John Calvin and the Printed Book

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Habent sua fata libelli

Sixteenth Century Essays & Studies Series

General Editor Raymond A. Mentzer University of Iowa

Editorial Board of Sixteenth Century Essays & Studies Elaine Beilin Helen Nader Framingham State College University of Arizona Miriam U. Chrisman Charles G. Nauert University of Massachusetts, Emerita University of Missouri, Emeritus Barbara B. Diefendorf Theodore K. Rabb Boston University Princeton University Paula Findlen Max Reinhart Stanford University University of Georgia Scott H. Hendrix Sheryl E. Reiss Princeton Theological Seminary Cornell University Jane Campbell Hutchison John D. Roth University of Wisconsin–Madison Goshen College Ralph Keen Robert V. Schnucker University of Iowa Tr uman State University, Emeritus Robert M. Kingdon Nicholas Terpstra University of Wisconsin, Emeritus University of Toronto Mary B. McKinley Margo Todd University of Virginia University of Pennsylvania Merry Wiesner-Hanks University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee

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Cover illustration: “Ionnes Calvinus Natus novioduni Picardorum,” in John Calvin, Joannis Calvini Noviodumensis opera omniain novem tomos digesta. Amsterdam: Johann Jacob Schipper, 1667, 1:*4v.

Cover and title page design: Teresa Wheeler Type: AGaramond, copyright Adobe Systems Inc. Printed by Thomson-Shore, Dexter, Michigan USA

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Gilmont, Jean François. [Jean Calvin et le livre imprimé. English] John Calvin and the printed book / Jean-Francois Gilmont ; translated by Karin Maag. p. cm. — (Sixteenth century essays & studies ; v. 72) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-1-931112-56-7 (alk. paper) ISBN-10: 1-931112-56-8 (alk. paper) 1. Printing—Switzerland-Geneva—History—16th century. 2. Early printed books— Switzerland—Geneva—16th century—Bibliography. 3. Christian literature—Publishing— Europe—History—16th century. 4. Calvin, Jean, 1509–1564—Bibliography. 5. Calvin, Jean, 1509–1564—Books and reading. 6. Reformation—Switzerland—Geneva. 7. Cen- sorship—Switzerland—Geneva. 8. Geneva (Switzerland)—Imprints. I. Title. II. Series. Z176.G2G5513 2005 686.2'092—dc22 2005021531

No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any format by any means without written permission from the publisher.

∞ The paper in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992.

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Contents

Translator’s Preface...... vii Preface: Books in the Life of Calvin...... ix Acknowledgments ...... xvii Abbreviations...... xix

Chapter One: Introductory Remarks 1. Three Prefatory Anecdotes...... 1 2. The Journey of the Reformer...... 9 3. His Context—People, Ideas, and Institutions...... 18 4. Oral Instruction...... 26 5. On the Usefulness of the Pen...... 32

Chapter Two: Printed Works 1. The Institutes of the Christian Religion ...... 39 2. The Scripture Commentaries...... 45 3. Ecclesiastical Writings ...... 63 4. Polemical Works ...... 69 5. The Sermons in Print ...... 73

Chapter Three: Writing 1. Choosing to Write...... 83 2. Selecting a Language...... 113 3. Brevity and Ease of Writing...... 121 4. Calvin’s Work Environment...... 127

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vi Contents

Chapter Four: Reading Practices 1. Calvin’s Library ...... 135 2. The Biblical Text...... 143 3. Patristic and Classical Sources...... 156 4. Contemporary Authors...... 167 5. An Ordinary Christian’s Books ...... 177

Chapter Five: Printing 1. Choosing a Printer...... 179 2. The Art of Dedications...... 195 3. Calvin’s Knowledge of the Book World...... 212

Chapter Six: Censorship 1. The Censor in Geneva—the Legal Foundations of Genevan Censorship...... 245 2. Censored by the Genevan Council ...... 265 3. Censorship Outside Geneva—Calvin as a Censor...... 270

Chapter Seven: Conclusion...... 277

Appendix 1: Calvin’s Productivity ...... 293 Appendix 2: Exegetical Commentaries and Oral Teaching ...... 296 Appendix 3: Polemical Treatises in Chronological Order...... 299 Appendix 4: The Structure of the Tractatus omnes (1576)...... 301 Appendix 5: French and Latin Translations...... 303 Appendix 6: Calvin’s Dedications...... 307 Bibliography...... 309 Index ...... 323

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Translator’s Preface

In the spring of 2002, at the request of Jean-François Gilmont, I began the translation of his work on Calvin and the world of printing, originally published by Droz in Geneva in 1997. I had previously served as translator and English-language editor for another work edited by Professor Gilmont, The Reformation and the Book, published by Ashgate in 1999. Professor Gilmont is one of the foremost experts on Calvin’s writings and I deeply appreciated the opportunity to translate this current text. I wish to thank five students at Calvin College who helped with various stages of the project over the course of four summers: Ruth Speyer (2002), Joshua Wierenga (2003), Jeff Rop and Allison Graff (2004), and Lauren Colyn (2005). They proofread sections and suggested changes, typed and verified footnotes, and helped to create the bibliography. Without their able assistance, the project would have taken much longer. Susan Schmurr, the Meeter Center program coordinator, also valiantly typed large sections of the text and helped work on the bibliography. I take responsibility for any remaining flaws in the translation. I am also deeply grateful to Raymond Mentzer, general editor of the Sixteenth Century Essays and Studies series, and to the staff at the Truman State University Press for their interest in this work and their help throughout the publishing process. It is my hope that this work will prove to be a valuable resource for English- speaking students, Reformation scholars, and general readers who want to learn more about what Calvin read and wrote, and how he interacted with the world of print.

Karin Maag Grand Rapids, Michigan July 2005

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Preface

Books in the Life of Calvin

John Calvin was a landmark figure in the history of Christianity. Thanks to his strong personality, he established and shaped a confessional branch of the Christian church, a branch that has become firmly rooted and has flourished throughout the centuries. At the same time, the Reformer from Noyon was himself rooted in a specific historical context. He influenced his contemporaries and future generations by making use of the techniques of his day. In this work, I intend to analyze one of the media he used extensively, namely, printed books. This approach will prove useful both for Calvin scholars and for his- torians of print and printing. However, my aim in advancing our knowledge of this aspect of the Reformer’s work is not to isolate printing from other forms of communication that Calvin used. Indeed, my plan is to link the theme of printing to other aspects of communication, such as public and private oral discourse and unpub- lished writing. This task is made easier thanks to the important work of the last fifty years on Calvin’s sermons.1 In establishing Calvin’s relationship with printed books, the intention is not to focus on the content of his works, whether in terms of their style or the theological issues they address. Given the thorough research on Calvin’s polemical writings carried out by Francis Higman2 or, more recently, Olivier Millet’s work on Calvin’s rhetoric,3 there would be little point in revisiting these topics. Instead, my bibliographical- historical approach is intended to complement earlier research. When relevant, I will highlight the links between communication techniques and the author’s style.

