THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM 

PietasAustriacaattheLisbonCourt

TheMonumentalChapelandFuneraryTombsbuiltbyCatherineofAustria intheSanJerónimosMonasticComplexinBelém

AnnemarieJordanGschwendȋ‡–”‘†‡ ‹•–×”‹ƒ†‡Ž±Ǧƒ”ǡ‹•„‘Ȍ



Prologue

In1570,atacrucialstageinherlifeandreign,CatherineofAustria(1507Ͳ1578),QueenofPortugal, decided to retire from politics and government.1 She sought official permission from court and church officials to leave Portugal and return to her native country of Spain, where she hoped to reside in a convent, living out the remaining years of her life in prayer and meditation. Although Catherinewasinspiredbyearlierprecedencediscussedbelow,shewasalsotroubledbyintriguesat theLisboncourt.By1570,afterhavingbeenpredeceasedbyherbelovedhusbandJohnIIIandher ninechildren,thequeenwasreadytoliveouttherestofherlifeinsolitude.

In 1498 the Dowager Queen Leonor of Portugal (1458Ͳ1525) had founded a new confraternity in Portugal dedicated to the Virgin of Mercy (Virgem da Misericordia), the primary purposeofwhichwastoassisttheindigent,illandvagabond,ransomcaptivesoftheMoors,shelter orphans,runhospitalsandhospices,promoteworksofcharity,andbuildconventsandchurches.2 Leonor, who earned a reputation in Portugal, as the ‘Perfect Queen’ (Rainha Perfeita), was celebratedbyhersubjectsforherChristianvirtues,charityandculturalpatronage.TheMadrede Deus convent of Franciscan nuns with its church in Xabregas on the city outskirts of Lisbon was foundedandbuiltbyLeonorin1519tohousetherelicsofSaintAutaandthe11,000VirginMartyrs thatshehadreceivedfromhercousinEmperorMaximilianIin1517.3Leonorbecameanexemplary modelforsubsequentPortuguesequeensandprincesses,andwasagreatsourceofinspirationfor Catherine of Austria. Following the Dowager Queen’s example, Catherine retired to the summer palaceofXabregasseveralyearsaftershegaveuptheregencyin1562,havingruledforhergrandson for five years. Catherine’s residence at Xabregas was situated near a princely retreat that her husbandJohnIIIhadbuilttherebetween1556and1557,basedondesignsbyFranciscodeHolanda.4 Catherine’s‘palace’wassituatedinquartersnearthepremisesofLeonor’sconvent,5towhichshe haddirectaccessviaaninteriordoorthatlinkedherapartmentswiththeMadredeDeuschurchand the chapel of the Passion of Christ, also known as the Capela do Espirito Santo.6 In the latter, Catherinebuiltatribunetoaccommodateherandherfemaleretinuewhenattendingattendmass.A contemporaryaccountdescribesCatherineleavingherapartmentsdailybymeansofacorridorto reachthesmallchurchwheresheheardmasswithherladiesandtheresidentSpanishAmbassador, Juan de Borja (1533Ͳ1606), when he was present.7 Catherine’s determination to lead a vita contemplativa completely removed from court politics and intrigues is reminiscent of other close

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Habsburg family members who sought seclusion and refuge within the precincts of a religious foundation.

ThedramaticdecisionofCatherinetochoosetoabandonthecountryshehadruledoveras queenforclosetofiftyyearswascertainlyinspiredbytheexampleofherelderbrotherEmperor CharlesV(1500Ͳ1558),whoabdicatedandmovedtoamonasteryatYusteintheExtremadura(in Spain)in1556.CatherineturnedtoherHabsburgnephewPhilipIIofSpainforguidance,supportand adviceregardingherretirement,8andthisdramaticmomentinCatherine’slifeisdocumentedbya numberofunpublishedlettersintheArchivoGeneraldeSimancas(Valladolid)exchangedbetween them,aswellaswiththeaboveͲmentionedSpanishAmbassadorinPortugal,JuandeBorja.9Thiswas thefirsttimeinherreignthatCatherinehadfeltincapableofconfrontingthechallengeswhichfaced her, in particular, her intractable grandson King Sebastian of Portugal (1554Ͳ1578). Sebastian had sinceearlychildhoodadamantlyrefusedtofollowhersoundadviceandheededhercounseleven less after he assumed the Portuguese crown in 1568. Catherine’s insistence that he marry and produceanheirforthethronebroughttheiralreadyfragilerelationshiptoagrindinghalt.Catherine hadtriedinvaintosecureamarriageworthyofSebastian’srank,seekingallianceswiththeValois courtinFrance,theHabsburgcourtsinSpainandAustria,andtheducalcourtinBavaria.Catherine hadbankedonbringingamarriageableprincesstoLisbonwhomshecouldeducatetobethefuture queenofPortugalanditsvastoverseasempire.However,hervariousmatrimonialplanstomarry Sebastian to Margaret of Valois, Isabella Clara Eugenia (daughter of Philip II), Isabel of Austria (daughterofEmperorMaximilianII),andMaximiliana(daughterofDukeAlbrechtVofBavaria)all metwithfailure.

By1570theelderlyqueenfeltemotionallyandphysicallyoverwhelmed,unabletofurther confrontSebastian’snonͲcomplianceandinsubordinationandthemultiplecourtfactionsalliedwith himandhisuncletheInfanteCardinalHenry(Henrique)(1512Ͳ1580),who,likeCatherine,hadserved asregentfortheyoungprincefrom1562to1568.Thequeendecideditwouldbebestforcourtand countryforhertoleave,andsheinitiatedcomplexnegotiationswiththeSpanishHabsburgcourtto verifyherrents,propertiesandwealthbothinPortugalandinSpain,sothatshecouldfinanceher existence in her future convent.10 However, her plans to depart to Spain were thwarted by her subjects, who refused to allow their beloved queen to go. Her departure officially impeded, the reluctant queen was compelled by duty and by her personal devotion to stay in Portugal and superviseanarchitecturalprojectwhichwouldhighlighttheendofherlifeandreign:therebuilding of the main chapel (the capela mor) of the Jerónimos monastery located in Bélem (Lisbon). The transformation of the former ornate Manueline chapel into a severe classicistic structure underscoresCatherine’sdesiretobuildachapelinanarchitecturalvernacularandstyleneverbefore deployed in Portugal, a desire coupled with an aspiration to leave a remarkable personal imprint uponthefabricofthismonumentalmonastery(figs.1Ͳ2).Catherine’spiety,religiosityanddevotion motivatedhertorebuildthecapelamorfirstbuiltbyherlatefatherͲinͲlaw,KingManuelI(r.1498Ͳ 1521),shortlyafterVascodaGamadiscoveredtheseaͲroutetoIndiain1498.11Hersenseofdutyand dedicationtotheAvisandHabsburgroyalhousesalsopromptedhertobuildapantheonworthyof herillustriousfamilies.





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Fig.1ExteriorviewoftheJerónimosMonasteryinBelém(Lisbon).ThesquareboxͲlike structureatthefarrightdemarcatesthecapelamorbuiltbyCatherineofAustria. Photo:JoséAntónioSilva. 



Fig.2FloorplanoftheJerónimoschurchwiththecapelamormarked intheyellowbox.Photo:publicdomain.



CatherineofAustria’sRoyalPantheonfortheAvisDynasty

ModelsandPrecedences:TheIdealHabsburgWidow

In 1530, shortly before her death, Catherine of Austria’s aunt Margaret of Austria (1480Ͳ 1530), regent of the Netherlands, made a pivotal decision to build a funerary monument in the Flamboyant Gothic style at Brou near BourgͲenͲBresse (France), in memory of her third husband, PhilibertIItheFair,DukeofSavoy,whohaddiedprematurelyattheageoftwentyͲfour.Margaret undertook this architectural project in fulfilment of a vow she had made just before her beloved husband died. The monumental chapel and tombs, which the regent intended as architectural

©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 209 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3 THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  expressionsofherpiety,wereattachedtoasumptuousmonasterywiththreecloisterserectedthere between 1506 and 1532. This funerary complex was to commemorate, in accordance with the teachings of the Spanish humanist and philosopher Juan Luis Vives (1492Ͳ1540), the glory of Margaret’sdeadhusbandandhisfamily.DuringherregencyMargarettooktofashioningherselfas the ideal widow, as Vives advised in his writings. His influential book, De institutione feminae Christianae,publishedinAntwerpin1524,definedmarriageasthelegitimateunionofonemanand one woman bound together for life. He strongly counseled widows to devote themselves to the memoryoftheirdeadhusbandsratherthantomarryagain.Vivesadvocatedabsolutefaithfulness and chaste abstinence for widows: advice that Margaret took to heart. The Brou church was conceivedofasavotivechapel,atempleofremembranceandasumptuoussettingforthreeprincely tombs: one for her husband Philibert the Fair, one for herself, and one for her motherͲinͲlaw, MargaretofBourbon.

 During the lifetime of her beloved father Emperor Maximilian I and during her marriages, Margarethadbeenproudofherrolesasexemplarydaughterandwife.Shewaseducatedtobea paragonofvirtuouswomanhood:agoodwife,loyal,trueandsubmissivetofatherandhusband.She assumedherwifelyattributeswithdedication,goingsofarastomendandsewclothesforthemen ofherimmediatefamily.Inoneletterdated17May1511,Maximilianexpressedhisdelightupon receivingshirtsmadebyhisdaughter,‘gratefulforthespecialcareandattentionshegiveshisbody, especiallysincethisyearhemustwearheavy,hardarmorinthefaceofwarandbattle.’12Margaret wasnot,however,theonlywomaninCatherineofAustria’sfamilytopromoteherselfastheideal spouse. Queen Isabel of Castile (1451Ͳ1504), Catherine’s grandmother, the woman she was later often compared with, and who had also been Margaret of Austria’s motherͲinͲlaw, set an even earlier precedence. Margaret’s second marriage to the heir of the Catholic Kings of Spain, Prince Juan,in1497,exposedhertotheexoticsplendorofIsabel’scourt,wheretheartisticandcultural influenceofIslamcoloureddailylife.Isabelwasahighlyeducated,scholarlywomanwholovedmusic andLatin;skilledinthedomesticartsofsewingandneedlework,shewaspraisedbycontemporaries formendingherhusband’sshirtswithherowndelicatehands.13Shewaswellreadinreligiousand secular works and especially fond of chivalric romances, and her library numbered nearly four hundredvolumes.SheguidedintellectuallifeinSpainandsolidifiedeconomic,cultural,artisticand dynastictieswithBurgundyandtheHabsburgterritories,whichculminatedinthemarriageofher son Juan with Margaret. Isabel would have considerable repercussions upon Margaret and later generationsofwomeninherfamily.

