original context, the mechanism of the printing press was used for wine production. The wheel was tumed to press juice from grapes, in preparation for maceration. This reading opens up the possibility that the printed image works as a visual pun in the association of the printing press with wine production. The affiliation of the printing press and wine production creates an Eucharistie or Bacchic association. This is particularly intriguing if one sees the idealized theatrical space of the print as possibly a nave of a church, where the press bed is the altar over whieh the French king-in the allegorical form of the fleur de lys, asserts his divine rights, and the liquid spewing from the orifices of the Dutchman takes on the shape of an altar clotho While the assertion of the divine rights of the king is implieit, this is also mocked as he does not effortlessly or solely

72 assert these rights here. Rather, the king's divinity requires the laborious work of mortals-the aristocrat and soldier- whom he forcefully instructs to carry out his desires.

The liquid terri tories that are forced from the body of the Dutchman takes on a map-like form. The liquid map is composed of the names of villages and towns, and the demarcations of lines seem to indicate mountain ranges. The pressing of the

Dutchman to obtain territory addresses the king' s desire to control both territory and knowledge. The obtaining of a map through barbarous means obscures the inteHectual component of the cartographie interest. It also reveals the monarch's attempt to control the dissemination of knowledge to his people, as maps were used as tools of propaganda. The press not only takes the territories from the Dutchman, but the press extorts knowledge from the individual being pressed. In this image, the monarch is attempting to control knowledge, freedom of thought, the life and the land of the pressed Dutch man. This small, isolated control of one individual in a virtual space thus symbolizes the king's attempts to control aH of European society.

Baroque Stagecraft and the Making ofa Universal Monarchy

As Chandra Mukerji has argued, the legitimization ofthe ancien regime required a great deal of stagecraft. 177 The theatrical monarchy of Louis XIV was mainly played out on the stage of Versailles, and the architectural structure of Versailles

177 Chandra Mukerji, Territorial Ambitions and the Gardens of Versailles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997) 1.

73 communicated the power of Louis XIV. Marin interprets the architecture of Versailles

as the representation of the body of the king. 178 He argues that the symmetrical, classical, and perfect architecture worked as a prosthetic extension of the king's body.

Versailles also illustrated the monarch's control over nature; the architecture and

gardens were a prosthetic expression ofhis omnipotence. 179 In the print, the printmaker satirizes the control of nature by inserting potted, manicured plants equidistantly dispersed along the entablature of the colonnade. These potted plants are the only depiction of nature in the image, and this controlled, contained nature adds to the description ofthis virtual space as the site of absolutism. The theatricality, precision and control of Louis XIV are further elaborated in the structural and visual arrangement of the print. The gridded fIoor and colonnades form the boundaries that create the stage. The classicallanguage is further developed in the movement and bodies of the soldier and aristocrat. The image maker again draws on the style and language of canonical portraiture in his depiction of the two Frenchman in ballet poses moving elegantly around the larger than life size printing press. The classical reference to ballet, and indirectly to bodily containment and control, mocks the body of France and therefore, the body of Louis XIV.

More specifically, the classical style, which was the preferred style of Louis XIV, is satirized in the juxtaposition with the grotesque body of the prostrated Dutchman.

The structural arrangement of the setting creates a theatrical quality in the shallowness,

178 Marin, Portrait ofthe King, 193.

179 Sarah R. Cohen, Art, Dance and the Body in French Culture ofthe Ancien Régime (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000) 74.

74 containment, centralization and control of the space. Here, 1 propose that this visual representation incorporates the French Press into the baroque stagecraft of the court at

Versailles. The ideal classical colonnades and entablature mirror those at Versailles, yet the printmaker seems to satirize the stability of classical architecture in juxtaposition with the uncontrolled amoeba-like map that spews from the Dutchman at the center of the image. This could be read as a commentary on the instability of the stagecraft of Versailles. In this contrast, we see the language of classicism vying with that of the grotesque.

The Dutch identity of the victimized body points to the printmaker's awareness of Louis XIV' s complete disdain towards the Dutch Republic. On nutnerous occasions, Louis XIV openly expressed an antipathy for the Dutch. He was known to have uttered, "enlevez-moi ces grotesques" in reference to Dutch painting and style.

He also brazenly called the Dutch Republic "the Republic of FrogS.,,180 In the print, this kind of characterization of the Dutch is articulated in the prostrated Dutchman.

While the two Frenchmen's movements are elegant and poised as they turn the printing press, the Dutchman's body is elongated, bodily fluids ejaculate from his orifices, his arms reach out for help and his face registers the pain of the situation.

Thus, the classical and the grotesque bodies create a point of contrasting interests in the image.

180 "Remove these grotesque (marks/styling)." William and Ariel Durant, The Age ofLouis XIV (New York: Simon and Schusler, 1963) 89 and Jurieu, 12.