1E. Mülhaupt, Die Predigt Calvins, ihre Geschichte, ihre Form und ihre religiösen Grundgedanken (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1931); and T. H. L. Parker, Calvin’s Preaching (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1992), to mention only the oldest and most recent of these works. See below, 26–32. 2F. M. Higman, The Style of John Calvin in His French Polemical Treatises (Oxford: Oxford Univer- sity Press, 1967). 3O. Millet, Calvin et la dynamique de la parole (Paris: H. Champion, 1992).

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x Preface

In the same way, I will not deal explicitly with the theological content of Calvin’s writings. However, when analyzing his means of communication, content- related questions are inevitable. Indeed, such investigations can sometimes shed new light on the Reformer’s thoughts and lead to new issues for theologians to consider. Examining Calvin as author and writer in his historical context leads to a series of questions: What kinds of messages did Calvin entrust to the printed word? What were his reasons for writing? Did he have any interest in the work of printers and booksellers? In what ways were his oral and written teachings linked? What connections were there between what he said and what he wrote? Given that Calvin lived during a major transitional era in the history of printing and reading, some of these questions are wide-ranging ones. Invented in the mid-fif- teenth century, printing took more than eighty years to fully break free from its earlier dependence on manuscript texts. Between 1520 and 1540, the printed book became recognizably modern. For example, it was at this time that title pages began to provide the key elements of a book’s identity. Character fonts became simplified and lost the numerous abbreviations and ligatures prevalent in manuscript writing. The body of works published became much larger and more modernized. Books were no longer the exclusive preserve of religion and the universities, but instead penetrated a wider social spectrum. As is true for all new technology, printing offered previously unknown advantages, but also brought new constraints.4 In the French printing industry in particular, a technological revolution took place. In less than ten years, between 1530 and 1540, the use of roman and italic fonts became widespread. Furthermore, and significantly, French became more com- monly used in subject areas where Latin had previously reigned supreme. Moreover, Calvin played a significant role in the evolution of the languages considered appro- priate for theological writings. These changes also had an impact on reading. When printing was first developed, reading methods and strategies went through a series of subtle changes. For a long time, reading was such a difficult technique that almost no one could directly absorb the content of a text simply by looking at it. Instead, reading had to be done aloud, even if only quietly. The main reason for this was undoubtedly the clumsy setup of characters on the page. However, by the end of the Middle Ages, two important developments transformed reading. First, thanks to the growth of universities beginning in the twelfth century, a new kind of reader emerged: a researcher who consulted documents to locate references. To facilitate this process, printers used different techniques to enable readers to find subsections of text. Second, in early fif- teenth-century Florence, under the leadership of Niccolò Niccoli young humanists developed a font that was more pleasing than Gothic and pioneered less compact typesetting. Thus the outward appearance of books achieved a better balance between

4See my introductory chapter in J.-Fr. Gilmont, ed., La Réforme et le livre. L’Europe de l’imprimé (1517–v. 1570) (Paris: Cerf, 1990), 19–28.

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Books in the Life of Calvin xi

black and white on the page, thereby facilitating silent reading.5 However, this new practice did not become immediately widespread. During the religio-political pam- phlet wars in the German lands between 1520 and 1525, printed works made an impact more through group reading than private perusal. As Robert Scribner pointed out, “the multiplication effect usually attributed to the printed word was just as much a product of the spoken word.”6 But this observation leads to further questions: are the same kinds of texts produced for reading aloud and silent reading? As we know from daily experience, the logic of oral discourse differs from that of printed materials, even though the links between the written and oral word are strong. Flaubert stated that a well-written text must pass the “talk-test,” because the written word absolutely needs harmonic reso- nance. Was Calvin aware of the distinction between written and oral style? As I was completing this study, I learned of Holger Flachmann’s thesis produced in late 1996, Martin Luther und das Buch.7 This scholar wrote his work, as I did, without having any similar monographs at his disposal dealing with the great humanist and religious leaders of the sixteenth century. There are only general works, as well as a few limited studies on Erasmus, Rabelais, and Luther. There is no study that deals with the questions I have raised here, even though there are a few interesting works in this area on Luther.8 In contrast, there are no works at all in this field on Zwingli, Bullinger, Bucer, or even on Calvin’s colleagues Farel, Viret, and Beza, making comparisons very difficult. Holger Flachmann’s work has changed this situation. It seems to me that his thesis proves both how rich and how complex these issues are. Coming at a similar topic from two different standpoints and with different concerns, we have each dealt with it in a unique fashion. It is true that Luther often made statements about books and printing, something Calvin did not do. It may not be too far off to say that Flachmann’s work focuses primarily on what Luther said, and my work deals primarily with what Calvin produced. Of course we must recognize that Flachmann is aware that Luther’s words and his actual practice feed off each other, for in his thesis, Flachmann deals with both topics. Beginning with Luther’s use of texts (reading, book ownership, and publications), he continues his study by focusing on what Luther said about books, in terms of the words and images he used to define the concept of the book. Subsequently, Flachmann analyzes the role written works played in society, in terms of both civil and religious social practice, and the attitude

5See the articles of P. Saenger, A. Grafton, and my own in G. Cavallo & R. Chartier, eds., Storia della lettura nel mondo occidentale (Rome, Bari: Laterza, 1995); or its English translation, A History of Reading in the West (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1999). 6R. W. Scribner, Popular Culture and Popular Movements in Reformation Germany (London: Ham- bledon Press, 1987), 65, see also 54–60. 7H. Flachmann, Martin Luther und das Buch (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1996). 8For Erasmus and Luther, see below, 281–83. For Rabelais, see M. B. Kline, Rabelais and the Age of Printing (Geneva: Droz, 1963).

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xii Preface

of authorities, particularly in terms of censorship. It is at this point that the author deals with the connections between books and preaching—the proclamation of the word of God. Flachmann ends by highlighting the role that Luther gave to books in the history of salvation. This brief overview does not do justice to the depth of this work, in particular to the author’s consummate skill in going back and forth between books and “the Book,” namely, the Bible. I will leave to others the task of comparing his approach to mine. However, I felt it was important to acknowledge the work and note the ways it differs from mine, even though we deal with similar themes including reading, censorship, relations with printers, and different approaches to scripture.

