Vol. 48/ 6 (1983)

BOOK REVIEWS Governor Philip F La Follette, the Wisconsin Pro ported FDR's 1937 court-packing plan, a controversial propos gressives, and the New Deal. By John E. Miller. al that alienated most of the Republican progrcssiv es who had (Columbia and London, University of Missouri Press. not alreadv' broken with the New Deal Hence, Philip's deci 1982. 229 p. $21.00.) sion, announced in early 1938, to initiate the organization of a national third party came as something of a surprise. THIS FINE BOOK focuses on the years of Philip La Follettes It also came as a shock. One disquieting factor was the career as a political leader and reformer, a time span extending prospect that NPA would siphon off support that otherwise from 1930 to 1939. Philip, the elder Roberi M. La Follette's would go to FDR (should he choose to run again) and thereby "second son," won his first election to the governorship in 19.30 contribute to Republican success in 1940. The svinbolism and running as a Republican. In 1932 he failed to win renomination pageantry accompanving announcement of the new partv' vv as in the Republican primary, a defeat terminating his affiliation even more disturbing. The organizational rally held in Madison with the Grand Old Party. Two years later Philip and his on April 28, 19:38, mav' explain why. As .Miller described it: brother. Senator Robert M. La Follette, Jr., assumed lead "Before the meeting began, a color guard and a drum-and-bugle ership of a new Wisconsin Progressive party, a role accepted corps circled the hall several times. A military band blared by Robert with considerable reluctance and bv Philip with away with patriotic songs. University athletes garbed in more enthusiasm. bright-red letter sweaters ushered people to their seats, while The new party got off to a promising start in 19.'34, electing national guardsmen helped direct traffic outside. Every corner Philip to the governorship and re-electing Robert to the Sen of the pavilion was festooned with American flags, and behind ate. Two vears later Philip won another term in the governor s the podium hung a huge blue banner which vvas deco chair: the Progressives gained full control of the state legisla rated with the cross-in-circle symbol. " ture, captured most of Wisconsins congressional seats, and It is not surprising that many left-of-center reformers per elected their entire state ticket. ceived a startling parallel between the NPA event and the Progressive ascendency in Wisconsin turned out to be Nazi-Fascist rallies of the 1930s; some of them characterized brief however: in 1938 the new party suffered humiliating the cross-in-circle symbol as a "circumcised swastika." In addi defeat. An effort Philip launched in April to expand the state tion. La Follette's rhetoric appeared to indicate that he vvas organization into a national third party (The National Progres moving awav' from championship of the oppressed to a politics sives of America) evoked more negative than positive re of consensus based on emotional patriotism. He also seemed to sponses from liberals and reformers, and in the fall he lost his assign higher priority to the encouragement of "productivitv " bid for re-election. So did most other Progressive party candi than to the promotion of equalitv', a standpoint that mav' have dates. Subsequent elections confirmed that the rout of 1938 anticipated John F. Kennedy liberalism, but one calculated to was not a temporary setback, but a harbinger of permanent please conservative critics of the New Deal in the 19,30s. decline. Although Miller does not dismiss these reactions as sheer Several factors contributed to this dramatic downturn in fantasies, he insists that La Follette was neither a potential Progressive fortunes. For one thing, the political climate was Fascist nor a horn-again conservative. La Follette, Miller more conservative than it had been earlier. For another, the argues, had consistentb respected the motivating power of Wisconsin third party was severely factionalized, with moder emotion-stirring symbols, and now he wanted to place this ates pitted against radicals, farmers against wage earners and, power at the service of goals very different from those being increasingly, supporters of an ""anti-Fascist"" foreign policy pursued by Nazism. The stress on productivitv', according to against hard-core "isolationists." Furthermore, the working re ,Miller, was not a recentiv discovered value, but one that had lationship between President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the been gestating in La Follette's thought processes for some La Follettes, while not completely shattered (Robert sup time. The same was true with respect to his emphasis on ported FDR's re-election in 1940), was severely impaired. national unity. Notwithstanding his frequent campaign assaults Mifler's analysis of the deterioration of the La Follette- on the "vested interests" and privilege hunters," Philip