75 According to Mikhail Bakhtin, the grotesque stands in opposition to the classical style. 181 It is the other to the Greco-Roman orders, perfect harmony and containment expressed through classical articulation. Thus, the classical body represents the ideals of immortality and perfection, while the grotesque body is open, depicting the mortalityofthe lived body. 182 In the print, the image maker tums the workshop of absolutism into an intersection of the classical and the grotesque. This not only associates Louis XIV and the work of His Majesty with the grotesque, but it devalues the space of kingship. As Bakhtin argues, the grotesque body found its home in the marketplace and carnival. l83 The presence of the grotesque in a monarchical space' mixes different ,social domains and takes away from the grandeur of the king. It also implies that his actions result in grotesque deeds-the pressing of an innocent man or symbolically, the pressing of the Dutch Republic. In this representation of the grotesque body, we thus see the antithesis of the classical and monarchical ideals of order, decorum and civility. As Bakhtin argues, the grotesque "discloses the potentiality of an entirely different world, of another order, another way of life. It leads man out of the confines of the apparent (false) unity of the indisputable and stable.,,184 In this print, the grotesque body is used to interrogate the false unities and stability created by the preferred classical idiom of the French monarchy.

181 Mikhail Bakhtin, Rabelais and his world (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984) 6, 62.

182 Ibid, 18, 26, 62,

183 Peter Stallybrass and Allon White, The Polilies and Poeties of Transgression (Cornell: Cornell University Press, 1986) 28.

184 Bakhtin, 48.

76 The Laboring Body and the Making ofa Universal Monarchy

While the theatrics of Versailles are satirized, so is the labor that buttresses the power of Louis XIV. By seventeenth-century standards, it would seem that Versailles and the Trianons were literally erected overnight. 185 Unlike official images (figs. 7, 8,

9, 10) and political theories, which represent the king effortlessly fulfilling his desires, here, the printmaker focuses on the laboring body. In Portrait ofthe King, Louis

Marin argues that visual representations of Louis XIV did not depict the labor behind the actions of the king. 186 Rather, representations of the monarch presented him as semi-divine-both omnipotent and omnipresent, who' controlled throll;gh the force of his will alone. However, in Presse Francoisse the printmaker emphasizes the work behind the will of the king.

In his chapter entitled The Magician King, Marin articulates the magician effect of Louis XIV, who employed thousands of workers to ensure that his architectural constructions would seem to be instantaneous constructions. 187 This magician effect was not unique to architecture, and Louis XIV went to great lengths to mask aIl of his labors in order to create the facade of a human deity. According to

Madame de Sévigné and Louis de Rouvroy, the duke of Saint Simon, both residents at the court at Versailles, the accelerated construction of Versailles effectively gave the

185 Thousands upon thousands of workers were brought in to work on His Majesty's palace. Many of these workers died while working and their bodies were buried and built over. Arkwright, 53.

186 Louis Marin, Portrait ofthe King (Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis Press, 1988), 196.

187 Ibid, 196-8.

77 appearance that Louis XIV willed the Chateau into existence. 188 While it is humanly impossible for a monument of such magnitude to suddenly appear, the observations of both Madame de Sévigné and the duke of Saint Simon stress that the laborious process of construction was masked. Workers constructed the palace late into the night using artificiallight. The sheer number of workers sped up the process of construction, creating an iUusionary effect that the palace was wished into existence. As the duke of

Saint Simon noted, the construction of Versailles was so rapid that workers who died from exhaustion were buried in the foundation. 189 And, according to Marin, the monarch directed the attentions of the courtiers in residence away from the construction. Thus, when a monument was completed even those residing at the palace were astonished at the seemingly labor-Iess process of its creation. 190 By foregrounding labor, therefore, the satirical printmaker reverses the usual conventions.

In contrast to official images, the printed image emphasizes the labor behind the seemingly perfect control of the king by exposing the workforce behind Louis

XIV' s agenda. The printmaker depicts the work behind obtaining territorial gain and asserts that the "divinity" of Louis XIV did not grant him special privileges of obtaining land. Rather, like aU mortals, the king is required to work at obtaining his desires. Here, the printmaker may be playing with the idea that the Frenchmen are directed by the will of the king. They seem to seek the approval of an external viewer, presumably the king, who sought at this time to control both the Dutch Republic and

188 Arkwright, 53.

189 Ibid, 63.

190 Marin, Portrait ofthe King, 196-8.

78 the printing press. In this image, the printmaker depicts the physical suffocation of a man's body by the king. The suffocation occurs as a result of the king's desire to obtain territories to build a universal monarchy. Here, the printmaker illustrates the laborious process of territorial gain. Thisjest humanizes the immortal body of the king as he can not obtain territories from the Dutch through the force ofhis semi-divine will alone. Rather, he orchestrates his courtiers and soldiers to actively and physically extract the information from the man, betraying the fact that he does not have immortal powers. Instead he is simply a man who exerts power over the man he tortures.