 MargaretofAustria’sthirdmarriagein1501toPhilibertII,DukeofSavoy,unitedhertoa ducalhousewithclosetiestotheFrenchcourt.ThisallianceconsolidatedHabsburgpowersouthof theAlpsandfurtheredherfather’sprestigeaswellashisdynasticandpoliticalaimsabroad.Their short marriage was marked by a magnificent itinerant court life marked by royal entries, jousts, dances, masques, theatrical productions and fêtes. They held court throughout the duchy, which extended from Lake Geneva to the Piedmont, at their palaces in BourgͲenͲBresse, Chambéry and Turin. Philibert’s untimely death in 1504 forced widowhood upon Margaret, who definitively returnedtoFlandersandrefusedallthemaritalalliancesthatMaximilianhopedshewouldcontract againfortheHabsburgdynasty.Notlongafter,Margarettooktofashioningherselfinthevisualarts, inparticular,inherofficialcourtportraits,asawidowinperpetualstateofmourning,adoptingthe

©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 210 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3 THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  motto:Fortune,Infortune,Fort,Une(Luck,MisfortuneMakesOneStrong),topromoteherimageas theidealChristianwidowdevotedtoherfamilyandtheHabsburgdynasty.14

PatronageprovidedHabsburgwomen,especiallyprominentwidowslikeMargaretwhowere liberated from marital duties and childbearing responsibilities, with creative and social outlets. Margaret and such of her female relations who were in control of their own financial resources undertookprojectsandartisticcommissionswhichnotonlypromotedtheinterestsoftheirnataland conjugal dynasties but also gave expression to their own personal piety within the context of the Church, in the form of family tombs, and the commissions of chapels with their decoration. This channel offered Habsburg female patrons the opportunity to exercise patronage outside of the private domain in the form of public piety.15 But these Habsburg women were not the only prominent patrons and collectors of their day to follow such a path: Isabella d’Este (1474Ͳ1539), Marquise of Mantua, similarly acknowledged the necessity for widows to succumb to political exigencies and carefully stage acts of public piety by way of religious commissions. The Habsburg womenwhodesignedtheirowntombscultivatedandnurturedapersonalagendapreoccupiedwith andfocuseduponselfͲpromotion,selfͲimaging,andthelegitimacyofstatus.

Inaddition,Margaretwasmotivatedbyherprincelymausoleumtoconsciouslycelebrateher ownfamilyatBrou,withtheintentofglorifyingtheBurgundianandHabsburgdynastiesinthismost publicofsettingsbyprominentlypositioninginthechancel’sfivestainedͲglasswindowsthecoatsof arms of these two royal houses. The church serves as a monumental platform which equally memorializesMargaretherself,withherprincelybackgroundandrankbeingdisplayedthroughout the church with personal heraldic emblems and devices. Her physical memoria is likewise rememberedherebyhersculpturalportrayal,withtheregentbeingrealisticallydepictedrecumbent onhertomb.BrouanditsconstructionessentiallyofferedMargaretofAustriatheopportunityto identifyherselfasacontemporaryArtemisiaofCaria,whohadbuilttheMausoleumatHalicarnassus in the fourth century BC. In the words of Margaret’s French contemporary Pierre de Bourdeilles, SeigneurofBrantôme,Brouwasa‘beautifulandsumptuousmemorial’thatfarsurpassedtheone erectedbyherancientfemalecounterpartArtemisia.16TheBroucomplexconstitutedanastuteact ofpoliticalselfͲfashioningonthepartofMargaret,whereheridentityasapiouswidowwasfirmly consolidated.

Assovereignandregent,Margaretwieldedmorepowerthanherdeadhusband,PhilibertII of Savoy, and her ultimate objective with Brou may have been to rival the imperial, monumental tombherfather,MaximilianI,projectedatInnsbruck.BesidesVives,Margaretwasmuchencouraged by Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim’s book On the Nobility and Excellence of Women, which he dedicatedtotheregentin1529,ayearbeforeherdeath,andinwhichheunconventionallypromotes thefullequalityofthesexes:‘Womenandmenwereequallyendowedwiththegiftsofspirit,reason andtheuseofwords;theywerecreatedforthesameendandthesexualdifferencebetweenthem willnotconferadifferentdestiny.’17

AdynasticmessagewasthereforeprojectedbyMargaretforBrou,andonethatwasnoless potentthanthepoliticalmessageswhichunderscoredthenumerousartisticcommissionsherfather undertook. As a selfͲfashioned, modern Artemisia, Margaret asserted herself both at the Flemish courtandinthemasculine,publicrealmofpoliticsandwar,withoutsacrificingherequality,power orinfluencewithintheHabsburgfamilynetwork.NordidMargaretcompromiseherroleasaruler,

©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 211 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3 THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  learnedscholarandcollector,becomingamodelandexampleforotherfemalerelatives,especially herniece,CatherineofAustria.Asafunerarycomplex,Brouestablishedaprototypeforasuccession ofHabsburgwomenandwidowswhofollowedMargaret’sexamplewiththeirownconceptionsof personal and family tombs, and in particular dynastic pantheons, such as the capela mor of the JerónimosmonasteryinBelémdedicatedtothememoryoftheAvizroyalhouse.

Margaret certainlyinfluencedCatherineofAustria’srebuildingofthe Manuelinechapelin thismonastery,erectedbyManuelIin1498tohonorthemaritimeexplorationsofthePortuguese. This royal pantheon was one of the few building projects Catherine would assume as a personal initiative. In doing she also broke new ground architecturally, replacing a lateͲGothic nave with a classicalstructureneverbeforeseeninRenaissancePortugal.Untilthisjunctureinherlifeandreign, Catherine’sarchitecturalpatronagehadbeenmoderateandconstrained.Shehadoftenshouldered thecostsofunfinishedbuildingprojectsinitiatedbyotherroyalswhichshefeltcompelledbydutyto complete,asshedidwiththeConventofNossaSenhoradaAssunçãoinFaro(Algarve)foundedby heraunt,theDowagerQueenLeonorofPortugal(1458Ͳ1525).Immediatelyafterherentryin1525, Catherineordered the courtarchitect,AfonsoPires,tosuperviseand completeitsconstructionin Faro,andby1541thefirstnunsoftheFirstOrderofSaintClareenteredthisconvent.18Untilthe Jerónimos project, Catherine’s religious patronage can be best defined as gifting convents and religiousinstitutionswithendowmentsanddonations,evenwithofferingsoffemaleblackslaves,19 preferring to leave architectural concerns in the hands of her husband, John III. As king, he used architecture toadvance personalideologies,andhisbuilding commissionsreflectvisions ofglobal ruleinwhichhepromotedhimself,asdidhisfatherManuelI,asdominusmundiofanewRoman empire.20Catherine’sinterestsinsecularorprofanebuildingprojectswerenotasambitious,until shebeganremodelingandtransformingtheJerónimoschapelintoafamilypantheon.

InthecapelamoratBelém,onbothsidesofthemainaltar,setwithinindividualarches,are four royal tombs in the form of sarcophagi, ornamented with giltͲbronze crowns resting upon caryatidsintheformofanelephant,anexoticanimalcloselyassociatedwiththeLisboncourtasa symbol of the Portuguese conquests (figs. 3Ͳ4).21 Catherine’s intent was to superimpose a severe, monumentalprogramontheornate,flamboyantdecoroftheJerónimoscomplex,whilethetombs reflect a hybrid intermingling of East and West. This was a conception where the exotic and the antiquewereperfectlyamalgamated.ThealtarpiececommissionedbythequeendepictingScenesof theLifeofChristmirrorsnotionsofimperialismandauniversalChristianmonarchycultivatedatthe Lisboncourt.22ThispantheonreflectsCatherine’sconcernwithherownselfͲimagingforposterity. NotunlikewhatwasthecasewithMargaret’sfunerarycomplexatBrou,shesoughttopromotetwo dynasties,firstandforemostfocusingontheAvizdynastywhileatthesametimelegitimizingher own association and status within the House of Habsburg. In essence, Catherine dedicated the JerónimoschapeltothememoryoftheAvizdynasty,whodividedtheworldwithHabsburgSpainin theRenaissance.

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Fig.3InteriorviewoftheJerónimoschurch.Viewofthecapelamor throughtheornateManuelinenave.Photo:publicdomain. 



Fig.4ThetombsofJohnIII(farleft)andCatherineofAustriaontheright sideofthecapelamorfacingthealtar.Photo:A.JordanGschwend. 

SobrietyandOpulence:TheHistoryofConstructionoftheCapelaMor(1563Ͳ72)

The capela mor underwent a complicated construction history before reaching its present form,startingwithseveralbuildingphasesinitiatedbyManuelIbeforethoseundertakenbyJohnIII andfinallyCatherineofAustria.23In1563,shortlyafterCatherine’sabdicationasregent,Sebastianof Portugal, under the influence of his grandmother, began remodeling the main chapel first constructedbyManuelI,whichhadbeendesignatedinhis1521testamentashismausoleum.Bythe endofCatherine’sregencyin1562,theManuelinechapelwasconsideredbythecourt‘toosmalland too low in height,’ despite transformations made by John III around 1551. Descriptions from this period,whichcouldshedmorelightonthechapel’solderappearance,havenotsurvived.By1569,all works in Belém were suspended upon Sebastian’s orders: fortifications on the African coast necessitatedfinancingfromthecrownandfundswerereͲdirectedforthesemilitaryrenovations.It

©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 213 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3 THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  was at this juncture that Catherine assumed responsibility as she had done for previous building projects,undertakingresponsibilityforthecompletionofthechapel’sremodelinganddefrayingall costsfromherpersonalincome.

SousaViterbowasthefirsttopublish,inhismonumentaldictionaryofPortuguesearchitects and engineers, the series of documents in the Torre do Tombo archive which outline this later constructionphasesupervisedbythequeen.24Thearchitectappointedmasteroftheroyalworksin 1571,JerónimodeRuão(JérômedeRouen,ca.1531Ͳ1601),sonofthesculptorJoãodeRuão(Jean deRouen),wascontractedbyCatherine.25TheplanconceivedwasatunnelͲlikebarrelvaultattached tothenaveofthemonastery(seefig.3),replacingtheolderstructurewhichwasformerlysquarein plan. This chapel was the first of its kind seen in Renaissance Portugal and was to exert great influenceuponlaterreligiousbuildings.26Inparticular,asthearchitecturalhistorianGeorgeKubler found, the distinctive contrast between the Manueline nave and the chapel sanctuary created a forbiddingantithesisbetweensacredandeverydayspace.Measuringthirteenmetersinlengthand slightlyovereightmetersinwidth,thechapelinteriorissevereandrestrained,inaformalclassicism thatcontrastsgreatlywiththesurroundingornatestyle(fig.5).





  Fig.5ThecapelamorbuiltbyJerónimode Fig.6PanelwithgrotesqueinthearchnexttoCatherineof Ruão.Photo:publicdomain. Austria’stombafteraFlemishmodel.Photo:A.Jordan  Gschwend.

SixteenwhitemarbleIoniccolumnssuperimposedbyaslenderCorinthianorder(disproportionatein scale)—intersected by six windows above and two below—surround the walls until the arch, supporting cornices that circumvent the vault. The opulent, luxurious play of colored marble revetment(blue,whiteandred),broughtfromVilaViçosa(Estremoz),isfinelycarved.Thecheckered floorlaidoutingeometricpatternsreflectsthissamecoloration.Atotalof224,960reaiswasspent on the cutting, polishing and transportation of the marble, all elements and details being highly carvedandfinelyexecuted.27Thevaultimitatesinstoneawoodencofferedceiling,inasimulationof woodpanelingthatiscarriedfurther inthewindowframesbelow,whicharecarvedlikewooden screens, projecting an illusionistic perspective meant to make the chapel appear larger than in reality. In each of the niches where the tombs are housed, carved in the upper registers of the

©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 214 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3 THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  arches,areveryplastic,illusionisticgrotesquescopiedafterFlemishengravingsdesignedbyCornelis BosandHansVredemandeVries(fig.6).

