SIS 801 Schools of Thought in International Relations
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Asian Political and International Studies Review Amitav Acharya (2015) Identity Without Exceptionalism: Challenges for Asian Political and International Studies Asian Political and International Studies Review Vol. 1, No.1: 1-11 Stable URL: http://www.apisa.org/review/Acharya_1_1.pdf Open Access Publication Creative Commons License Deed Attribution-No Derivative Works 3.0 Asian Political and International Studies Review, Volume 1, No.1: 1-11 Identity Without Exceptionalism: 1 Challenges for Asian Political and International Studies Amitav Acharya The area studies tradition is a double-edged sword. In a society notoriously devoted to exceptionalism, and to endless preoccupation with “America”, this tradition has been a tiny refuge for the serious study of foreign languages, alternative worldviews, and large-scale perspectives on sociocultural change outside Europe and the United States. Bedeviled by a certain tendency toward philology (in the narrow, lexical sense) and a certain overidentification with the regions of its specialization, area studies has nonetheless been one of the few serious counterweights to the tireless tendency to marginalize huge parts of the world in the American academy and American society more generally. Yet the area-studies tradition has probably grown too comfortable with its own maps of the world, too secure in its own expert practices, and too insensitive to transnational processes both today and in the past. So criticism and reform are certainly in order, but how can area studies help to improve the way that world pictures are generated in the United States? (Arjun Appadurai, 1996, p.17) It is a great honour for me to have been invited to deliver the keynote address to the inaugural workshop of the Asian Political and International Studies Association. -
Stretching the IR Theoretical Spectrum of Debate on Irish Neutrality: Arguments and Evidence in Favor of a Critical Social Constructivist Framework of Understanding
An Article Submitted to International Political Science Review Manuscript 1105 Stretching the IR theoretical spectrum of debate on Irish neutrality: arguments and evidence in favor of a critical social constructivist framework of understanding. Karen Devine* * Dublin City University [email protected] Copyright c2007 by the author. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. ABSTRACT . In a 2006 IPRS article, entitled Choosing to Go It Alone: Irish Neutrality in Theoretical and Comparative Perspective, Neal G. Jesse argues that Irish neutrality is best understood through a neoliberal rather than a neorealist IR theory framework. This article posits an alternative ‘critical social constructivist’ framework of understanding of Irish neutrality. The first part of the article considers the differences between neoliberalism and social constructivism and argues why critical social constructivism’s emphasis on beliefs, identity and the agency of the public in foreign policy are key factors explaining Irish neutrality today. Using public opinion data, the second part of the paper tests whether national identity, independence, ethnocentrism, attitudes to Northern Ireland and efficacy are factors driving public support for Irish neutrality. The results show that public attitudes to Irish neutrality are structured along the dimensions of independence and identity, indicating empirical support for a critical social constructivist framework understanding of Irish neutrality. Key words : ● critical social constructivism ● neutrality ● Ireland ● public opinion _______________________________________________________________ 1 Stretching the IR theoretical spectrum of debate on Irish neutrality: arguments and evidence in favor of a critical social constructivist framework of understanding. -
Book Review: Amitav Acharya: East of India, South of China: Sino-Indian
www.ssoar.info Book Review: Acharya, Amitav (2017), East of India, South of China: Sino-Indian Encounters in Southeast Asia ANG, Cheng Guan Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Rezension / review Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: ANG, C. G. (2018). Book Review: Acharya, Amitav (2017), East of India, South of China: Sino-Indian Encounters in Southeast Asia. [Review of the book East of India, South of China: Sino-Indian Encounters in Southeast Asia, by A. Acharya]. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 37(3), 200-202. https://nbn-resolving.org/ urn:nbn:de:gbv:18-4-11545 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-ND Lizenz (Namensnennung- This document is made available under a CC BY-ND Licence Keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu (Attribution-NoDerivatives). For more Information see: den CC-Lizenzen finden Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/3.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/3.0/deed.de Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs Book Review ANG, Cheng Guan (2018), Amitav Acharya: East of India, South of China: Sino-Indian Encounters in Southeast Asia, in: Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 37, 3, 200–202. URN: http://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:gbv:18-4-11545 ISSN: 1868-4882 (online), ISSN: 1868-1034 (print) The online version of this article can be found at: <www.CurrentSoutheastAsianAffairs.org> Published by GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Institute of Asian Studies and Hamburg University Press. -