The Outline of the Work

Logic, rather than aesthetics, has guided the structure of this book. In order to devote the sections of each chapter to a coherent topic, I ended up with sections of different lengths. Therefore, certain sections are divided into subsections, while most of the text is divided primarily into paragraphs. Overall, the book consists of six chapters, structured as follows. Chapter 1 does not constitute a narrowly focused introduction. Instead, I begin with three short sketches that present different facets of Calvin’s relations with books and writing. These sketches are intended to whet the appetite by bringing the topic to life. The following section provides an overview of the key moments of the Reformer’s life. As my intention is to provide a dynamic portrait of Calvin that shows how his relationship to books evolved, I wanted to provide some reference points to anchor the following analysis. Finally, before focusing on Calvin as the author of books, I dis- cuss two other forms of communication that he used, specifically, speech for his teaching and manuscript text for his letters and certain other works. Which of his writings did the Reformer entrust to printers? The next chapter provides an overview of his literary activity by listing his main printed works: the Institutes, exegetical commentaries, ecclesiastical writings (namely, works intended to sustain the life of the church, catechisms, liturgies, etc.), and polemical writings. The final section of the chapter deals specifically with the publication of Calvin’s sermons. Chapter 2 thus presents an overview of Calvin’s published corpus, a topic often omitted by his biographers.9 Since his writings are already well known, the next step is to examine how they came into being. The third chapter analyzes Calvin’s writing process. The first matter to be considered is his reasons for writing: what factors led Calvin to take up his pen? Then there is the issue of language, since Calvin subtly shifted between Latin and

9A useful but superﬁcial introduction can be found in W. de Greef, Johannes Calvijn, Zijn werk en geschriften (Kampen: De Groot Goudriaan, 1989); and W. de Greef, The Writings of John Calvin: An Intro- ductory Guide (Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 1993).

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Books in the Life of Calvin xiii

French. Following a discussion of aspects of Calvin’s style as noted by both the Reformer and his readers, a final section deals with where the writing process actually took place. Calvin not only produced books, but he also made use of them. Thus the fourth chapter deals with Calvin as a reader. What do we know about Calvin’s own library? This first question is followed by an analysis of the three most basic types of works he read, which were biblical, patristic, and classical texts. The subsequent section deals with the works of his contemporaries, predecessors, and colleagues in the work of the Reformation. The chapter ends with a few thoughts on what Calvin believed simple Christians should read. The fifth chapter comes back to Calvin’s own writings: when he had finished his works in manuscript form, they were brought to the printer. This chapter discusses Calvin’s choice of printers, the role of the dedicatory prefaces, and finally, his specific knowledge of the world of the printed book. During the Reformation, censorship regulated both what was written and what was read. In order to study Calvin’s reaction to censorship, the entire topic has to be approached from several different viewpoints. First, in Geneva itself, Calvin was both one of the main instigators of the Genevan censorship system and also at times its victim. Second, outside Geneva, Calvin adopted the role of censor to control access to the works produced by other groups of Protestants, while he himself was on the receiving end of censorship carried out by Catholic authorities. The conclusion to the book not only summarizes the whole, but also attempts to evaluate the importance of books and printing in the context of Calvin’s other activities. A number of rather dry but more comprehensive appendices offer readers a means of locating the data for some of the analyses presented in this work. One final comment on my approach to this text is in order. Because the book follows a logical rather than chronological order, I have used the same anecdote more than once, drawing different lessons from it each time. Reference numbers will lead readers back to the most extensive account of any one anecdote. Furthermore, from my point of view, this topic does not need extensive scholarly notes on thousands of related topics or extensive bibliographical notes for each name or event mentioned. Thus the critical apparatus focuses primarily on the primary sources, which I have used extensively, and I have kept learned discussions in the footnotes to the bare minimum, attempting to make it unnecessary for readers to concentrate on the notes.

The Sources

This research is directly linked to the Bibliotheca Calviniana, the bibliography of early editions of Calvin’s writings. This work was begun by Rodolphe Peter, but was

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Acknowledgments

In scholarly terms, this work owes much to the fruitful discussions I have had during my Genevan visits with the members of the Institut d’histoire de la Réformation and the Musée historique de la Réformation, especially Francis M. Higman, but also Max Engammare, Reinhard Bodenmann, and Alain Dufour. Over the course of many years, I have had the opportunity to receive constructive criticism from Bernard Roussel for my various projects. I wish to thank Robert M. Kingdon for his generos- ity in providing me with extracts from the Genevan Consistory registers. My thanks also go to Etienne de Sadeleer, who alerted me in a timely fashion to a recent study on Erasmus and printing. I am grateful to Monique Mund-Dopchie, Pierre-Maurice Bogaert, Claude Bruneel, Jean-Marie Cauchies, Roger Chartier, and Jean-Pierre Mas- saut for their willingness to read my manuscript and provide feedback on it. The publication of the Bibliotheca Calviniana clearly acted as the starting point for this project. I am delighted to reiterate my deepest thanks to Mrs. Rodolphe Peter and her children for their confidence in me in asking me to continue the work carried out for so long by their husband and father. The final version of this work was made possible by a sabbatical granted by the Catholic University of Louvain. I wish to thank the rector, Professor Crochet, the Dean of the Faculty of Philosophy and Humanities, Professor Bruneel, and the Director of the Bibliothèque générale et de sciences humaines, Jean Germain. I also wish to thank Hugh R. Boudin for the care with which he read the final version of this work. My wife and daughters deserve at least the order of merit of the Knights of Calvin for their patience and support for my research, and their willingness to hear about my latest discoveries. I know they would prefer to see the sequel to Maître Abel, but to everything there is a season.

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Abbreviations

ARG Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte. Gütersloh, 1903– . B.C. R. Peter and J.-Fr. Gilmont, Bibliotheca calviniana: Les oeuvres de Jean Calvin publiées au XVIe siècle. Vol. 1, Écrits théologiques, littéraires et juridiques, 1532–1554. Travaux d’humanisme et Renaissance 255. Geneva: Droz, 1991. Vol. 2, Écrits théologiques, littéraires et juridiques, 1555–1564. Travaux d’humanisme et Renaissance 281. Geneva: Droz, 1994. Vol. 3, Écrits théologiques, littéraires et juridiques, 1565–1600. Travaux d’humanisme et Renaissance 339. Geneva: Droz, 2000. CO J. Calvin, Opera quae supersunt omnia. Edited by G. Baum, Ed. Cunitz, and Ed. Reuss. Corpus reformatorum 19–87. 59 vols. Berlin: Brunswick, 1863– 1900. O.S. Joannis Calvini Opera Selecta Edited by Peter Barth and Wilhelm Niesel. 5 vols. Munich: Kaiser, 1926–59. RC Geneva, Archives de l’État, Registres du Conseil. R. Consist. Geneva, Archives de l’État, Registres du Consistoire. R. Crim. Geneva, Archives de l’État, Registres des Sentences criminelles. RCP Registres de la Compagnie des Pasteurs de Genève. Edited by Olivier Fatio et al. 13 vols. Geneva: Droz, 1962–. R. Part. Geneva, Archives de l’État, Registres du Conseil pour les affaires particulières. VD 16 Verzeichnis der im Deutschen Sprachbereich erschienenen Drucke des XVI Jahr- hunderts. Edited by Irmgard Bezzel. 25 vols. Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1983–.