The documents published by Sousa Viterbo indicate that the window grates were embellished with brass plates costing 20,000 reais, which were later gilded, the gilding being commissionedfromthemetalͲfounderSimãodaRosa.AleixoPires,locksmithandmetalworker,was paid 40,000 reais for iron grates made for these same windows, while the tinͲsmiths, Diogo FernandezandSimãoFeio,werepaid50,000reaisforbalustersdescribedinFrei(orFrayinSpanish) Manuel Baptista de Castro’s seventeenthͲcentury chronicle of the Hieronymite order, Chronica do maximoDoutorePríncipedosPatriarchasS.Jeronymo,ParticulardoReynodePortugal.28Thesewere madeofbronzeandplacedabovethestepsleadinguptothechapel,whichclearlysegregatedthis spacefromthenave.Nowremoved,theymeasuredsixpalmosinheight(132cm).BaptistadeCastro relatesthatanothersetofgiltbronzegrates(intheformofspears)oncedividedthechapelfromthe presbytery. According to a contemporary 1572 account written by an anonymous courtier, the fenestration commissioned by Catherine of Austria came from Venice.29 The project was finally completedbyOctoberof1572.                 Fig.7ViewofCatherineofAustria’sTomb. Fig.8Detailwithoneelephantcaryatid Photo:A.JordanGschwend. holdingCatherineofAustria’ssarcophagus  withtusksofrealivory.Photo:A.Jordan  Gschwend.  Throughout, Jeronimo de Ruão displays a preference for contrasting surface pattern and soberlinearity.Onbothsidesofthechapel,setintoindividualarcades,arefourpyramidaltombsin the form of classical sarcophagi made of colored marble (pink and gray), resting on dark grayishͲ green marble elephant caryatids with real ivory tusks (figs. 7Ͳ8). Each elephant wears a different trapping or caparison; all eight were carved between 1571 and 1572 (fig. 9).30 Set on top of the sepulchersaregiltbronzeroyalcrownsrestingonrealisticallycarvedmarblepillowswithfourtassels (fig. 10). Catherine’s decision to display Portuguese regalia resting on richly appointed pillows adornedwithtrompeͲl’oeiltextileswasborrowedfromHabsburgephemeralcatafalquesdisplayedat

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 Fig.9ViewofthepairofelephantcaryatidsofCatherineofAustria’s tomb.Photo:A.JordanGschwend.  Fig.10ViewofCatherineofAustria’sbronzeroyalcrownrestingabove hersarcophagus.Photo:A.JordanGschwend.   royalexequiesandfunerals,prefiguringtheadornmentoftheatricalBaroquefunerarymonuments withregalattributes.  Each tomb bears cenotaphs with panegyric inscriptions in Latin composed by the court humanistAndrédeResende(1498Ͳ1573)(fig.11).Facingthealtartotheleft(theGospelside)arethe remains of Manuel I and his second spouse, Maria of Castile (1482Ͳ1517), while to the right (the Epistleside)arethoseofhissonJohnIIIandCatherineofAustria(seefig.4).Thequeenhadfirst planned to be buried with her husband on the Gospel side, which is considered more noble. However, her intentions were challenged by Cardinal Infante Henry, who claimed this privilege belongedexclusivelytohisfatherManuelIasfounderoftheJerónimosmonastery.Amarblealtar below the painted retable is encased with the same geometric patterns of circles, squares and lozenges,andthemutedcolorschemesofpinks,graysandwhiteusedthroughoutthechapel.Its table was described, in this same 1572 anonymous account, as a large block of porphyry, a particularlyhard,expensivestoneusedsinceAntiquityforsepulchersandmausolea.However,this stoneisnotnativetoPortugalandtheauthormusthaveconfuseditwithdarkredmarble,purple beingacolorlongassociatedwithroyalty. 

 Fig.11CatherineofAustria’sepitaph,composedby AndrédeResende.Photo:A.JordanGschwend. 

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Thelateralchapelsinthetranseptflankingthecapelamoremulatetheseverestyleusedby Ruãoforthemainchapel.TheypostͲdatethecommissionissuedbyCatherine,whomaynothave evenenvisagedtheirconception,andbecamearepositoryforprincesoftheAvizroyalfamilyafter 1580. Ten tombs are set within niches, made with the same contrasting play of colored marble. Amongthoseburiedhereare:Sebastian,Catherine’sgrandson,JohnIII’sbrothers,CardinalInfante Henry, former Regent and King of Portugal, Infantes Luis, Ferdinand and Afonso, and two of Catherine’schildrenwhodiedinearlyinfancy.Thereissomeconfusionastothedatesofexecution of these lateral chapels and whether Ruão himself undertook this later project. They were built sometime between 1587 and 1591. These later sarcophagi with Latin inscriptions also rest upon identicalmarbleelephants,asinthecapelamor.

The exterior of the capela mor is encased with a turreted square box with small round towers punctuated by small windows and a heavy bracketed cornice (figs. 12Ͳ13). Whether Ruão executedhisowndesignorcompletedonedrawnupearlierbyDiogodeTorralva(active1545Ͳ1566) hasremainedapointofcontention.Theoutsideechoestheinteriorsobrietyandisarchitectonically reminiscent of military structures, in particular towers. George Kubler dubbed this style the estilo chão,orplainstyle.Ruão’sintention,andtoadegreeCatherineofAustria’saspatron,wastoimpose dignity and majesty on the Jerónimos complex. By the midͲsixteenth century the Lisbon court evidently found the ornate Manueline style too outdated to convey the royal decorum and statelinessthequeenrequired.BoththeinteriorandexteriorofCatherine’scapelamordemonstrate acompletebreakwitholdertraditions,andtheintegrationofnovelarchitecturalidealsborrowed fromItalywasdeemedappropriatebyCatherine.31





              Fig.12Exteriorviewofthecapelamor.Photo:A.Jordan Gschwend. Fig.13Therearofthecapelamorwithits  fortified,towerͲlikeexteriorinastyle  GeorgeKublerdubbedtheestilochão.  Photo:A.JordanGschwend.  

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Catherinerenouncedherregencyin1562.In1563PiusIVbestoweduponherthePapalrose, the highest recognition granted by the Church to a Renaissance queen. The rose, made of gold branchesoftenembellishedwithjewels,symbolizedChrist’sloveandpassion,andwasgivenonrare occasions to royal monarchs and queens for services to the Church, as a token of reverence and affection.Despitehercapacityforgovernment,especiallyduringherregency(1557Ͳ1562),andthe recognition granted her by the Papacy, in the late 1560s Catherine was determined to retire to a conventinSpain.InlaterletterstoPopePiusVof1572seekinghisadviceandsupport,Catherine confided in him, mentioning her discontent about residing in Portugal and her persistent wish to leave:‘tambemdasrazõesqueeutenhoparaviverdescontentoeintentar,eaindaefectuarqualquer mudança.’32Herearnestintenttorelocatetwoyearsearlierhadbeenfullysupportedbyhernephew inSpain,PhilipII,withwhomshecultivatedclosepersonalties.TheSpanishkinghadevenproposed variouslocationsforhisaunt,firstamongthemCarmonaandBaeza.33ThenTalaveraandOcañawere consideredoptimalcitiesforthequeen’snewresidence,andwhenCatherinefinallysettledforthe latterlocation,muchtoPhilip’ssatisfaction,shedecidedtotravelthereviathepilgrimagechurchof Guadalupe(Extremadura).34Theseplanssoondisintegratedwhennewsofherimminentdeparture reachedgovernment,courtandchurchofficialsinPortugal.35Attheirinsistence,Catherineresigned herself to remaining in Portugal, removing herself to the Madre de Deus convent in Xabregas, determinedtocompletetheJerónimoschapelaccordingtohergrandiosevisionandintendingthis structuretobeherlastofficialundertakingaspatronandqueen.Despitehersatisfactionwiththe building,thequeen’sdesiretoleavethekingdomofPortugalpersistedlongaftershehadcompleted herpantheon.

A combination of motives lay behind Catherine’s rebuilding of the capela mor. Taking her auntMargaretofAustriaandBrouasoneexemplum,Catherinesoughttocreateherownmonument honoringherlatehusbandJohnIII,hisfatherManuelI,andtheAvisdynasty.Withhertomblocated in this sumptuous funerary chapel, Catherine also wished to glorify her Habsburg family. A third motivewastodemonstrateherpietyandherdevotiontothereligiousorderoftheHieronymites. The queen’s attachment to religious orders in Portugal throughout her reign,36 and in the closing years of her life to the Jeróminos monastery, did not differ from the devotion displayed by her HabsburgrelativesattheFlemishandSpanishcourts.HerbrotherCharlesVretiredtoaHieronymite monasteryatYuste,whichwasreconstructedtofithisspecificneedforadignifiedretreatandafinal restingplace.HernephewPhilipIIbuiltasuperlativeHabsburgpantheonattheEscorialmonastery, whileherniece,JuanaofAustria,conceivedtheideaofapersonaltombandmemorialencapsulated within the Convent of the Descalzas Reales in Madrid, which she founded in 1555 and whose institutional purpose was to be the leading spiritual center in Spain. In these monastic complexes Catherineandherimmediatefamilymadepublictheircommonconcernforsalvation,memoria,and remembrance.

Above all, Catherine’s commission reaffirmed the original intentions of Manuel I, who transferredcontrolofthemonasteryin1496fromtheOrderofChristtotheHieronymites,building thechurchin1498.Fromtheoutsethevisualizedthecomplexasaroyalpantheonincombination with a symbolic, iconographical program that was implemented throughout.37 In the medieval interpretationofkingshipManuelimagedhimselfasanOldTestamentking,andmorespecificallyas DavidLusitanus.ThisideologywasappliedinthedecorationandsculpturalprogramoftheJerónimos cloisterwherethePortugueseweredepictedasthenewlyelectedpeopleofGod,whobecauseof

©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 218 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3 THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  their maritime achievements and conquests in Africa and Portuguese Asia were able to spread Christianitytotheendsoftheglobe.ThecloistersculpturesshowManuelasthetriumphantmessiah surroundedbyVirtuesandbeingpromotedasthevictoriousleaderofthequasiͲmythologicaland historicalexploitsofthePortuguesediscoverers.Hisearlypantheonwasintendedasadignifiedfinal resting place for himself and his illustrious royal dynasty. André de Resende’s Latin epitaph on Manuel I’s tomb reconfirms this ideology: ‘To whom—from the western sands to where the sun rises—extendedthe cultandknowledgeofGod.Towhomso manysubjugatedkingsrelinquished theircrowns.Here,inthistomb,restsManueltheGreat.’