Coping with the Security Dilemma: a Fundamental Ambiguity of State Behaviour Andras Szalai Central European University
Volume 2 (2), 2009 AMBIGUITIES Coping with the Security Dilemma: A Fundamental Ambiguity of State Behaviour Andras Szalai Central European University Abstract he wording of international treaties, the language and actions of statesmen are often T ambiguous, even controversial. But there is a different, more fundamental ambiguity underlying international relations; one that is independent of human nature or the cognitive limitations of decision makers but instead results from the correct adjustment of state behaviour to the uncertainties of an anarchical international system. Due to the anarchical nature of the international system — the lack of a sovereign — states can only rely on their own strength for self-defence. But self-protection often threatens other states. If a state purchases armaments, even if it claims not to have aggressive intents, there is no sovereign to enforce these commitments and there is no way of being certain that the purchasing state is telling the truth, or that it will not develop such intents in the future. The so- called security dilemma has a number of effects on state behaviour. First, states often worry about implausible threats (see e.g. British defence plans against a possible French invasion in the 1930s) and/or get caught in arms races. Second, states develop an inherent mistrust in the language of the other, requiring commitments to be firm and unambiguous in order to be credible, since ambiguity invites conflicts and renders cooperation more difficult. Still, on the one hand, instead of a world of constant mistrust, we register instances of institutionalized inter-state cooperation. On the other hand, states often choose to make commitments that are deliberately ambiguous and outperform more transparent commitments. -
Amitav Acharya and the Making of Southeast Asia
Amitav Acharya. The Making of Southeast Asia: International Relations of a Region. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2012. 240 pp. $26.95, paper, ISBN 978-0-8014-7736-2. Reviewed by Shaun Narine Published on H-Diplo (September, 2013) Commissioned by Seth Offenbach (Bronx Community College, The City University of New York) Amitav Acharya’s new book The Making of As Acharya notes, The Making of Southeast Southeast Asia: International Relations of the Re‐ Asia incorporates and expands upon The Quest gion is a direct sequel to his book The Quest for for Identity, adding two new chapters. Chapter 2 Identity: International Relations of Southeast of the book updates the theoretical discussion and Asia, published by Oxford University Press in attempts to respond to some of the criticisms 2000. Acharya’s basic concern is the following: to elicited by the earlier book. Chapter 8 delves what extent is it possible to imagine Southeast deeply into the political, economic, and institu‐ Asia into existence as a distinct and meaningful tional developments that have shaped the region political and geographical region? Acharya is since 2000. The book consists of nine chapters. Be‐ widely regarded as the foremost scholar and sides the two chapters already mentioned, chap‐ champion of the application of constructivist ter 1 deals with the changing understanding of thinking to Southeast Asia. This book reinforces Southeast Asia. Chapter 3 begins the historical that approach while still offering a subtle and overview by discussing the precolonial pattern of complex analysis of regional identity in Southeast interstate relations in the region that is Southeast Asia. -
The Lost and the New 'Liberal World' of Welfare Capitalism
Social Policy & Society (2017) 16:3, 405–422 C Cambridge University Press 2016. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/S1474746415000676 The Lost and the New ‘Liberal World’ of Welfare Capitalism: A Critical Assessment of Gøsta Esping-Andersen’s The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism a Quarter Century Later Christopher Deeming School of Geographical Sciences, University of Bristol E-mail: [email protected] Celebrating the 25th birthday of Gøsta Esping-Andersen’s seminal book The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (1990), this article looks back at the old ‘liberal world’ and examines the new. In so doing, it contributes to debates and the literature on liberal welfare state development in three main ways. First, it considers the concept of ‘liberalism’ and liberal ideas about welfare provision contained within Three Worlds. Here we are also interested in how liberal thought has conceptualised the (welfare) state, and the class-mobilisation theory of welfare-state development. Second, the article elaborates on ‘neo-’liberal social reforms and current welfare arrangements in the English-speaking democracies and their welfare states. Finally, it considers the extent to which the English-speaking world of welfare capitalism is still meaningfully ‘liberal’ and coherent today. Key words: Welfare regimes, welfare state capitalism, liberalism, neoliberalism, comparative social policy. Introduction Esping-Andersen’s The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Three Worlds hereafter) has transformed and inspired social research for a quarter of a century. -