In this way, the printmakers seem to overtu~ the usual erasure of labor that was central to the absolute mIe of Louis XIV. It is useful to compare this image to contemporary images of the printer's workshop (fig. 10). In a French print from the

1660s, the workers are clothed in common garb and they appear to exert a lot of effort to work the printing press. They use the modem press of the day, rather than the archaic sponge-press illustrated in the satirical print. This press involves pulling down on a lever that brings a heavy slate down on to the press bed. The weight transfers the ink to the paper. In the satirical image, the image maker recreates the printer's workshop, but the resemblance to the common printer's work shop is used to satirize the work of Louis XIV. It is significant that the printmaker depicts upper class costumes, aristocratic gestures and a classical setting, for this creates a distance between the actual printers and the king's workers. In this way, the distance between the monarch and the common people is emphasized. At the same time, the appropriation of the printer' s workshop creates a link between the king and his people.

79 The satirieal image thus seems to allude to the idea that the king must ereate a perfeet distance between himself and his subjects, which is neither too removed nor too close.

The classical architecture, the facades and theatrically poised bodies set this space apart from the common workshop. While the very setting of the printer' s workshop conveys a space of labor, where men in work clothes busily print newsletters, gazettes and books, the setting of the print Presse Francoisse aggrandizes the workshop setting. But both settings-in their simplicity and grandeur---emphasize that the process of printing is mechanized, where each man knows his role in the process. The final result is a well constructed machine consisting of the workers, printing presses, and printed word. According to Jean-Marie Apostolidès, as the' embodiment of the state, the king's body becomes a machine. 191 ln relation to Presse

Francoisse, 1 would argue that the depiction ofthis workshop seems to represent the machine of the state. In this reading, the printmaker illustrates the inner workings of absolutism, where the king assumes absolute control and the state is an extension of his body. Rather than focus on the divinity, immortality, and power of the body of the king, the printmaker emphasizes that the king relies on the servitude of the aristocracy to work the machine of the state. As a depiction of the machinery behind absolutism, the image exposes Louis XIV's strategies and methods of goveming. The courtiers become extensions of the machine, acting as the instruments of the king and revealing that nothing.occurs instantaneously at the wish of the king. Rather, he must order others to carry out his work. The image predicts the dangers of absolutism, which was the obvious direction of the French court at this time.

191 Jean-Marie Apostolidès, Le Roi-Machine (Paris: Les Editions de Minuit, 1981) 12.

80 The contrast to a laborer' s workshop in Presse Francoisse is particularly apt when one considers the relationship between the depicted courtiers and the monarch.

The Bourbon Dynasty, particularly under Louis XIV, reversed the noble-monarchial relationship.192 Prior to the role of Louis XIV, the power of the nobility was secured through family lineage and history. The monarch sought to stay in favor with the nobles in an effort to avoid dissent and uprising. However, the declaration of an absolute role divested the nobility of their lands and status. This resulted in a graduaI role reversai, instigated by Louis XIV. As a result, it was increasingly the courtiers who had to affirm their origins through service to the king. It was said by the duke of

Saint Simon that'a man's status il?- the court was directly related to hÏs service to the king, and that anyone in good service to the king obtained a title at the court. 193 As a result, the courtiers were turned into puppets and lived in constant fear of displeasing the king and thus falling from favor. 194 The printmaker consciously mocks this role reversaI as he demonstrates how the elegant, aristocratie, high ranking men have been turned into servants, who stoop to manuaIIabor in order to serve their king.

Conclusion

As 1 have argued, the print entitled Presse Francaisse, Hal/and Gives Al/ the

Villages and Tawns that the King wants ta Have represents the workshop of

192 Jurieu, 13.

193 Arkwright, 68.

194 1 allude to the study of the court of Louis XIV in Norbert Elias, The Court Society, (Oxford: Blackwell, 1983) 41.

81 absolutism in order to satirize the strategies and methods of Louis XIV's kingship.

The issues of censorship, surveillance, the oppression ofknowledge, Franco-Dutch relations and the baroque stagecraft of Versailles are aU addressed here. The image maker consciously plays with the 'magician effect'-the king's suppression oflabor, and reveals to the viewer the labor of torture that the king directs and condones. As a result, we see that the court is not the site ofroyal alchemy. OveraU, the printmaker displays the French king's ambitious desire to create a universal monarchy-to take all that he wants to have-without regard to the procedures or consequences of his actions.