Inordertoensureeternalsalvation,Manuelstipulatedthatahundredmonksbededicated to the eternal service of the deceased royal souls. In her 1577 testament Catherine provided for merceeiros who would pray for herafter her death.38 Twenty people were appointed to the Jerónimosmonasteryforthispurpose:courtierswithlimitedfinancialmeanswerepaidanannual rentof20,000reaistoprayforthesoulsoftheroyalfamily,withpreciseinstructionsstipulatedby thequeenforthenumberofliturgicalservicesandprayerstobesaid.Thequeenpurchasedland neartheJerónimosmonasteryforhermerceeiros,inordertohousetheminthevicinityandfacilitate the carrying out of the functions of their offices: ‘tambem se lhes daram pera sua habitação e morada casas convenientes no sitio que pera ellas tenho mandado comprar perto do mosteiro de NossaSenhoradeBeleemondeestãoassepulturasdelreymeusenhorqueDeustememinha.’A plaque was hung in the sacristy listing all the perpetual masses and devotions to be said for the queenandJohnIII.Thus,therelationshipofthemainaltartotheroyaltombswasintendedtofulfill two functions: the service of God and the service of the dead. According to CounterͲReformation ideologyCatherineofAustriawascomplyingwithobjectiveslaiddownbytheCouncilofTrent:the intercessiononbehalfofthedeadandtheperpetualadorationofChristintheBlessedSacrament. ThecultofthehostgainedmomentuminPortugalpreciselyinthisperiod.Itwasprobablyatthis timethatJerónimoOsório(1506Ͳ1580),BishopofAlgarveandthequeen’sconfessor,dedicatedto Catherineatreatiseonthesacrificeofthemass,whichthecourthumanistconsideredoneofthe mostprofoundmysteriesoftheChristianreligion,entitledBrevesumariodoqueaReligiãochristiana insinaaçercadosacrificiodamissa.39Catherine’sdevotiontotheEucharistwaswellknownamongst conventsandchurchesinLisbon,40especiallytheMadredeDeus,forwhichchurchthequeenmade graycurtainsembroideredwithgoldforthetabernaclewheretheBlessedSacramentwasreserved.41

Thememorializationofdeceasedroyals,withstatuesinperpetualprayer,withinthecontext ofahighaltarsanctuarywascertainlynotnovel,especiallyinfuneraryartinFrance,Italy,Austriaand Spain.ContemporaryexamplescanfoundontombswithgisantsoftheBurgundiancourt(Dijon),on the tomb of the recumbent Mary of Burgundy in Bruges, on the monument to Maximilian I at InnsbruckwithitslifeͲsizebronzeportrayalsofhisHabsburgancestors,ontheroyalFrenchtombsat St.Denis,attheCartuxadeMirafloresinBurgos,andintheCapillaRealinGranada.Ruão’spyramidal tombs show a conscious break with older traditions, rejecting representational jacent or orant effigies(withportraits)forsevere,classicalsarcophagiinkeepingwiththenew,innovativetypeof sepulchersintroducedbyCatherine.TheelephantcaryatidsinBelémrecallthoseoftheSigismondo chapel in the Tempio Malatestiano in Rimini, which were designed by Alberti and executed by AgostinodiDucciobetween1446and1447(seefig.9).TheMalatestafamilyadoptedtheelephantas anemblemanddevisathatappearedeverywhereonfamilyescutcheons,medals,andsarcophagi. Although this Italian precedence may have influenced the Lisbon tombs, whether Francisco de

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Holanda (1517Ͳ1584), who was familiar with Italian monuments, had any influence as an artistic advisor to the queen is difficult to confirm. Holanda has often been proposed as designer of the capela mor, because of his firstͲhand experience with contemporary Italian architecture and his positionascourtierͲartisttoCatherineofAustria.Thereis,however,nodocumentaryevidencefor hisparticipationinthisbuildingproject.During theperiodofthechapel’sconstruction, Holanda’s careerattheLisboncourtwaswaning,andin1572hesoughtapostfromPhilipIIofSpain,offering his services to the Spanish monarch through a letter of petition.42 Alberti’s De Re Aedificatoria, translated in 1551 by André de Resende upon the orders of John III, could equally well have transmittedideasabouttheiconographyandsymbolismoftheMalatestianotempletotheLisbon court.43

IntheRenaissancetherepresentationoftheelephantasabeastofburden(withacastleon its back) was assimilated by the Western imagination as the beast of regal triumphs, a symbol of vanquishedmight.44InAntiquity,Romanimperialtriumphsinvariablyincludedelephants,andinthe sixteenth century ancient entries coupled with imperial imagery were enthusiastically revived. ManuelIparadeddailyaroundLisbon—intriumph—withhisfiveAsianelephantsandtheirIndian mahouts.45 Renaissance artists incorporated the timeͲhonored motif of the elephant as a worthy visualelementforpageantsandfestivities.AseriesofTournaitapestriesdepictingthePortuguese conquestsinIndiacommissionedbyManuelIin1510,whichincludeddepictionsofelephants,were usedasportableformsofvisualpropagandaforthenation’sachievementsinhisroyalresidences.46 TheConquestofIndiatapestrycyclewasthesinglemostimportantcommissionofhisreign,which celebratedthePortuguesediscoveryofIndiainthemannerofancientRomantrionfi.47

ElephantshadplayedafundamentalroleatthePortuguesecourtsincetheearlysixteenth century,bothfortheimageandtheprestigeofLusitanianmonarchs.48DamiãodeGóis,thecourt humanistandchronicler ofManuelI’slifeandreign,wastruly impressedwith the elephantsthat Indian kings and Ceylonese emperors sent to Manuel as tokens of respect and as tribute.49 In his writings he referred to these Lisbon elephants and especially to the spectacle they caused when paraded through the city streets. It is clear that Manuel’s pachyderms were a source of pride for Góis,whoviewedthemasphysicalmanifestationsoftheforeignlandsdiscoveredbythePortuguese. Catherine cultivated a special affinity for elephant imagery, often purchasing costly objects in the form of elephants for her Kunstkammer collection.50 Her fascination with elephants is further evidencedbythequantityofivoryobjectsfromCeylonandIndiaonceinhercollection;furthermore, asatokenofheraffectionshepresentedliveAsianelephantsasgiftstoherHabsburgrelativesfor their menageries in Spain and Austria. For the Portuguese court, the elephant represented the triumphant conquest of overseas territories. Not surprisingly, in Hindu culture the elephant was consideredstrictlythepropertyoftheking,apracticelateradoptedbythePortuguesemonarchs, whoregardedthemselvesasrulersofempire.

ElephanticonographypermeatedPortugal’sartisticcircles.In1571,inanefforttoboosthis careeratcourt,FranciscodeHolandasentSebastianamanuscriptentitledDafabricaquefalecea cidade de Lisbon.51 In this treatise, the artist pleads with the young king to undertake certain architecturalprojectsabandonedafterJohnIII’sdeathin1557,whichwouldtransformLisboninto thejewelofallcities.Holanda’sconceptionforafountainplacedneartheroyalpalace,thePaçoda Ribeira,builtbyManuelI,wasofanelephantwithacastleonitsback(fig.14).

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  Fig.14FranciscodeHolanda,Drawingforafountainprojectedfortheship dockyardsofLisbon(Ribeiradosnaos)fromDaFabricaquefaleceLisboa,1571, BibliotecadaAjuda,Lisbon,Ms.51ͲIIIͲ9,f.18r.  DuringtheMiddleAgestheelephantalsobecamethetoposforthesymbolicbattlebetween good and evil; the death of the elephant was considered a prefiguration of Christ’s death on the cross. Combats between wild beasts were staged in Lisbon. The natural antipathy of wild animals provokeddebateatManuelI’scourt.Curiosityandaninterestinthewritingsofancientauthorssuch asPlinycombinedwiththedesiretoimitateanimalcombatsofancientRomeinspiredthestagingof abattleinJuneof1515betweenanelephantandarhinocerosfromCambay(thefirstseeninEurope sinceAntiquity),whichhadbeensenttoLisbonbythesultanofGujarat.Inacourtyardbetweenthe Lisbon royal palace and the Casa da India, the India customs house, this confrontation ended unexpectedlywiththeelephantfleeinginfrighttohisstablesatRossiosquare.Therhinoceroswas declaredvictoriousbydefault.TheLisboncourtfullyappreciatedthemedievalmoralizationofthe elephant’svirtues:power,might,diligence,sagacity,humility,andindustry.Thismeldingofpagan and Christian symbolism in the use of elephant caryatids for the capela mor was intentional on Catherine’spartandinkeepingwithManuelI’sideologyandherownlovefortheAsianpachyderms shecollected.



TheRetabloMor(1571Ͳ1572):LourençodeSalzedo

CatherineofAustria’sclosesupervisionofthepaintingofthealtarpieceshecommissioned forthecapelamorisdemonstratedbyaletterwrittenbyCatherinetoherambassadorinRome,João Telles de Meneses.52 In this missive dated 7 July 1571 the queen thanked the diplomat for assiduouslyexpeditingthedeliveryofthecolorsshehadrequested.Thiswasnotthefirsttimeinthe courseofthiscommissionthatthequeenwouldgotosuchlengthstoobtainqualitypigmentsfrom Italy. In reality the altarpiece took months to realize and Catherine’s concept underwent several stagesandtransformationsbeforereachingitsfinalandpresentstate.

Forheroriginalaltarpiece,thequeenchosetoemulateherelderbrotherCharlesVandthe commissionhegaveTitian(ca.1488Ͳ1576)forthemonumentalLaGloriaaltarpiecedestinedforthe Yustemonasterychurch,todayintheMuseodelPrado(Madrid).53In1568Catherinecommissioned fromthesameVenetianmasterapaintingoftheFlagellationofChrist,whichisnowlostbutwhich wasrecordedinanengravingentitled,IlSemolei(fig.15)bytheVenetiandraughtsman,painterand

©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 221 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3 THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  etcherBattistaFranco(ca.1510Ͳ1568?).GiorgioVasariwasthefirsttorelate,inthesecondeditionof hisVite,thatCatherineorderedfromTitianalargeͲscalepaintingofTheFlagellationofChristforthe Jerónimoschapel,whichVasaridescribedasexquisite:‘allareinadiPortogalloinunquadrofeceun Christopocominoredelvivo,battutoda’giudeiallacolonna,cheèbellissimo.’54Thiswasthefirst ItalianRenaissancepaintingCatherineevercommissionedforaspecificlocationandwithaspecific purposeinmind,anditistellingthatshechoseTitian,CharlesV’sfavoritecourtpainter,toexecute forheranaltarpieceintendedforthemostsignificantprojectofherreign.Itequallyemphasizesthat thequeen’soriginalconceptionforthecapelamoraltarpiecewasradicallydifferentfromitspresent form.Herintentionwastohangonesingle magnificentpaintingasthefocalpointofheraustere chapel.Titian’sFlagellationreflectedCatherine’sdevotiontotheHoursoftheCrossandthePassion ofChrist.

  Fig.15BattistaFranco(ca.1510Ͳ1568?),IlSemolei,TheFlagellation ofChrist,engravingafteralostTitian,Venice,1568,British Museum,London,inv.no.1874,0808.369.

Catherine was greatly influenced by a contemporary manuscript from the hand of the Hieronymite priest and mystic Frei Miguel de Valença, Meditaciones sobre las horas de la Cruz. ValençabecamePrioroftheJerónimosmonasteryin1550,wherehededicatedhimselftostudyand meditation.Underhispriorship,andinlinewiththedictatesoftheCouncilofTrent,theimagingand iconographyofChristinthemonasterywasgivennewdirectionandsignificance.Valençamusthave encouragedthequeentopresentinthevisualprogramofthealtarpieceamoredirect,accessible and straightforward image of Christ. Through information provided by agents or resident ambassadors in Italy, the Portuguese queen may well have been aware of a contemporary commissionforaTransfigurationofChristexecutedbyTitianfortheChurchofSanSalvadorinVenice anddatedaround1560(fig.16),theTransfigurationbeingaChristologicalthemewhichdealswith thedualnatureofChristasGodandman.55Thededicationofthischurchtothedivinenatureof ChristasSaviorprovidedthejustificationforTitian’sextraordinarilylargepainting(245x295cm)at themainaltarformingthecentralfocusofthechurch(fig.17).Thismonumentalcanvasissetintoan elaborate marble tabernacle, recalling a smallͲscale monstrance containing the Holy Eucharist. Evidently, Catherine had envisaged, if not the identical theme, a similar concept and manner of presentation forhercommissionoftheFlagellationforthecapelamor, probablyatthe adviceof Titianhimself.