Why Govern? the Strategic, Functional, and Normative Logics of Global Governance
Why Govern? The Strategic, Functional, and Normative Logics of Global Governance a Conference Report by One Earth Future and the UNESCO Chair in Transnational Challenges and Governance, American University Amitav Acharya, Conor Seyle, Blake Berger, Goueun Lee, and Kate Tennis one earth FUTURE P EACE T HROUGH G OVERNANCE 1 | Why Govern? The Strategic, Functional, and normative Logics of Global Governance Why Govern? The Strategic, Functional, and Normative Logics of Global Governance by Amitav Acharya, Conor Seyle, Blake Berger, Goueun Lee, and Kate Tennis September 2014 Executive Summary ● Global governance is a key subject of discussion for practitioners and researchers of international relations in the 21st century. As global governance institutions proliferate, new questions are arising related to understanding the structures and rationales of institutions. ● One line of questioning centers around why national or international entities would agree to be subject to institutions or regimes of global governance.. As global systems proliferate, what are the demands that lead to the creation of these systems, and what differences in institutional structure are visible in transnational governance? ● The conference “Why Govern? The Strategic, Functional and Normative Logics of Global Governance” was organized to address these and other questions, and was held at American University on October 3–5, 2013. It was organized by the UNESCO Chair in Transnational Challenges and Governance and its network (Transnational Challenges and Emerging Nations Dialogue), and the One Earth Future Foundation, of Broomfield, Colorado. ● 28 international relations scholars spent two days in discussion. The following key themes emerged: ▪ Demand for global governance can be based on strategic, practical, and normative bases, but these different demand systems often overlap. -
A Brief Overview of Alexander Wendt's Constructivism Written by Zhan Mengshu
A Brief Overview of Alexander Wendt's Constructivism Written by Zhan Mengshu This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. A Brief Overview of Alexander Wendt's Constructivism https://www.e-ir.info/2020/05/19/a-brief-overview-of-alexander-wendts-constructivism/ ZHAN MENGSHU, MAY 19 2020 For decades, the theory of International Relations was dominated by two approaches: realism and liberalism. Constructivism had been marginalized by these mainstream theories because it focused on social construction instead of material construction (Barkin, 2017). The turning point came late in the 1980s as the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War made people reconsider the explanatory ability of mainstream theories (Hopf, 1998). Consequently, a new debate emerged. Under this, the development of Alexander Wendt’s constructivist theory gained attention in academia and began to stand out (Lapid, 2007). Wendt published ‘Anarchy is What States Make of It: The Social Construction of Power Politics’ in 1992. In this paper he revealed the limitation of the concept of anarchy from the neorealist and neoliberal theories in explaining international relations (Wendt, 1992). In 1999 he further developed the theory in Social Theory of International Politics. In the book, Wendt opened up a moderate lane in the development of constructivist theory (Guzzin & Leander, 2001) and essentially created a ‘thin’ constructivism. That is, Wendt recognizes the main points of materialism and individualism, as well as a scientific methods of social inquiry. -
The Debate on American Hegemony
The USS Vandegrift. (Credit: Expert Comment meunierd/Bigstockphoto.com) The debate on American hegemony Copyright © 2019 by Dialogue of Civilizations Research Institute The right of Brian C. Schmidt to be identified as the author of this publication is hereby asserted. The views and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the original author(s) and do not necessarily represent or reflect the views and opinions of the Dialogue of Civilizations Research Institute, its co-founders, or its staff members. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior written permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law. For permission requests, please write to the publisher: Dialogue of Civilizations Research Institute gGmbH Französische Straße 23 10117 Berlin Germany +49 30 209677900 [email protected] 1 Dialogue of Civilizations Research Institute The debate on American hegemony Brian C. Schmidt Ian Clark is correct when he writes that “the present state of the ‘hegemony debate’ is, to say the least, confusing” (Clark, 2009, p.24). The aim of this paper is to provide some conceptual and theoretical clarity on the diverse means by which the field of International Relations (IR) understands the concept of hegemony. A secondary aim is to consider what these different theoretical accounts of hegemony have to say about the debate on American hegemony. After reviewing several different definitions of hegemony, I find that the concept embodies two main ideas. -