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Chapter One Introductory Remarks

In order to accurately weigh the importance of the printed text in Calvin’s career, several areas deserve attention. Firstly, in order to evaluate his changing attitude toward books, we should note the key moments of his career. Secondly, we should set Calvin in the context of the people he encountered, the ideas he defended, and the institutions of which he was a part. Finally, we will examine two other means of communication that Calvin used, namely, oral discourse for his teaching and hand- written materials for his correspondence and some of his works. As a prelude, here are three short sketches illustrating different facets of Calvin’s interactions with books and writing.

1. Three Prefatory Anecdotes

It seemed to me that a few short stories would immediately bring out the more human and lively aspect of this topic. These anecdotes illustrate some of the many facets of Calvin’s connection with the written word.

A Hurriedly Written Work In 1545, Calvin decided to write a lampoon exposing Pierre Caroli to ridicule. Precise information about Caroli is not signiﬁcant at this point; the circumstances surrounding the writing of this lampoon are what prove interesting. We need only know that Caroli was a Parisian doctor of theology, who joined the Reformation only to return again to the Catholic church, and became anathema to Calvin and his two closest colleagues among the Reformers, Guillaume Farel and Pierre Viret.1

1A critical edition with scholarly introduction can be found in J. Calvin, Défense de Guillaume Farel et de ses collègues contre les calomnies du théologastre Pierre Caroli par Nicolas des Gallars, trans. J.-Fr. XXXXX 1

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2 Chapter One

In June 1545, Farel and Viret sent documents to Calvin on the subject of Car- oli.2 Pressed for time, Farel sent Calvin the original copies. In early July, Calvin decided to spend three days in the countryside at the small farm of his brother Anto- ine together with his main secretary of the time, Nicolas des Gallars. However, as they prepared to leave, disaster struck. Farel’s notes were nowhere to be found. “Because I thought at the time, and I still believe,” said Calvin, “that someone fraud- ulently absconded with them, I was so upset that I had to remain in bed the following morning.” The loss of the documents was all the more serious in that Calvin had not yet read them. By the end of the day, the Reformer had regained his equilibrium and decided to leave for Saconnex regardless. Night fell when he and des Gallars were halfway there, and the two travelers were forced to spend the night at an inn. “The bedbugs tormented us so badly all night that we were unable to sleep for more than half an hour.” At 3:00 a.m. the two unfortunate travelers set off again, but this time they were held up by rain. They finally arrived at the farm at 5:00 a.m., rested for two hours, and then began to work. Shortly thereafter Calvin was able to send the start of the text to Viret. “You will soon hear that it is all done,” he added confi- dently.3 Viret replied in a satirical letter, claiming to be amazed that Calvin was not stopped by so many extraordinary obstacles: compelled to leave the inn because of the bedbugs, he then begins to struggle against a flea—Viret meant Caroli.4 Calvin enjoyed the joke: “Had I been lacking in courage to deal with Caroli’s bites, your ele- gant and humorous comparison of bedbugs and fleas would have set me aflame.” The work was not completed as quickly as originally intended because Calvin and then des Gallars were called upon to deal with other matters.5 In any event, the work proceeded apace. Following the suggestion of Pierre Viret, the tract appeared under Nicolas des Gallars’s name. Indeed, he was more than simply a fictitious author, because he had actually contributed to the writing of the work. In August, looking back on the whole matter, Calvin admitted that he came close to leaving Caroli to “bark.” But as the treatise now existed, “Nunc alea jacta est. I was so heated after having started that I had no trouble reaching the finish. In truth, being able to play more freely, almost leaping, by using another name, also contributed to this ease of writing. See how pleased I am with myself. I feel I have written a work that is worth- while.”6

2 Gounelle (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1994). See also M. Engammare, “Pierre Caroli, veritable disciple de Lefevre d’Etaples,” in Jacques Lefevre d’Etaples (1450?–1536): Actes du colloque d’Etaples les 7 et 8 novembre 1992, ed. J.-Fr. Pernot (Paris: Champion, 1995), 55–80. Regarding this anecdote, see E. Doumergue, Jean Calvin, les hommes et les choses de son temps (Lausanne: G. Bridel, 1899–1927), 3:533– 34, 6:68. 2CO, 12:93 (CO references are to volume and column; Roman numerals following volume number refer to prefatory pages); and B.C.1, no. 45/10. 3CO, 12:100–1 (undated letter from early July 1545). 4CO, 12:105–6. 5CO, 12:107–8. 6CO, 12:124. Calvin2005 Page 3 Friday, August 5, 2005 1:43 PM

Introductory Remarks 3

This story reveals many aspects of Calvin as a writer, first of all his astounding ability, in terms of both his speed of writing and his depth of thought. In a few days, he completed an in-octavo work of about a hundred pages, or seventeen thousand words. Furthermore, he wrote the work in spite of having lost a part of his source material. This situation had already occurred during the writing of the Psychopanny- chia, for which Calvin admitted having only indirect sources: “I have only received some notes from a friend, who had taken down what he had cursorily heard from their lips or collected by some other means.”7 This story also displays Calvin’s extremely sensitive emotional state. When he believed that his documents had been stolen, he fell ill. Calvin’s emotions often played a major role in his writing. Another humorous anecdote confirms the Reformer’s physical frailty. In September 1540, when living in Strasbourg, Calvin welcomed pay- ing guests into his home to earn some money. Among others, he hosted a noble- woman, the Damoiselle du Verger, who behaved so fiercely toward his brother Antoine that the latter left the house. In reaction, Calvin suffered a gastric attack, as he explained at length to Farel. “When I am worked up by gastric trouble or great anxiety, I tend to calm down by eating and devouring food more voraciously than I should. This is exactly what happened to me this time. I filled my stomach that night at dinner with too much of the wrong kind of food and I was tortured by terrible indigestion the following morning.”8 I will leave aside the rest of this letter that goes on to describe the many ailments that plagued Calvin at the time. Regarding the documents, however, I do not believe that Calvin had been a victim of theft. Other evidence suggests that Calvin’s papers were very disorganized. In 1547 he lost a manuscript by Ribit and in 1550 he mislaid a manuscript by Farel for several days.9 However, the accuracy of Calvin’s treatise suggests that he had at least part of the texts sent by Farel still in hand.10 Even if his papers were disorganized, his mind was clearly not. He had enough specifics on Caroli in his head to attack him for a hundred pages. Finally, we see here the particular bitterness with which Calvin pursued former friends, such as Pierre Caroli, who had been at his side during the Lausanne Disputation of 1536.