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  Fig.16Titian,Transfiguration,ChurchofSanSalvador,Venice. Photo:publicdomain. 

  Fig.17InteriorviewoftheChurchofSanSalvadorwiththemain altar,Venice.Photo:publicdomain. 

For inexplicable reasons,however, Titian’s Flagellation never reached Lisbon, and it is not known if the queen ever expressed regrets about Titian being unable to complete her altarpiece. Why the Flagellation remained in Titian’s workshop, and why Catherine never received it, is enigmatic.56TheanswermaylieinthefactthatTitianandhisstudioassistantswereextremelybusy in1568completinganumberofotherpaintingsfortheSpanishcourt,whichtookpriority,including thecolossalMartyrdomofSt.LawrenceforPhilipIIandtheEscorialmonastery,whichisstillinsitu. ThesecommissionsforSpainmadeitimpossibleforTitiantofulfilCatherine’swishesatthisjuncture, letalonetohavethetimeneededtocompleteagiganticaltarpiecefortheJerónimoschapel.But whohadguidedandadvisedCatherinetoorderatourͲdeͲforcepaintingbyTitian?Onepossibilityis thathersister,MaryofHungary(1505Ͳ1558),oneofTitian’sforemostpatrons,mayhaveintroduced thePortuguesequeentotheVenetianmasterbeforeherdeathin1558.

Mary’sowncourtportraitbyTitian,ofwhichCatherineownedareplicainherportraitgallery intheLisbonroyalpalace,visuallyemphasizedherpoliticalroleasregentoftheLowCountries.No

©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 223 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3 THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  longer extant but known through copies, it was executed in Augsburg in 1548 and depicts Mary dressed in widow’s weeds standing in front of a column, a pictorial allusion to Charles V and his emblemofthetwincolumnsofHercules(NonPlusUltra).57Maryspecificallychosetomoldherselfin the likeness of her widowed aunt Margaret of Austria, selfͲimaging herself as a loyal servant dedicatedtotheruleoftheHabsburgdynasty.ThisTitianportraitwasaconsciouscommission,a political move by Mary, who chose to have herself portrayed both as a pious widow and as a stateswomanengagedinHabsburgcourtpoliticsanddiplomacy.

CatherinewasnotaconnoisseurofItalianpainting,nordidshecollectthekindofItalianart works,sculptureorantiquitiessoavidlysoughtbycontemporaryprinces,collectorsandhersister Mary. An introduction to Titian through Mary of Hungary is quite plausible. An important link between the Habsburg court in Flanders and Portugal was cultivated through the relationship of MaryandCatherine.DocumentsintheLisbonarchivehavedisclosedthatthesesisters,whonever met, maintained close contact, exchanging ideas on artistic and political matters.58 Gifts, court portraits,Flemishtapestries,slaves,andexoticafromPortugueseAsiawerereciprocatedbetween the two siblings. Catherine’s patronage reflects patterns of collecting and modes of patronage established by Mary in Flanders.59 Catherine’s preference for Flemish art works and craftsmen reflectstheguidinginfluenceofthissister,60butinthecaseoftheJerónimosaltarpiece,aVenetian— Titian—wasconsideredbyCatherine,underMary’sinfluence,tobeamoresuitablechoice.

WhilefewartworkswithanItalianprovenancewererecordedinCatherine’scollectionand Kunstkammer,Flemishtapestries,paintingsandobjectswerepresent.61Throughherclosetieswith thePapalcourt,CatherinedidreceivegiftsfromtheVatican,asinJanuary1577,whenacasketfullof Agnus Dei was sent by the Pope to the queen.62 Only one painting from Rome is documented in Catherine’sprivatechapelintheLisbonroyalpalace:themiraculousimageoftheVirginfromSanta MariaMaggiore,commissionedbyFranciscodeBorjain1569forthequeen.OrwasitCharlesVwho inspiredhisyoungersistertothinkofTitianasthepainterforheraltarpiece?Catherineidolizedher brother and knew many details of his living arrangements and daily life at Yuste. From courtiers whomshesentalmostonadailybasistovisitherbrothershewaswellͲinformedabouttheemperor hearingmassfromhisquarters,withadirectviewofthehighaltarintheYustemonasterychurch where Titian’s La Gloria hung. Despite the emperor’s predilection for Flemish tapestries, portraits andpaintings,hisrespectandadmirationfortheVenetianpainterwascelebratedathiscourtand amonghisfamily.

CircumstancesinTitian’scareerandworkshopforcedCatherinetobeginanewsearchfora newconceptforheraltarpieceandforasuitablepainterofquality.63Atthisjunctureshehopedto securetheservicesoftheSpaniardGasparBecerra(†1568),whowasengagedintheserviceofher niece, Juana of Austria in Madrid, or of the Fleming Frans Floris (1519Ͳ1570), through the intervention of her nephew Philip II and her ambassador in Spain, Francisco Pereira. However, Becerra had recently passed away and the queen was unaware that Floris resided in Flanders. Consequently, Catherine next solicited her nephew and her court diplomat Pereira to obtain the servicesoftheItalianpainterFrancescodaUrbino(†1592), whowasthenworkingattheEscorial monastery,butthistooendedinanimpasse.Catherine’sextendedsearchfinallyledhertosettlefor apainterwhowasactiveatherowncourt—herlastchoiceforreasonsofnecessityandtime—andof Spanishorigin(fromSeville),LourençodeSalzedo(ca.1530Ͳ1577).64Hesubsequentlydesignedan

©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 224 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3 THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  altarpieceradicallydifferentfromheroriginalmasterpiece,thegrandiosebutminimalistconception tohavebeenexecutedbyTitian.Salzedo’sretable,morecomplexindesign,ismadeupoffivepanels superimposed on two levels with Scenes of the Life of Christ, mirroring the notion of a universal ChristianmonarchycultivatedattheLisboncourt.65

OncethequeenhadcommittedherselftoSalzedo,shewent,asdiscussedabove,togreat lengths to obtain for him the best artist’s materials and pigments from Italy and from Spain, as recentlydiscoveredarchivaldocumentsreveal.Catherinehadnointentionofleavinganydetailto chance, as she expected her memorial to last forever. From two surviving letters,66 we know she closelysupervisedSalzedo’saltarpiece,havingwrittenherambassadorinRomeasearlyasFebruary of1571tosecure qualitypigments,ordering him tosendtheseasquicklyaspossibletoLisbon.67 TimewasoftheessenceforCatherine,andwhenthoseexpectedfromItalyhadinJune1571notyet arrived in Portugal, she then requested Juan de Borja, the Castilian ambassador in Portugal, to intervenewithhernephewPhilipII.68ThediplomatinturnaskedtheSpanishking’ssecretary,Gabriel Zayas,toorganizethepigmentsCatherineneededforheraltarpieceandtoadvisehimoftheircost andexpense:

LaReynamemandoquedesuparteescrivieseaV.M.yleenbiaselamemoriaqueconesta vadeçiertascoloresqueamenesterparaelRetabloquemandapintarembelenparaquesi aylashuviereV.M.lasmandecomprarylasenbieavisandodeloquecuestanparaqueayse denluegolosdinerosynoallandoseacomprarsepidanasuMagestat[PhilipII]delasque suspintorestienen/suAltezaamuchosdiasquetieneescritoporellasaItaliaynoselas [han]enbiadoyaquitienenyaneçesidaddeellas.

WhenZayasdidnotimmediatelyreactandrespond,Borjaremindedhimagaininasecondletterof theimportanceofthesecolorsforthequeen’sJerónimosaltarpiece:‘lascoloresmemandoLaReyna [Catherine]quetornaseaacordaraV.M.escosadequesuAltezallevamuchogustoporserparael monasterio de belen.’ Shortly after, Philip II sent word to Lisbon agreeing to help his aunt obtain pigmentsthroughhissquadronofItalianandforeignpaintersworkingattheEscorial.Muchtothe queen’s dismay and outrage, however, the courier organized by her Portuguese ambassador in Castile encountered problems en route to Lisbon and her package with colors was mistakenly confiscatedbycustomofficialsnearBadajoz,inAlbuquerque(intheExtremadura).69Thismishapof coursecausedmoreunexpecteddelays,asJuandeBorjadulyreportedbacktoZayas:

Elcorreoquetruxolas[cartas]de26[deJunio]queesunoquedespachoelembaxadorde portugalquesellamaPintomedixocomometrayaunemboltorioqueV.M.ledioelqualle tomaronenAlburquerquecomoV.M.loveraporlacartadeGasparRamirezqueconestava estoy con muy gran cuydado de saber lo que era aunque tengo por çierto que seran las colores que su Magestad [Philip II] enbia a la Reyna lo qual me pareze que es ya tanta desverguençaqueyonosecomollevarloyconfiesoaV.M.quehetenidoquehazercomigo elholvidarlatierraadondenaçiporquenosecosaquesellevepeorquesinjustiçiaarmada laReynaquedamuyescandaliçadaytantoquequeriaenbiaruncriadosuyoaquexarsede todosestos.70

PhilipIIagainhadtointerveneandpromisedtoremedythematterandpunishtheofficial responsibleforthisblunder.Oncematterswereresolved,thepigmentsfinallyarrivedattheLisbon

©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 225 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3 THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  courtandthemoniesforpaymentwereforwardedtoSpain.71Catherine’sartisticexchangewithher nephew at this date was a fruitful one and demonstrates that identical pigments were used for frescoesattheEscorialandforthealtarpieceoftheJerónimoscapelamor,thuscreatingasymbolic link, through color and paint, between these two representative churches and their pictorial decoration.