Roosevelt alliance is of particular interest. Of and by itself the La Follette had at times demonstrated a preference for con cooling of this relationship was not surprising; many of the old sensus over confrontation. When the question of a name for the Republican progressives became harsh critics of the New Deal. new third party was being debated in 19:34, he argued against The La Follettes, however, appeared to be transitional figures the Farmer-Labor label, a name carrving implications of a whose stance on public policy issues seemed to bridge the gap permanent class struggle. separating old progressive values from New Deal liberalism. The 1938 defeat effectively terminated Philip La Follette's Significandy, too, both Philip and Robert enthusiastically sup career as an elected politician. In 1940-41 he actively partici- Summer 1983 263 pated in the crusade against .\nicrican involvement in World rized, the Supplement exemplifies the compiler's and bibliog War II spearheaded by the America First Committee, rapher's arts. although he avoided formal affiliation with that organization. Even so, it is open to critical sniping. Its categories, for After Pearl Harbor he entered military serv ice, winding up on example, could be declared arbitrary, its listings probably omit the staff ot General Douglas MacArthur, an appointment "that some eligible publications; its annotations may not please the transformed his life. Like many who served under .MacAr ardent bibliophile, antiquarian, or "buff." (The list of possible thur, La Follette developed a fierce lov altv' to his chief the complaints could go on and on.) more he venerated the general, the more obsessive his hatred Such fish-in-a-barrel shooting, however, completely misses for Roosevelt and the New Deal became. the point. Reference guides intend to provide access. The list The relationship between the tvvo La Follette brothers also ings must be as comprehensive as possible, sorted into cohe cooled. Robert and Franklin Roosevelt were on less intimate rent subcategories, and judiciousb' annotated. The work must terms than earlier, but the senator continued to co-operate be accurately, completely, and logically indexed by author, with the president on occasion, although he remained critical title, subject, and probably by geographical reference. And of administration foreign policy. However, Robert spurned finally, the entire manuscript, one comprised of thousands of suggestions that he affiliate with the Democratic party. At the names and voluminous indexes, must be proofread several expiration of his term in 1946, he filed in the GOP primary but times to ensure accurate presentation. suffered defeat at the hands of Joseph R. McCarthv, who short- If this is not labor-intensive activ ity prone to errors, over Iv' would achiev c fame as the nation's chief Red hunter. sights, and misjudgments, nothing is. To have the process end By the close of World War 11, Philip undeniably had be with a work of the quality and content of this Supplement is come a right-winger, alienated from his old friends and sup trulv praiseworthy. Historians, researchers, and anyone who porters, while close personal rapport with leaders of the right seeks access to Minnesota history will use this book easily and eluded him. In the last two decades of his life — he died in successfully. It is, to employ an often misused phrase, a con 1965 — he remained a lonely outsider plagued with a drinking tribution to scholarship. problem, Vleanwhile the bulk of his old following moved into a Only one query should be registered: after this and subse revitalized Wisconsin Democratic party, which by 1965 could quent Supplements extend the reference shelf, will they all be with some justification claim the La Follette legaev. combined into a single volume, with a unified index? One This is an excellent book, eminently readable, thoroughh' hopes so. That work could only be excellent because its prede researched and well-balanced from an intcrpretiv c standpoint. cessors will have set such a high standard. It should appeal not only to specialists in New Deal historiogra phy, but also to general readers with an interest in the political Reviewed by L.\RBY RI£MELE, historian for the State Historical history of the Upper Midwest. Society of Norih Dakota, and editor of that society's quarterly. North Dakota Historv. Reviewed by CARL H. CHBisLot:K, professor of history at Augs burg College and author of The Progressive Era in Minneso ta, 1899-1918 (L9ri), Lumberjacks and Legislators: Political Economy of the U.S. Lumber Industry, 1890-1941. By Wil liam G. Robbins. (College Station, Texas .•KfcM University Press, 1982. xiv, A Supplement to Reference Guide to Minnesota 268 p. $22.,50.) History, 1970-80. Compiled by Michael Brook and Sarah P Rubinstein. LUMBERJACKS and Legislators is a book about neither. It is a (St. Paul, Vlinnesota Historical Society Press, 1983.

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