The Lost and Found Manuscript The manuscript of Calvin’s commentary on Second Corinthians caused its author a month’s worth of worry. At that time, Calvin felt it necessary to entrust the

7John Calvin, Psychopannychia; or, the Soul’s Imaginary Sleep between Death and Judgement, in Selected Works of John Calvin: Tracts and Letters, ed. H. Beveridge and J. Bonnet (Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 1983), 3:414; and J. Calvin, Recueil des opuscules, ed. Theodore Beza (Geneva: J.-B. Pinereul, 1566), 1. 8A.-L. Herminjard, Correspondance des Réformateurs dans les pays de langue française, 1512–1544 (Geneva: H. Georg, 1866–1897), 6:313; and CO, 11:84. 9CO, 12:384, 13:408–9. 10J. Calvin, Défense de G. Farel, 99 n. 5. Calvin2005 Page 4 Friday, August 5, 2005 1:43 PM

4 Chapter One

Latin edition of his commentaries to the Strasbourg printer Wendelin Rihel.11 In early July 1546, Calvin gave the manuscript and several letters to a young messenger. After a month without news, Calvin began to wonder about the reliability of the bearer. “He may have wanted to take revenge on us because my brother did not trust him. Indeed, he had disappointed my brother, who then later refused to entrust some valuable books to him.” Calvin had, however, given the young man his manuscript without retaining a second copy. Two days later he was even more anxious. Thus he continued to wait for news from Strasbourg to find out whether the pack- age had arrived:12 “I still have no news about my commentary. If I find out that my commentary is lost, I have decided to never touch Paul again. But the danger is great. It has been a month since he left. I await with great anxiety the news that will come in the next mail delivery.”13 Viret was quick to react: “If your commentary on Paul is lost, I will be very upset, both for you and for the church.”14 On 25 August, Farel felt compelled to chastise his friend: “I was disappointed to learn that you had carelessly entrusted your notes on Second Corinthians, and they are at risk of disap- pearing. Given that mothers do not neglect their children, you, too, should have sent out this fruit of the Lord with greater care. And I hope that the Lord will be merciful to us so that the text is not lost.”15 On 15 September 1546, when Calvin announced that the manuscript had been found, he explained that because of his concern over the loss of the text he had been unable to concentrate on his work: “Because I thought it might have disappeared, I lost a whole month’s work. I had begun to work on the treatise De Scandalis, but was forced to lay it aside. Then everything that I started came to nothing. In fact I was only able to get through less than half a chapter of the Epistle to the Galatians. The problem was not so much the loss of the text itself, but the fact that I blamed myself for my negligence.”16 Two weeks later, on 2 October 1546, Calvin had regained his peace of mind: “Now I have finally begun to work my way through the Epistle to the Galatians.”17 Three factors seem significant here. First, Calvin failed to make a copy of the manuscript, largely because of the cost in terms of time and money. Second, Calvin reacted strongly to the loss by exclaiming that he would no longer write anything on Paul. However, he did not keep to that plan, since he tried to start his commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians. Finally, Calvin’s extreme sensitivity made it impossi- ble for him to concentrate on his work, due, as he said, not so much to the loss in and of itself as to the fact that he blamed himself for it.

11See below 181–82. 12CO, 12:367. 13CO, 12:368. 14CO, 12:370. 15CO, 12:374. 16CO, 12:380. 17CO, 12:391. Calvin2005 Page 5 Friday, August 5, 2005 1:43 PM

Introductory Remarks 5

Between the Written and Spoken Word The issue of the Lord’s Supper sharply divided the Protestant world: was Christ truly present in the bread, as Luther argued, or, as Zwingli saw it, was the Lord’s Supper purely symbolic? At the time when Calvin was beginning to hear news of the Reformation, the divide between these different interpretations had been sealed by the Colloquy of Marburg in 1529. By 1536, thanks to the good work of Martin Bucer, the Wittenberg Concord allowed for a rapprochement between Luther and the south German theologians, though the Swiss were left out of the agreement. While in Strasbourg, Calvin attempted to encourage concord by laying out a middle way in his Traicté de la Cène. He stated that the body of Christ is truly given to the faithful in the Lord’s Supper, but in a spiritual sense. At ﬁrst, Zwingli’s succes- sor at the head of the Zurich church, Heinrich Bullinger, neither could nor would follow Calvin, remaining ﬁrmly committed to the symbolic interpretation of his master. By 1540, friends on both sides tried to bring Calvin and Bullinger closer together. The task was not an easy one, for Calvin had as many reservations about Zwingli as Bullinger had about Calvin. However, the need for unity ultimately proved stronger than these concerns. Luther’s attacks propelled them both into the same camp, even though Calvin felt Bullinger was too forceful. In November 1544, Calvin suggested collaboration, though he restricted himself to suggesting a working method. He avoided dealing with the substance of the issue, “for I am worried that you will object to certain aspects of my way of teaching.” He declared that he was simple and sincere in his speech: “whatever I feel, I say it simply and straightforwardly.” Then he offered his solution: “if we could get together and talk for even half a day, it would be easy for us to come to an agreement, I hope, both in terms of form and content.” Further on, he spoke of the small pebble, the “scruples” that ought not to stand in the way of brotherly friendship.18 Shortly thereafter, Bullinger wrote a treatise in which he laid out his doctrine on the matter, and he seized the opportunity of Calvin’s trip through Zurich in January 1547 to give it to him.19 This particular journey was not, however, the opportunity for the meeting that had been sought after since 1544, perhaps because Calvin’s stay was too brief. It is more likely that the Germanic Bull- inger wanted letters rather than face-to-face meetings, feeling that written correspondence tended to remove ambiguities. Before responding to Bullinger’s treatise, Calvin turned to Farel. Claiming that letters were too risky for secrets, he called Farel to an emergency meeting. “Come

18Herminjard, Correspondance, 9:375; CO, 11:775. Regarding this anecdote, see A. Bouvier, Henri Bullinger le successeur de Zwingli d’après sa correspondance avec les réformés et les humanistes de langue fran- çaise (Neuchâtel and Paris: Delachaux et Nestlé, 1940), 110–49 (including an analysis of the theological content of the discussion). 19Calvin left Geneva for Zurich on 24 January and reported to the Genevan Council on his return on 10 February 1547 (CO, 21:395, 397).