InasecondseriesoflettersfromLisbon,BorjainformedGabrielZayasofawoodenwriting desk, perfumes and gloves that Catherine had sent to the king’s secretary for his invaluable assistance with the purchase of the pigments.72 In equal gratitude, the queen sent her nephew a numberofgifts,amongthemchurchvestmentsandpaliosfortheEscorialmonasterythatshehad personallyembroideredin1575,forwhichPhilipwasmostgratefulbecausetheyweremadebyhis aunt,‘kissingherhandsmanytimes’forthem.73

TheneedfornotimetobelostinthecompletionofthealtarpiecewasduetoCatherine’s advancedageandfragilehealthatthisdate.Thiswascompoundedbythefactthatherrelationswith her grandson Sebastian had disintegrated, both personally and politically. In a letter Catherine addressedtoSebastianin1571shejustifiedherreasonsformovingtoSpain,complainingthathe neverresidedinLisbonwhenshedid,andstatingthatbecauseoftheirestrangementshepreferred toburyherselfalive(‘enterrarseviva’)inaconvent.74InanotherlettertoJerónimoOsório,Bishopof Algarve,sheconfessedthatherdeparturewouldbeawakeͲupcallforthecountry:‘desejodeser com minha ida hun despertador.’75 Just before the Jerónimos chapel and altarpiece were even completed,thequeenagainmadeseriousmovestoretiretoaconventinSpain,makingitimperative forherthattheJerónimosprojectbeterminatedbeforeherintendeddeparture.BoththeJerónimos project and the continuous strife with her grandson had left the queen tired and exhausted. In a personal note to Philip II, Catherine confirmed she would retire to the Madre de Deus convent foundedbyheraunt,ManuelI’ssister,theDowagerQueenLeonor,andthatshewouldresideinher aunt’sformerquarters.76Thecapelamoraltarpiecehadtakenitstoll:ithadbeenalongjourneyfrom Titian to Salzedo. The queen, worn down by the tense political situation at the Lisbon court, was mostpleasedtoseethecompletionofherchapel,asJuandeBorjareportedtoPhilipIIinOctoberof 1572:‘alacapillanuevaquelaReynaleshahechoenBelen,hizoseconmuchasolemnidad,yestaya lacapillaacabadaypuestaensuperfeçion,esunedifiçiomuyparaver,quedolaReynamuycontenta dehaverledadofin.’77

TheJerónimosaltarpiecewasfirstattributedtoLourençodeSalzedobyBaptistadeCastroin hisseventeenthͲcenturyaccountofthemonastery.Atotaloffivepanelsdepictscenesfromthelife ofChristwithtwothemesthatwhichunderscorethehumananddivinenature.Oneithersideofthe altar are paintings of the Adoration of the Magi, while above the altar are three scenes from the PassionofChrist(fig.18aͲb).Thesequenceofthetwolastsceneswasdeliberatelyinverted,sothat oneseesfromlefttoright,ChristcarryingtheCross,thentheDescentfromtheCrossandthenthe Flagellation. The representation of Christ’s dead body, which normally follows the Flagellation, visually dominates the central area, directly above the altar, and serves as an antithesis to the paintingbelow,nowlost,oftheinfantChrist,thenewMessiah,inthemangerbeingworshippedby oneofthekneelingMagi:Caspar,theeldestofthethree.Totherightofthelostcentralpanel,each withhisretinue,areBalthasar,theblackAfrican,andtotheleftMelchior(orBelchior,theyoungest ofthethree),towhomSalzedogavetheidealizedappearanceofthelatekingJohnIII.Theblackking

©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 226 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3 THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  isrealisticallyportrayedandmayhavebeenarealͲlifeportraitofonethenumerousslaves(some manumitted) employed in Catherine’s household.78 Balthasar wears the turban and cloak of an easternpotentateasheoffersthechildaluxuriousgoldvessel.Theseatedmaleandfemalefigures to left of Melchior are very sculptural in appearance, particularly in their poses and drapery, reflecting the impact of the Roman school of painting represented by Michelangelo and Giulio Romano,andSalzedo’sexposuretotheseartistsduringhisinfluentialperiodofresidenceinRome.79 Melchiorisprecededbyapagecarryingacasket,dressedasanOldTestamentkingandwearinga crown.TheelementsofexoticismusuallydepictedwiththethreeMagi—camels,tigers,leopards— wereeliminatedinthispanel,beingreplacedbytherealisticportrayaloftwoAsianelephantsinthe rightbackground,sharingawaterfountainwithmules.

ThedecisiontojuxtaposetheAdorationoftheMagiwiththeLifeofChristwasdeliberate andSalzedo’sFlagellationwasevidentlycommissionedbyCatherinetoreplacethepaintingshehad expectedfromTitian.IntheLateMiddleAgesthethreeMagicametorepresentthethreepartsof theknownworld:Europe,AfricaandAsia.TheluxurioussymbolicgiftsbroughttotheChristchild— frankincense (homage to Christ’s divinity), myrrh (used for embalming), gold (symbol of Christ’s kingship)—foreshadowhisdeathonthecross.ThethemeoftheAdorationoftheMagiessentially representedthesubjugationoftemporalpowerstotheauthorityofGodandtheChurch.Inkeeping withCatherineofAustria’sbeliefsandCounterͲReformationphilosophy,theultimatepurposeofher chapelwastheworshipofChristintheEucharist,visuallyreinforcedbythebodyofthedeadChrist dominatingthepaintedspaceabovethealtar.  ThepresbyterywasconsideredthesymboliccenteroftheBlessedSacrament.Theprincipal themestressedhereisthevenerationoftheCrossandtheEucharistintheformofChrist’sbodyand blood.DevotiontotheEucharistbecameaformoffamilypietyinstitutionalizedbytheBurgundian andHabsburgcourts.80Piety,asCatherinefullyappreciated,wasavirtueclaimedbytheHabsburgs asaninalienablebirthrightofthefamily,andtheEucharistwasadoptedasanamuletandtalismanof theHabsburgdynasty.TheimageoftheHolyCrossandEucharistbecamepotentpoliticoͲreligious symbolsrepresentingthesacrosanctnatureofHabsburgpower,whichCatherinetransposedtoher chapel.     

©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 227 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3 THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM 

                        Fig.18LourençodeSalzedo,mainaltarpiece,CapelaMor, JerónimosMonastery,Belém.Photo:LuísPavão. 

TheChristologicalthemesofpassionanddeathinthealtarpiece,highlightingChrist’sdual natureashumananddivine,werecarefullyselectedandintentionallyjuxtaposedwiththeMagiasa prefigurationofthesalvationofmankind.Theentireconceptionandiconographicalprogramofthe capelamorandtheretablewithitspictorialprogramrevolvedaroundthemass,whichwasoffered both for Christ and for the deceased members of the royal family. The symbols of majesty representedbytheactualdeadbodiesofthemonarchsandtheirqueens,placeddiscreetlyoneither side of the chapel and reposing in severe classical sarcophagi set upon elephant caryatids, were subjecttotheglorificationofChrist.Bothterrestrialandcelestialpowersarehonoredhere,asare the immortality and divine character of kingship. This notion was reinforced by the now lost iron balustersandgratesthatonceseparatedtheAvizmonarchs,thechosenrepresentativesofGodon earth,fromtherestoftheChurchandhumanity.ManuelI’sideologyreflectedinthedecorationof thecloistersculminateshereinCatherine’sagendaforthecapelamor:theJerónimoscomplexhad notonlybeendedicatedbyManueltotheVirginMary,butalsototheThreeMagi.

Thereisnodoubtthatthisaltarpiecewasconceivedofwithitsarchitecturalcontextinmind. Catherine’s letters to Rome reconfirm that Salzedo had begun painting the retable in February of 1571, precisely when construction of the chapel was nearing completion. Details in the formal compositionofthealtarpieceshowthatSalzedoallowedhimselftobedictatedtobyitsstructural andarchitectonicframe.Certainelementsvisuallyandillusionisticallyunitethetwopaintedcycles: the background pilaster in the panel of Melchior is placed directly underneath the column in the Flagellationabove.ThesmalllandscapewithChristcarryingtheCrossispreciselyrepeatedbelowin theMelchiorpanel.Thenumerousfiguresareunusuallylarge,placedclosetotheforegroundplane,

©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 228 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3 THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  filling the entire scene. There is little room for any progression into background space and for extraneousdetails.Theobjectivewastorenderthefiguresaslargeaspossible,inorderthatthey might be seen from a greater distance, particularly since the chapel was once divided from the church.SalzedointentionallypaintedtheMagiasbulkygiants(colossi),whileChristappearsmore delicateandslender.

Salzedo adhered to the strict, cohesive symmetry of the chapel. There is uniformity in its simplicity, both in the architecture and in the altarpiece. It appears that Catherine of Austria informedherselfofcurrentaesthetictrendsimportedfromItalyandconsciouslyappliedthesetothe capela mor. Decorum and gravitas are emphasized throughout, in conformity with CounterͲ Reformationthought,butwhoadvisedandguidedher?CouldithavebeentheintellectualSpanish Ambassador,JuandeBorja,whowasveryclosetothequeenandwhoobservedthebuildingofthe capelamorateverystage?OrwasitSalzedo,whohadlivedforaconsiderableperiodinRome?The modelsforthefigureswereadaptedfromcontemporaryItalianart,andthestrongandevenlighting projects a sense of realism and monumentality. The red, blue, and yellow palette is strident, emulatingincertainareasthecompositionsandcolorschemesfavoredbysuchcontemporariesas ParmigianinoandSebastianodelPiombo,whosealtarpiecesandpaintingswereavidlycollectedby SpanishnationalsresidinginRome.Despitehiserstwhile‘rival’Titian,SalzedofulfilledCatherine’s patronagerequirements,andwasequallyableunderpressuretocompletethealtarpiecewithinthe queen’srestrictivetimeframe.DespiteCatherine’sneedfornotimetobelost,hisretablebrokewith tradition, innovatively keeping in line with Italianizing influences which appeared in Portuguese paintinginthethirdquarterofthesixteenthcentury.Salzedo,thoughobviouslynotofthecaliberof Titian or del Piombo, nevertheless satisfied the queen’s requirements, finding pictorial solutions which satisfied his demanding patron. The capela mor with the Salzedo altarpiece prefigured the stylisticandaesthetictendenciesthatoccurredslightlylater(after1576)atthecourtofPhilipII,and whichmanifesteditselfattheEscorialmonasteryinthepaintingsandfrescoesemulatingtheRoman schoolofpaintingbyPellegrinoTibaldi,LucaCambiaso,FederigoZuccaroandRomuloCincinnato.81



TheQueen’sFuneralandExequies:February1578

ArareaccountofCatherine’sdeathandfuneralceremony,theonlyonetohavesurvived,can be found in the Archivio Segreto in the Vatican. The Papal Nuncio in Portugal, Roberto Fontana, summarized theseeventsin twolettershewrote toCardinalComoin Romeon7 February1578. Catherine’shealthhaddeterioratedtosuchadegreethattwodaysbeforeshehadbeengiventhe lastrites.Then,intheearlymorninghoursofFebruary6,accordingtoFontana,thequeendiedwith greatpain,passingintoabetterworld:‘equestanotteèpassataamegliorvita,congrandolore.’82 KingSebastianwaspresentandretiredafterwardstotheConventofS.FranciscoinXabregas,aswas the Cardinal Infante Henry, who went to the Madre de Deus convent adjacent to the queen’s residence.FontanafurtherexplainedtoCardinalComohowthequeen’ssepulcherwaslocatedmany leagues from Xabregas, in the capela mor of the Jerónimos monastery, which she had built for herself,herhusbandandherchildren:‘moltilegati[...]lasuaseputturaellastessagiàsilehaveva preparatanelleCapellaMaggioredellaChiesadiBelemmonasteriodimonachedeS.Geronimodove tuvo parimente quelle de suo Marito e figliuoli.’ On the morning and evening of February 6, processions and orations were held throughout the city of Lisbon. In his second letter, Fontana