Unlike the previous satirical images investigated in my thesis, this print bluntly highlights the goveming maneuverings of absolutism. The printinaker asks the audience to consider the possibility that in his efforts to control Europe, the king has actually lost control ofhis body, of France and his conquests. The print reads as a waming against a form of grotesque absolutism infiltrating the Dutch Republic and the dangers of a ruler who will stop at nothing to exp and his terri tories.

82 Conclusion Juxtaposition: The Body of the King in Satirical and Canonical Imagery

From this examination of four satirical images-Louis the Usurper, La Chute de

Phaèton, Louis as Satyr: Louis XIV and Madame de Montespan, and Presse

Francoisse--it can be concluded that these caricatures of the king were used as effective weapons to critique Louis XIV's absolute society. The image makers delighted in mocking the canonical platform of royal portraiture. In particular, they

. made visible the weaknesses of a mortal king in contrast to representations that made claims about the powers of an immortal monarch. As 1 have argued, these specifie images play with the notion that the body of Louis XIV was not merely the corporeal body of the king, but also the body politic. In contrast to the classical idiom of

Academic artists, satirical imagery frequently depicted the king's grotesque body. By satirizing Louis XIV's unbridled passions, these visual representations of the grotesque body often draw attention to the ways in which Louis' body exceeded its own boundaries. In doing so, the image makers consciously blurred the physical boundaries ofthe king's body in order to caU into question the larger issues about the body politic.

The printed image entitled Louis the Usurper questioned the motives and incentives of Louis XIV's cartographie interests, architectural conquests and territorial ambitions by depicting the uncontroUed body of the king. This incisive mocking is achieved through the construction of the king's body, which is composed entirely of

83 territories he has ingested and is unable to control. By making fun of the king's physical body, this print also critiques his political agenda. In the printed image entitled La Chute de Phaèton, and the oil painting entitled Louis as Satyr: Louis XIV and Madame de Montespan, the image makers used the established tradition of allegory to invest power in these satirical images in order to unveil the man behind the myth. Rather than depict Louis XIV as Apollo, they aligned him with mortal mythological characters. In these two images, Louis XIV is represented as Phaeton or as a satyr, which implies that the French king is merely a man driven by his insatiable appetites. Finally, in the print entitled Presse Francoisse, Hol/and Gives Al/ the

Villages and Towns that the King Wants to Have the printmaker used the Academic language of style and compositional arrangement to critique the workshop of absolutism, which employed censorship, surveillance, and the oppression of knowledge to fulfill the desires of Louis XIV. Here, the laboring body and theatrics of the state are satirized as the c1assicallanguage of the court isjuxtaposed with the grotesque body of the Dutchman. In the visual mixing of the grotesque and the classical; this satirical display plausibly suggests that the king has lost control of his personal as weIl as his political body.

This thesis proposes that the success of these specific satirical images lies in their reliance on canonical imagery generated by the Academy. The appropriation of the artistic styles and thematic interests of Academie works allowed the satirical image makers to address the discrepancies between the actual physical, mortal man who was

Louis XIV and the many visual representations that created an image of an immortal and god-like king. This type of satire thus reveals the image makers' awareness and

84 understanding of the complex relationship between power and representation in the agenda of absolutism. In each ofthese images, the image makers display the French king's ambitious desire to usurp power and territory without regard to procedures or consequences of his actions. The satirists take up these serious issues in a humorous fashion, to immediately impact viewers. As Victor Hugo proc1aimed in the nineteenth century, "remember, you create laughter and laughter leadsto thought.,,195 This seems to be the aim ofthe satirists. Through laughter, viewers engage with images that prompt them to think about the mechanisms of state power. In the final analysis, this is the danger of the satirical image-its ability to initiate potentially dangerous thought.

195 Robert Justin Goldstein, Censarship afCaricature in Nineteenth-Century France (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1989) 121.

85 Figures

Figure 1: Anonymous, Louis the Usurper, Late Seventeenth-Century.

86 Figure 2: Anonymous, La Chute de Phaèton in Der Erfahrte Hann, Late Seventeenth Century.

87 Figure 3: Joseph Werner, Louis as Satyr: Louis XIV and Madame de Montespan, 1670.

88 Figure 4: Anonymous, Presse Francaisse: Hal/and Gives Al/ the Vil/ages and Tawns that the King Wants ta Have, 1672-73.

89 ! ;1

Figure 5: William Thackeray, 'An Historical Study' frontispiece to Titmarsh, 1840.

90 Figure 6: Hyacinthe Rigaud, Louis XIV, 1701.

91 Figure 7: Henri Testelin, Louis xrv, Protector ofthe Arts, 1666.

92 Figure 8: Joseph Werner, Triumph ofLouis XIV, 1664

93 Figure 9: Paolo Veronese, Feast in the Bouse ofSimon, 1570,

94 Figure 10: Abraham Bosse, A Printer's Workshop, 1642, Copper engraving

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