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A Barbier, Nicolas, 193, 194, 261 Basel, 11, 13, 19, 40, 264, 276 ABC books, 252, 253, 259, 265 Calvin’s stays in, 137, 162, 180–18, 198, Affair of the Placards, 11, 40, 180 216, 242 a Lasco, John, 141, 221, 243 church of, 110, 172 Albiac, Acace d’, 255 printing industry in, 227, 270, 272, 282 Alciatus, Andreas, 9, 142, 179, 196 Bauduin, François Alesius, Alexander, 126, 168 Calvin’s writings against, 112 almanacs, 251–54, 265, 275 early friend of Calvin, 20, 138, 147, 164 Altieri, Baldassare, 238 later opponent, 34, 71, 72, 91, 103, 108 Ambrose, 158, 166, 177 translator of Calvin’s works, 119 Anabaptists, 23, 71, 72, 95, 116, 118 Becanis, Vidal de, 36 Anastaise, Etienne, 190 Beljaquet, Louis, 21, 255, 266, 267 Anastaise, Jean, 258 Bernard of Clairvaux, Saint, 162–63, 166 Angoulême, 20, 40, 92 Bern anti-Trinitarians, 71, 72, 86, 96, 100, 124 church of, 7, 31, 87, 110, 169 Antwerp, 274, 282 government of, 12, 203, 217, 218, 290 Aristotle, 142, 164 plague in, 64 Arnoullet, Balthasar, 271 printing in, 270 Augsburg Confession, 105, 262 Berthelier, Philibert, 218 Augsburg Interim, 72, 73, 86, 97, 237 Berthet, Jacques, 271 Augustine, Saint, 122, 137, 140–41, 157– Beurée, Denis, 202, 204 60, 162, 167 Beza, Theodore and the Bible, 147, 149, 150, 151, 154, 185 B biography of Calvin, xiv, 27, 60, 61, 74, Badius, Conrad 149 Calvin’s printer, 77–78, 180, 192, 193, and book purchases, 138, 139, 145 199 and the book trade, 240–41, 257, 258, and Calvin’s commentaries, 231 260 polemical works, 107, 249, 262 Calvin’s colleague, xi, 59, 67, 107, 111 prefaces, 78, 79, 80, 151–52 Calvin’s friend, 18, 233, 279, 287 work in Geneva, x, 189, 190, 217, 254, and censorship, 246, 248, 250, 251, 260 256, 259 Baduel, Claude, 116, 119, 235, 240 correspondence, 22, 24, 91, 112, 152, baptism, 22, 23, 271 273

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Beza, Theodore, continued Budé, Jean, 79, 199 and dedications, 195 Calvin’s note-taker, 18, 53, 55, 74, 75, and Genevan Academy, 68, 152 209 and polemic, 17, 69, 71, 72, 94, 106, and censorship, 256, 260 263 oversaw publication of Calvin’s works, prefaces, 48, 49, 61, 62, 77 56, 59, 193 and printing, 190, 219, 222, 226, 227, preface by, 56, 57, 193 247 Bullinger, Heinrich as translator, 274 as author, 46, 94, 138, 172–74, 219 Biandrata, Giorgio, 43, 72, 131, 210 and book trade, 138, 215, 219, 233, Bibliander, Theodore, 110, 142, 172 234, 238 Biel, Gabriel, 163 collaboration with Calvin, 5, 6, 56, 104, Bienassis, René de, 184, 187, 188, 189, 105, 113 266, 281 correspondence, 6, 7, 33, 34, 90, 103 Blanchier, Michel, 190, 259 criticisms of Calvin, 123 Blaurer, Ambrosius and polemic, 85–86, 97–100, 102 admirer of Calvin, 19, 56 and printing, 273, 274 bought Calvin’s books, 60, 227, 228, recipient of Calvin’s works, 107, 111, 239, 240 222, 226, 227, 235 correspondence, 99, 106, 239 relationship with Calvin, 19, 108, 112, Bolsec, Jerome 286, 287 Calvin’s opponent, 15, 21, 72, 97, 101, and Zurich church, 5, 8, 110 159 de Bourgogne’s physician, 20 polemic against Bolsec, 111, 127, 224, C 267 Cajetan, Tommaso de Vio, 141 theological views, 23, 81, 171, 194, 217 Calvin, Antoine Bonivard, François, 140, 261 John Calvin’s assistant, 131, 191, 224 Bonnefoy, Jean, 190–258 John Calvin’s conﬁdant, 19, 138 Bourgeois, Jacques, 231, 248, 258 member of John Calvin’s household, Bourgeois, Louis, 269 135, 136 Bourges, 9, 20, 196, 232, 236, 241 overseeing publication of John Calvin’s Bourgoing, François, 74, 251 works, 188, 191, 218, 260, 281 Bourse française, 75, 76, 192, 193, 257 Calvin, John Brenz, Johannes, 21, 102, 138, 174, 240, biography, 9–18 262 catechisms, 63–66 Brès, Vincent, 248, 259 commentaries, 16–18, 45–63, 87–92, Brully, Pierre, 64 109–112, 194–202, 229–40 Bucer, Martin correspondence, 32–36 advice for Calvin, 166, 185, 233, 288 illnesses, 57, 58, 134 as author, 46, 53, 117, 126, 141, 162 the Institutes, 39–44, 113–17, 161–63, Calvin’s reading of, 172, 173, 279 180–83, 188–91, 228–30 correspondence, 30, 90, 169 liturgies, xii, 63–65, 68, 117, 288 inﬂuence on Calvin, 13, 19, 63, 70, 85, personal library, 135–43 86 polemical works, 69–73, 83–86, 93– as intermediary, 5, 225 100, 104–07 in Strasbourg, 13, 275 sense of vocation, 10–13, 27, 47, 87, Budé, Guillaume, 142, 164 112, 285, 291