©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 229 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3 THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM  relateshowthatsameeveningCatherine’sbodywascarriedtohersepulcheratBelémonalitter coveredwithblackvelvet,decoratedwithawhitecross,infrontofwhichmarchedmanynoblemen, courtiersandmembersoftheConfraternityoftheMisericordia.83Thisgroupwasfollowedbyone hundredfriars,eachcarryingatorch,andtheroyalfamilyonhorsebacksurroundingthefuneralbier. Catherine’schiefladyͲinͲwaitingwalkedbehindthebier,withtheArchbishopTeotónioofBraganza and a great multitude of gentlemen and courtiers on horseback. Other participants, priests and clergymenwentaheadtoBelém,towaitatthedooroftheJerónimoschurchforthearrivalofthe Count of Vimioso and three other principal officials of the realm. When Catherine’s funeral processionarrived,theceremonyandofficesbegan,lastingwellpastmidnight.FrayLuisdeGranada (1504Ͳ1588),Catherine’sspiritualadvisorandconfessor,deliveredtheprincipalsermon,whichwas wellreceivedbythosepresent.InitGranadaeulogizedthevirtuesofthedeceasedqueen,comparing herreligiositytothatofacanonizedsaint:‘predicó[...]congranencarecimientodelasvirtudesdela Reina,quehayaGloria.’84

Inherowntestament,CatherineofAustriarequestedthatshe beburiedin hersepulcher with the ‘accompaniment and funereal pomp normally observed for the burial of the kings and queensofthiskingdom.’85Hersoleconcernwasthatherfuneralexequiesshouldnotbeexcessivein displayandspectacle;accordingly,asnotedbytheCastiliancourtierinLisbonJuandeSilva,although ‘celebrated with pomp, they were less sumptuous than those observed at the Madrid court’.86 CatherineofAustriawasthuslaidtorestinhersplendidtombwiththesamemajesty,restraintand decorumwithwhichshehadlivedherlife.Her‘incomparablequeenlyvirtues,pioussoulandsingular prudence’werepraisedandmemorializedinherepitaphcomposedbyAndrédeResende(seefig. 11).87





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Sources(unpublished)

Lisbon,DirecçãoGeraldosArquivos(DGARQ),TorredoTombo,Mss.daLivraria,Ms.729,Baptistade Castro,FreiManuel,ChronicadomaximoDoutorePríncipedosPatriarchasS.Jeronymo,Particular doReynodePortugal(unpublishedmanuscript).

Simancas(Valladolid),ArchivoGeneraldeSimancas(AGS),Estado(Portugal),leg.390,Anonymous (DonJuandeBorja?),RelacióndelmodoquesetuvoenlatranslacióndeloshuesosdelReyDonJuan ydelReyDonManuelydelaReinaDoñaMariaalacapillamayordeBelen(1572).



 Illustrations Fig.1ExteriorviewoftheJerónimosMonasteryinBelém(Lisbon).ThesquareboxͲlikestructureat thefarrightdemarcatesthecapelamorbuiltbyCatherineofAustria.Photo:JoséAntónioSilva.

Fig.2FloorplanoftheJerónimoschurchwiththecapelamormarkedintheyellowbox.Photo: publicdomain.

Fig.3InteriorviewoftheJerónimoschurch.ViewofthecapelamorthroughtheornateManueline nave.Photo:publicdomain.

Fig.4ThetombsofJohnIII(farleft)andCatherineofAustriaontherightsideofthecapelamor facingthealtar.Photo:A.JordanGschwend.

©ÖAW,KULeuvenandauthors 235 ISBN978Ͳ94Ͳ6018Ͳ483Ͳ3 THEHABSBURGSANDTHEIRCOURTSINEUROPE,1400–1700.BETWEENCOSMOPOLITISMANDREGIONALISM 

Fig.5ThecapelamorbuiltbyJerónimodeRuão.Photo:publicdomain.

Fig.6PanelwithgrotesqueinthearchnexttoCatherineofAustria’stombafteraFlemishmodel. Photo:A.JordanGschwend.

Fig.7ViewofCatherineofAustria’sTomb.Photo:A.JordanGschwend.

Fig.8DetailwithoneelephantcaryatidholdingCatherineofAustria’ssarcophaguswithtusksofreal ivory.Photo:A.JordanGschwend.

Fig.9ViewofthepairofelephantcaryatidsofCatherineofAustria’stomb.Photo:A.Jordan Gschwend.

Fig.10ViewofCatherineofAustria’sbronzeroyalcrownrestingabovehersarcophagus.Photo:A. JordanGschwend.

Fig.11CatherineofAustria’sepitaphwrittenbyAndrédeResende.Photo:A.JordanGschwend.

Fig.12Exteriorviewofthecapelamor.Photo:A.JordanGschwend.

Fig.13Therearofthecapelamorwithitsfortified,towerͲlikeexteriorinastyleGeorgeKubler dubbedtheestilochão.Photo:A.JordanGschwend.

Fig.14FranciscodeHolanda,DrawingforafountainprojectedfortheshipdockyardsofLisbon (Ribeiradosnaos)fromDaFabricaquefaleceLisboa,1571,BibliotecadaAjuda,Lisbon,Ms.51ͲIIIͲ9, f.18r.

Fig.15BattistaFranco(ca.1510Ͳ1568?),IlSemolei,TheFlagellationofChrist,engravingafteralost Titian,Venice,1568,BritishMuseum,London,inv.no.1874,0808.369.

Fig.16Titian,Transfiguration,ChurchofSanSalvador,Venice.Photo:publicdomain.

Fig.17InteriorviewoftheChurchofSanSalvadorwiththemainaltar,Venice.Photo:public domain.

Fig.18aͲbLourençodeSalzedo,mainaltarpiece(anddetail),CapelaMor,JerónimosMonastery, Belém.Photo:LuísPavão.





 1Thequeen’smalaiseandmelancholywerecompoundedbythefactthatLisbonwasbesiegedbytheplaguein 1569,intheworstepidemictohavestruckPortugalinthesixteenthcentury.CatherineandthePortuguese courtfledtocitiesalongandacrosstheTagusRiver,movingbetweenVilaFrancadeXira,SantarémandAlvito, residingoutsideofLisbonformonths. 2ConsultLowe2000,pp.226ಥ48,forLeonor’sculturalandreligiouspatronage.Morerecently,theexhibition catalogue:CasaPerfeitissima.500anosdaFundaçãodoMonasteriodaMadredeDeus(Lisbon,2010). 3ForacopyofaletterwrittenbyMaximilianin1517toLeonorconcerningtheserelicsseeLisbon,Bibliotecada Ajuda(hereafterBA),Ms.51ͲVIͲ25,no.7:CartadoEmperadorperaaRainhadonaLianorsobreasreliquiasque lheinviou.SeeBouza1998,p.52:‘[...]enlaMadredeDiosdeEnxobregashaycuerposdesantos.’

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 4Jordan1985,pp.16ಥ18;JordanGschwend1990,pp.187ಥ98. 5 See Bouza1998, p.52, note 73 for a letter whichdescribes Catherine’s residenceat Xabregas: ‘[…] en un monasterioquehayfueradeaquí,delamismaorden,quesellamaMadredeDiosdeEnxobregas[…].Yen medioestálacasadondelamiatia[CatherineofAustria]vivioynolapodréverporqueestanallísuscriados.’ 6FerreiradeAndrade1990,pp.21ಥ23.On18August1558CatherinewasgrantedaspecialPapaldispensation whichallowedhertolaterbuildthisdoor,givingherdirectaccesstothePassionchapel.Shewasallowedto build such doors at other monasteries she frequented in Lisbon, such as the Esperança convent. Cf. Corpo Diplomático Português, vol. 8 (Lisbon, 1884), pp. 56–57: ‘Bulla de penitenciaria à Rainha. Bulla Exigit Celsitaclinem:absolvendoaRainhaD.Catherinaporterabertoumaportadeseuhospicioparaoconventoda Esperança,edandolhepermissãoqueopossafazerparaoutrosconventos.”AlsoBouza1998,p.52,note73: “DeallidioenXabregas,dondelasereníssimaReynadePortugaltienesualcázarysaleporuncorredoraoyr misaaunayglesianogrande,consusdamas,yelembajadordeEspaña[…].’ 7JuandeBorja,sonofFranciscodeBorja(aSpanishcourtierwhogrewupwithCatherineatTordesillas),was ambassadortothePortuguesecourtfrom1569to1575.Hewasatrustedconfidantofthequeenandinher 1578codicilshelefthimthesumof4,000cruzadosforhisdaughter’sdowry.Borjawasalsoactiveartistically during his Portuguese residency, enjoying the friendship of Francisco de Holanda. Borja, an amateur of emblems and devisas, published in Prague in 1581 a book entitled Empresas Morales which was partially conceivedofduringhisresidencyattheLisboncourt. 8 Catherine set into motion serious plans to consolidate her finances in Portugal in order to undertake her movetoSpain.ForletterswhichdocumentherintentionsseeArchivoGeneraldeSimancas(hereafterAGS). SeeespeciallytheminuteofaletterfromPhilipIItohisambassadorJuandeBorjadated12May1571,AGS, Estado(Portugal),leg.388,f.108fortheproblemsCatherinefacedintakingherestateandmoniestoSpain, becausehergrandsonSebastianwasherlegalheir.Atthesametime,Catherineorderedresearchundertaken attheHabsburgfamilyarchivesinSimancastoseewhichrentsandpropertieswerelegallyherswhileareview ofher1524marriagecontractandcapitulationswasmade.Shewantedacopyofthiscontractsenttoherto Lisbon.Cf.AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.388,f.115forthenotarizedcourtpapersregardingCatherine’sdowry andjewelsdated1525.AswellasAGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.390,f.99.AlsoaletterfromJuandeBorjato PhilipII’ssecretary,GabrieldeZayas,writtenfromLisbon(22May1571),AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.389,ff. 162and160,concernsCatherine’sestatein1570whichtheambassadorfoundtobeverymodestinincome: ‘[...]nohepodidoentenderloçiertoenloquetocaadinerosyajoyasylosdemasmueblessonpocos[…],’and f.172,BorjatoZayas(12June1571):‘yaescreviav.m.comoloquesabiadelaaçiendadelaReynaeraquela Rentaserancomosesentamilducados,lasjoyasnosesillegaranaçientoyçinquentamil,loquesesabela demasRecamaraespocacosa[...].’ 9TheexchangeoflettersbetweenPhilipII,JuandeBorjaandCatherineofAustria,regardingwheresheshould retiretoinSpainareinAGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.387,f.21(21August1570);AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.388, f.216(29August1570).AlsoLisbon,BibliotecaNacionalofPortugal(hereafterBNP),Cod.8570,ff.143ಥ144v, DecomoaRainhaDonaCatherinasequeriairagravadadestesReynosperaCastella. 10SeeAGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.389,f.91(1571)foraletterCatherineaddressedtoSebastianjustifyingher reasonsformovingtoSpain.ShecomplainedtoSebastianthatheneverresidedinLisbonwhenshedid,and thatshepreferredtoburyherself(enterrarseviva)inaconventratherthancontinuethetenserelationship theycultivated. 11Moreira1987. 12Lunenfeld1977,pp.57ಥ78. 13Lunenfeld1977,p.69. 14Eichberger2005. 15Lawrence1997,p.17;Carpin1997,pp.39ಥ40. 16Brantôme1991,p.511.AlsoKing1991,pp.188ಥ193. 17King1991,p.182. 18DGARQ,NA792,f.193v(1543). 19FormoreonCatherine’sreligiouspatronageseeJordanGschwend2010,pp.215ಥ38. (http://arteysociedad.blogs.uva.es/files/2012/09/13ͲJORDAN.pdf). 20Moreira1987.