Wendt's World
Review of International Studies (2000), 26, 151–163 Copyright © British International Studies Association Wendt’s world STEVE SMITH1 Alexander Wendt’s book, Social Theory of International Politics2, is published twenty years after Kenneth Waltz’s enormously influential Theory of International Politics3. The similarity in their titles is no coincidence4, since Wendt wants to build on the insights of Waltz’s realism5 and construct an idealist and holist account of international politics (not, note, international relations). In my view, Wendt’s book is likely to be as influential as Waltz’s. It is a superbly written and sophisticated book, one that has clearly been drafted and redrafted so as to refine the argument and anticipate many of the likely objections. I think that although I can anticipate the objections of both his rationalist and his reflectivist critics. I am also aware that he makes life difficult for them by defining his ground very precisely, and by trying to define the terms of any debate in which he might be engaged. Criticism of the book is not an easy task. The book is likely to become the standard account for those working within the social constructivist literature of International Politics. It is a book that has been eagerly awaited, and it will not disappoint those who have been waiting for Wendt to publish his definitive statement on constructivism. Wendt’s aim is nothing less than developing a middle way between rationalist and reflectivist theories of international relations. In his first two pages he outlines his position: he wants to defend a ‘moderate’, ‘thin’ constructivism both against those more mainstream scholars who reject all notions of social construction as ‘postmodernism’, and against those ‘more radical’ constructivists who will think that his approach does not go far enough. -
A Post-Mortem on the Ideas Debate in Mainstream IR/IPE
Review of International Studies (2003), 29, 39–60 Copyright © British International Studies Association DOI: 10.1017/S0260210503000032 Duelling constructivisms: a post-mortem on the ideas debate in mainstream IR/IPE JOHN KURT JACOBSEN* Abstract: The ideas debate in mainstream IR/IPE was generated by cumulative dissatis- factions with rational choice theory and with Realist tenets. This article examines the contours of this debate and explains how it reached its limit in the form of ‘conventional constructivism’, a bowdlerised form of critical theory and Gramscian cultural studies. ‘Context’ and Gramsci’s ‘common sense’, however, are sufficiently equivalent terms to enable productive conceptual connections across the intradisciplinary divide. The overarching obstacle remains the resistance of mainstream IR to integration with other social sciences. The experience of a critic putting one’s ideas ‘into context’ often rankles and sometimes with good reason. Except in the rare circumstances of equal status, goodwill and an unstinting search for common ground, as expressed perhaps in Habermas’ ideal speech situation, the exercise can be a subtly negating one that simply fits an adversary’s argument inside one’s own framework in order to tell them what they meant to say if only they had sufficient rigour and wit to do so.1 This tactic is commonly is wielded by mainstream scholars against those on the disciplinary fringes – and, whenever possible, vice versa. The rationales are, for the mainstream, that fringe frameworks such as critical theory and -
The Emergence of Human Security: a Constructivist View
International Journal of Peace Studies, Volume 14, Number 2, Autumn/Winter 2009 THE EMERGENCE OF HUMAN SECURITY: A CONSTRUCTIVIST VIEW Yu-tai Tsai Abstract In response to the end of the Cold War and the increasing pace of globalization, the concept of human security has taken on greater importance in international relations. This article argues that while conventional approaches to security studies focus on security community or security culture, the constructivist perspective offers additional conceptual tools through its insight into the issues of human consciousness, national identity, and interest formation. Hence, various phenomena of importance to international society can be better understood by applying the insights of constructivism to the concept of human security. The main purpose of this article is to explore human security as elucidated by the constructivist perspective. In light of this analysis, specific issues will be examined, including the relationship between human security and constructivism, the interpretation of human security by constructivist scholars, and the implications of human security for constructivism. ―The state remains the fundamental purveyor of security. Yet it often fails to fulfill its security obligations….That is why attention must now shift from the security of the state to the security of the people—to human security. ‖ —Commission on Human Security, 2003 20 The Emergence of Human Security Introduction The end of the Cold War and the increasing pace of globalization have given rise to fundamental changes in many of the paradigms employed in the social sciences. Amongst the various new ideas which have emerged, ―human security‖ has become somewhat of a buzzword.