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sermons, 30–32, 35–37, 48–50, 61–63, Cyprian, 158, 162, 166 73–82, 145–47, 191–94 Cyril of Alexandria, 158 Capito, Wolfgang, 19, 88, 93, 109, 128, 173 Caroli, Pierre, 1–3, 20, 109 D Carraciolo, Galeazzo, 211 Dagnet, Pierre, 134 Castellio, Sebastian, 20, 141, 264, 272 Daniel, François, 40, 92, 116, 241, 242 Calvin’s polemic against, 72, 93, 99, 23 Dathenus, Peter, 205, 243 encounters with Calvin, 35, 130 de Beaulieu, Eustorg, 214 Cathelan, Antoine, 93, 94, 102 de Bourgogne, Jacques, Seigneur de Falais Causse, Barthelemy, 262 Apologie or Excuse, 96, 106, 119, 122, censorship, 245–76 125, 133 Cercia, Antoine, 192, 248 break with Calvin, 20, 208 Chappuys, François, 250, 267 correspondence, 75, 92, 114, 233 Charles V, 73, 117, 182, 185, 213, 265 dedicatory letter to, 74, 198, 199, 203, Chateaubriand, Edict of, 219, 273 208, 213 Chautemps, Jean, 184, 187, 188, 190, 259 ﬁnancial matters, 224, 233 Chauvin, Artus, 67 friend of Calvin, 15, 20, 176, 186, 207 Cheke, John, 215, 241 and printing, 275, 281 Chevalier, Antoine, 151–52 de Bure, Idelette, 7, 14, 138, 199, 206 Chevalier, François, 256, 260 de La Fontaine, Nicolas, 204 Christopher, Duke of Wurtemberg, 200, d’Ennetières, Marie, 245, 274 206–08, 211 des Gallars, Nicolas Cicero, 142, 164, 166, 291 as note-taker, 55, 74, 200, 209 Cochlaeus, Johannes, 106, 126, 141, 168 as translator, 119, 185, 186 Colladon, Nicolas Calvin’s secretary, 2, 18, 111, 277 as indexer, 43, 44, 214, 280 and Calvin’s works, 52, 53, 59, 115, assessment of Calvin, 86, 125, 129, 130, 130, 131 278 correspondence, 53 as translator, 60 preface by, 117 biography of Calvin, xiv, 31, 49, 56, 59, and printing, 258, 266 61, 65 Désiré, Artus, 264 Calvin’s assistant, 133, 191 Dietrich, Veit, 114, 117 preface by, 131 Dolet, Etienne, 220, 242 Connan, François de, 84, 142, 196, 197 du Bois, Michel, 137, 182–84, 236, 237, Consensus tigurinus, 7, 16, 22, 108, 201, 265 221 du Bosc, Guillaume, 241–42 Cop, Nicolas, 11 du Bosc, Simon, 185, 187, 248, 257, 269 Cordier, Maturin, 35, 67, 198, 199, 206 Duchemin, Nicolas, 9, 179, 196, 223 Courteau, Thomas, 193, 271 du Chesne, Nicod, 252–54, 275 Coverdale, Miles, 175 du Pinet, Antoine, 20, 40, 124, 133, 183 Cousin, Jean, 74, 76 Durant, Jean, 259 Crespin, Jean Durant, Zacharie, 248, 250, 262 as author, 263, 268 du Tillet, Louis, 12, 13, 20, 87, 136, 242 Calvin’s printer, 51, 55, 56, 132, 193, 229–31 preface by, 57 E and printing, 186, 189, 190, 194, 220, East Friesland, pastors of, 201 246–49, 274

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Eck, Johannes, 141, 157 France, 26, 40, 171, 180, 202, 209 Edward VI (king of England), 200, 202–04, Francis I, 11, 171, 197, 209, 222 207, 208, 210 Frankfurt, 226, 230, 243, 271, 272 Elizabeth I (queen of England), 59, 200 book fair, 46, 54, 220–22, 241–42, 244, England, 105, 200, 204, 205, 210, 263 248 Enoch, Louis, 256, 258, 262 Diet of, 68 Enzinas, Francisco de, 101, 123, 225, 226 magistrates of, 199, 201, 204, 207 Erasmus, Desiderius, 9, 11, 115, 283 publishing industry in, 40, 189, 226, correspondence, 33 272 inﬂuence of, 160, 177, 180, 206, 282 Frederick III, Elector Palatine, 201 works, 142, 147, 159, 162, 283 Frellon, Jean, 242, 271 Estienne, François, 191, 259 Froment, Antoine, 245 Estienne, Henri, 189, 191, 219, 221, 257 Froschauer, Christoph, 215, 226, 238, 242 Estienne, Robert Furstenberg, Wilhelm, Count of, 14, 70, admired by Calvin, 194, 199, 281 124 and the Bible, 42, 147–51, 153, 154, Fumée, Antoine,16, 20, 108, 225 194 and censorship, 270 in Geneva, 113, 186, 187, 189–91, 250, G 261 Garnier, Jean, 215, 262 and printing, 194, 212, 217, 230–32, Geneva 249 Academy of, 29, 62, 68 as publisher, 43, 51, 54, 138, 140, 163 Academy library, 138–43, 161–65 Eusebius, 138, 163, 164 Company of Pastors, 25–26, 151, 288 Consistory, 14–15, 25–26, 251–56, 263–65 F Council of Sixty, 24, 267 Fabri, Christophe, 28, 132, 133, 136, 175, Council of Two Hundred, 24, 67, 165 237 ecclesiastical ordinances, 31, 64, 67–68, Faget, Ambroise, 80 256 Farel, Guillaume, 1–8, 11–14 General Council, 24, 25, 67 admiration for Calvin, 122 Small Council, 24, 67 advice to Calvin, 115, 116, 181 Gentile, Valentino, 72, 106, 108, 269 as author, 63, 64, 122, 141, 175, 177 Girard, Jean, 214, 274 and the Bible, 148 Calvin’s printer, 79, 175, 192, 194, 228– and book trade, 237–38, 274 30 Calvin’s friend, 18, 137, 198, 199, 206, and censorship, 245, 247, 253, 269 287 in Geneva, 149, 183–90, 212, 254, 260, and Calvin’s works, 17, 54, 84, 91, 92, 273 110 Gratian, 142, 160, 162, 166 and censorship, 251, 266, 268, 272 Gregory, 158, 166 correspondence, 33–35, 49, 51, 77, 88, Grené, Philibert, 190, 257, 260 169 Grynaeus, Simon, 19, 46, 173, 176, 198, and polemic, 85, 90, 98, 107, 109, 118 203 and printing, 183, 184, 186, 214, 216, Guéroult, Guillaume, 185, 247, 260, 271, 232 275, 276 Féray, Claude, 28 Gustav I (king of Sweden), 200, 202, 204, Ferrara, 70, 241 212 Florence, x, 289 Gwalter, Rudolf, 6, 19, 233