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 21JordanGschwend2009,pp.32ಥ42. 22 Thomaz1991,pp.35ಥ103. 23JordanGschwend1992,pp.70ಥ90;DeswarteͲRosa1996,pp.157ಥ98;OrioleTrindade2008,pp.459ಥ533. 24SousaViterbo1988,pp.419ಥ24;Jordan1994,PartTwo:Appendix6,cats.11,13,15ಥ18,20. 25DGARQ,CCI,maço109,doc.40;DGARQ,CCII,maço248,doc.23.Cf.SousaViterbo1988,pp.419ಥ24. 26Kubler1972,pp.63ಥ64. 27DGARQ,CCII,maço248,doc.80.Cf.SousaViterbo1988,pp.423ಥ24;Alves1991,pp.183ಥ84. 28DGARQ,CCI,maço29,doc.47;DGARQ,CCI,maço109,docs.42and55;DGARQ,CCII,maço248,doc.38; DGARQ,TorredoTombo,Ms.daLivraria,Ms.729,ch.26,f.597v. 29Carvalho1990,pp.181ಥ84;Alves1991,pp.191ಥ95. 30Onepachydermhadbrokenduringproductionortransportationandwasimmediatelyreplaced. 31OrioleTrindade2008,pp.459ಥ533. 32BA,Ms.46ͲXͲ22,f.77v. 33AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.387,f.21(12August1570). 34AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.388,f.216(29August1570)andf.225(20December1570). 35 Lisbon, Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal (hereafter BNP), Reservados, Cod. 8920 (1571); London, British Library(hereafterBL),AdditionalMss.,ff.61Ͳ65,forlettersthecitymunicipality(camâra)ofLisbonwrotethe queenaboutherwishtomovetoCastile. 36Amongthem,theHieronymitemonasteryatValeBemfeitonearObidós,theDominicanconventofPedrogão Grande,theconventofSãoFranciscoinFaro,andthechurchesofSantaCatarinaandS.DomingosinLisbon.In alettertoPopePiusIV,CatherinetoldhimofthespecialdevotionsheandJohnIIIhadfortheConventofSanta CruzinCoimbra.SeeBibliotecaApostolicaVaticana(hereafterBAV),Barb.Lat.9920,f.213(Lisbon,8October 1564):‘[orei]aquetinhasingulardevoção[totheSantaCruzconvent]comoeutenho.’ 37Moreira1987,pp.16–18. 38BNP,ColecçãoPombalina686,ff.803Ͳ822:‘TresladodoCompromissodasCapellasdaRainhaD.Catharina tiradodooriginalqueestánoTorredoTombodondeestáseutestamento.TratadadoaçãofeitaaoConvento deBelemparasustençãode20Merceeiros.’ 39Madrid,BibliotecaNacionaldeEspaña(hereafterBNE),Ms.474.Thisreligioustractpersonallywrittenby Osório has never been studied and remains unpublished. Also Jordan 1994, pp. 136Ͳ150; Jordan Gschwend 2001,pp.60ಥ68. 40 Over the years a number of gifts had been given by Catherine of Austria to the Jerónimos monastery in Belém.Shedonatedreliquaries(inasilverͲgiltcoffer),costlyornamentsandreligiousobjects(amiraculouscult statueofOurLadyofAjudaandaSt.Sebastian)whichwerelaterlistedinthemonastery’sinventoriesinthe seventeenthcentury.Otherobjectsperhapsassociatedwiththequeen(asilverͲgiltcross,chaliceandvarious churchvestmentspossiblyembroideredbyCatherine)areintheMuseuNacionaldeArteAntiga(Lisbon).Fora summarizeddiscussionofalltheseobjectsseeMoreira1987,p.21. 41 Jordan 1994, p. 27, note 66; Jordan Gschwend 2001, p. 62, note 129. See also Noticia da fundação do convento daMadre deDeos de Lisboa das religiosasdescalças da primeira regrade NossaMadre deSanta Clara…, located in the library of the Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Estante 74, no. 2, ff. 26ಥ27r. Other generousdonationsmadebythequeentotheMadredeDeusconventincluded,in1565,largeͲscaleportraits ofherselfandJohnIIIinprayeranddevotionbyCristóvãoLopesandin1574severalorgans.Sometimebefore Catherine’s death in 1578, she gave the convent a number of important relics, including two heads of the 11,000VirginMartyrs,andcurtainsofgraysilkembroideredwithgoldshehadsewnherselfforthetabernacle containingtheBlessedSacrament.ThislattergiftisnotedintheaboveNoticia...,f.27r:‘[a]indaestroutrodia soubequefizeraaSenhoraRaynha[CatherineofAustria]comsuasmaosascortinasdoSantissimoSacramento deretrosPardo,lavradodeouro.’ 42Segurado1970,pp.330ಥ333;DeswarteͲRosa1987,pp.147ಥ83. 43Moreira1981,p.98. 44Hecksher1947,pp.155ಥ82. 45Jordan1985,p.30.

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 46Jordan1985,pp.56ಥ57. 47JordanGschwend2009,p.34. 48JordanGschwend2010b. 49Hirsch2001,p.3;JordanGschwendandBeltz2010. 50JordanGschwend1991,pp.121ಥ26. 51FelicidadeAlves1984;Jordan1985,p.17,note38andpp.121ಥ22. 52BaptistaPereira1986,pp.53ಥ66. 53Madrid,MuseodelPrado,oiloncanvas,346x240cm,inv.no.432. (http://www.museodelprado.es/coleccion/galeriaͲonͲline/galeriaͲonͲline/obra/laͲgloria/). 54Vasari1881,p.453;Chiari1982,p.29. 55Bohde2001,pp.450ಥ72. 56AnotherVenetianpainter,Tintoretto,isrecordedashavingpurchasedCatherineofAustria’sFlagellationat theauctionofthecontentsofTitian’sworkshopafter1576.WhethertheFlagellationwasevercompletedand whatbecameofthispaintingisnotknown. 57Paris,MuséedesArtDécoratifs,inv.no.PE243.FormoreonthisportraitconsultJordan1994b,p.88,fig.51. 58Jordan2005,pp.91ಥ113. 59‘PatternsofPatronageamongHabsburgQueens,RegentsandPrincesses,’inJordan1994,pp.417ಥ31.For moreonHabsburgwomen,theircourtsandcollectionsinthesixteenthcenturysee: http://habsburgsintherenaissance.blogspot.ch/. 60DGARQ,NA792,f.95v,forunspecifiedgoodsthePortuguesefactorinFlanderssentthequeenin1538. 61 Serrão 2003, p. 252, argues for Catherine’s ‘gusto romanista’ and her taste for things Italian (specifically Roman) throughout her reign. However, in the queen’s inventories and related documents this cannot be corroborated, and Serrão’s assertion that Catherine purchased engravings and works of art in Rome is not documented. 62VaticanCity,ArchivioSegretoVaticano(hereafterASV),SegretariadiStato,Portogallo,3,ff.32ಥ33v. 63ThecomplexitiesregardingCatherine’ssearchforasuitablepainterwerefirstoutlinedinBouza1998b,pp. 77Ͳ78.SubsequentlytakenupbySerrão2000,pp.17ಥ77;Serrão2003,pp.249ಥ65. 64Moser1950,pp.27ಥ31;Serrão2003,pp.249ಥ65. 65Franco1992,pp.70ಥ71. 66ThequeenwroteatotalofthreeletterstoRomein1571requestingherambassadorbuyhighͲqualitypaints. 67TwolettersinBA,citedinJordan2000,pp.285ಥ86,note56. 68AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.389,ff.172ಥ73(12June1571). 69AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.389,f.58(7July1571). 70SeeAGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.389,f.59,foraresponsewithamarginalnotemadebyPhilipII:‘Justosera bolver a remediar esto y aun a castigarlo.’ In short: the need to remedy this unfortunate situation and to punishthecustomsofficerforhisblunder. 71AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.390,f.94,letterfromBorjatoZayas(9January1572). 72AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.390,f.10(July25,1572),f.27(7September1572),f.33(23October1572),f.120 (29October1572)andff.121ಥ22(10December1572):‘estandoparapartirseestecorreovinoamiposadael secretario de la Reyna y me dio esta escrivania para V. M. la qual le embia su Alteza por señal de agradeçimientoquetienedelcuydadoqueV.M.tieneenloquetocaasuservicio.’ 73MinuteofaletterfromPhilipIItoCatherine,inAGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.392,f.204(19September1575): ‘ytambienrecibimuchamerçedycontentamientoconloscorporalesypaliosparasanctlorençio[ElEscorial], queporsertanpulidosydemanodeV.A.loshetenidoenloqueesrazonylasbesoaV.Altezamuchasvezes porellos.’ 74AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.389,f.91(1571). 75BNP,Reservados,Cod.8570,f.144v. 76AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.392,f.175(18July1575):‘ençiertascasasyaposientoenquelareynadoña leonormytiavivio.’

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 77AGS,Estado(Portugal),leg.390,f.117(28October1572). 78Jordan2005,pp.155ಥ80. 79Serrão2003,p.252andp.264.Thereisnodocumentation,however,whichconfirmsCatherineofAustria broughtSalzedotohercourtin1564toworkasherpainterorportraitist. 80Tanner1993,pp.183ಥ222.In1565CatherinecommissionedfromtheLisboncourtpainterCristóvãoLopes twolifeͲsizeportraitsofherselfandthelateKingJohnIIIatprayer,whichshedonatedtotheConventofMadre deDeus.Theseportraits,whichhungfacingthemainaltaroftheMadredeDeuschurchinadorationofthe Eucharist, not only express the pietas and devotion of the Portuguese monarchs, but were also visual reaffirmationsofthequeen’sownfidelitytotheHabsburgnotionsofPietasAustriacacultivatedbyherand othermembersofthedynasty.FormoreonthesedevotionalportraitsseeJordan1994b,pp.136ಥ50. 81FortheimmenseinterestPhilipIIshowedinthebuildingandconstructionofhisauntCatherine’scapelamor consult Serrão 2000, pp. 29ಥ34. The Spanish king went so far as to request a drawing of the Jerónimos monasteryin1568(Serrão2000,p.21). 82ThedateofCatherine’sdeathinthescholarshiphasinvariablyanderroneouslybeengivenas12February 1578.Cf.ASV,SegretariadiStato,Portogallo,1,f.61v. 83ASV,SegretariadiStato,Portogallo,1,f.63(8February1578). 84ExcerptofaletterwrittenbyJuandeSilvatoPhilipII(April1578)citedinLlanosyTorriglia1923,p.90,note 118,whileacopyofGranada’sspeechsentbyCardinalInfanteHenrytotheSpanishkinghasnotsurvived.Cf. ResinaRodrigues1988,p.578. 85‘TestamentoecodycillodaRainhaCatarinaqueDeustem[…],’inAsGavetas,6(1967),p.10. 86 Resina Rodrigues 1988, p. 578: ‘a pesar de su innegable pompa, se revistió de un aparato menor que lo habitualenlacortedeMadrid,enidénticascircunstancias.’ 87Resende’sinscriptionreads:CATHERINAPHILLIPICASTELREGISF.JOANNISIIILUSITAN.REGIS.P.F.INVICTI CONIUXMAGNIANIMIPIECTATISEXIMIOPRUDENTIASINGULARISETINCOMPARABILISEXEMPLIREGINAH.S. E.

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