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H Lempereur, Martin, 274 l’Estoile, Pierre de, 9, 179, 196 Haller, Berchtold, 7, 19, 102, 138, 238 Liner, Hans, 240 Hamburg, 21, 98 London, 105, 212, 263, 284 Hamelin, Philibert, 189 Loré, Philippe, 180, 232, 236 Hangest, Claude de, 196, 206 Louvain, xvii, 126, 141, 282 Henri of Navarre (later Henri IV, king of Loyola, Ignatius of, 32, 33, 282 France), 199, 201, 203, 211, 223 Luther, Martin Henri II (king of France), 274 and the Bible, 45 Henry VIII (king of England), 72 Calvin’s assessment of, 104, 173, 177, Hesshusen, Tilemann, 21, 90, 94, 99, 106 279, 287 Hilary of Poitiers, 158 correspondence, 32, 33, 36, 108 Hotman, François, 93, 116, 119, 122, 129, and printing, xi, xii, 281 176, 243 relations with Calvin, 19, 105, 109, 225 Huchin, Claude de, 260, 261 theological views, 5, 21–23, 103, 116 works, 11, 168–71, 267, 274 J Lyon, 20, 188, 194, 242, 264, 271 Jerome, Saint, 158, 174, 177, 267 John Chrysostom, Saint, 117, 155–58, 161, M 162 Marguerite de Navarre, 23, 88, 101 John-Frederick, Duke of Saxony, 206, 208, Marlorat, Augustin, 144, 145 211 Marot, Clément, 64 Jonviller, Charles de Mary I (queen of England), 105, 203 as note-taker, 53, 55, 56, 74, 131, 191 Melanchthon, Philip Calvin’s assistant, 18, 35, 38, 55, 193, Calvin’s assessment of, 46, 104, 123, 199 174, 177 preface by, 58 Calvin’s letter of dedication to, 198–99, and printing, 193, 194, 221 206 Joris, David, 264, 272 correspondence, 32, 101, 108, 169 Jourdain, Thibault, 262 relations with Calvin, 8, 19, 102, 105, 109, 122 theological views, 22 K works, 104, 118, 141, 169–70, 173–74, Koeln, Wigand, 183, 252 262 Merlin, Jean-Raymond, 152 Michel, Jean, 147, 183, 255, 274, 276 L Moiban, Ambrosius, 238, 239 Laon, Jean de, 145, 192, 193 Morély, Jean, 272 La Place, Pierre de, 120 Musculus, Wolfgang, 19, 97, 99, 164, 167 La Rochelle, 37, 80 Myconius, Oswald, 7, 8, 92, 172, 181, 235 Lasius, Balthasar, 37, 80 Lausanne, 18, 232–33, 237, 238, 267, 288 Academy of, 18, 67 N Disputation of, 3, 12, 20–21, 40, 156, Neuchâtel, 137, 207, 232, 236–38 157 Nicodemism, 20, 70, 72, 76, 94, 287 Lefèvre d’Etaples, Jacques, 142, 148 Normandie, Laurent de, 138, 260 Leipzig, 204, 243 Calvin’s friend, 199, 206, 207, 261, 276

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Normandie, Laurent de, continued Pocquet, Antoine, 101 and printing, 139, 185, 187–94, 249, Poissy, Colloquy of, 112, 152, 202, 233, 257, 281 249 Noyon, 9, 135, 196, 197 Poitiers, 80, 150, 158 Nydbruck, Gaspard, 28, 235, 243 Poland, 199–202, 206, 210, 238, 239 Poppius, Menso, 35, 37 Poullain, Jacques, 275 O Poullain, Valérand, 42, 66, 125, 144, 145, Occam, William of, 142 176, 182 Ochino, Bernardino, 176 Poupin, Abel, 251, 255, 267 Oecolampadius, Johannes, 94, 141, 168, prophezei, 31 170–71, 173, 215 Prostat, Pierre, 76, 81 Olivétan, also Pierre Robert and the Bible, 11, 113, 116, 140, 148– 49, 153, 184 R books, 139, 142, 145 Rabelais, François, xi, 143 relations with Calvin, 136 Radziwill, Nicholas, 51, 202, 205, 210, Oporinus, Johannes 211, 243 Calvin’s printer, 40, 84, 180–81 Raguenier, Denis, 37, 53, 74–76, 146, 192 censorship, 272 Regensburg, Colloquy of, 70, 105, 117, 243 correspondence, 45, 216 Rihel, Wendelin support for Calvin, 136, 137 Calvin’s printer, 4, 46, 182, 185, 229, Origen, 158, 161, 177, 215 237 Orléans, 180, 236 Calvin’s friend, 14, 181, 224–25 Ory, Matthieu, 271 and printing industry, 228, 242, 275 Osiander, Andreas, 101, 102 Rivery, Antoine, 189 Rivery, Jean, 189, 259, 263 Roset, Claude, 16, 30, 66, 67, 257 P Rouen, 87, 123, 264 Paris, 10, 116, 126, 179, 180, 280 Roux, Jacques, 3, 78, 192 Parlement of, 20, 106, 225 Rueger, Jacob, 238, 240 Paul III (pope), 70, 72, 85, 181 Pech, Sebastian, 243, 263 Pellikan, Conrad, 232 S Perez de Ayala, Martin, 102 Saconay, Gabriel de, 173, 174 Perrot, François, 28 Sadoleto, Cardinal Jacobo Perrin, Ami, 15, 16, 21 Calvin’s response, 70, 85, 88, 119, 182, Perrin, François, 28 265 Peter Lombard, 160, 162, 166, 279 letter to Geneva, 14 Pighius, Albert Schaffhausen, 238, 240 Calvin’s opponent, 21, 70–72, 93, 99, Schenck, Matthias, 102, 138, 236 101, 127 Scotus, Duns, 142 Calvin’s response, 159, 160, 286 Senarclens, Claude de, 108, 225 works, 137, 141 Seneca, 9, 142, 156, 158, 164–66, 180 Pinereul, Jean-Baptiste, xv, 192, 250, 258, Senneton, Claude, 194 259 Servetus, Michael, 86, 96, 97, 101, 268, Plato, 142, 164 270–71 Platter, Thomas, 180, 181, 228 Seymour, Edward, Duke of Somerset, 200

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Siculo, Giorgio, 72, 101 books, 139–42, 145, 159, 162, 164 Sigismund Augustus (king of Poland), 200 correspondence, 45 Simons, Menno, 43, 132 works of, 94, 167, 168, 262, 279 Sinapius, Johannes, 241 Vigean, Gabriel, 251–55, 275 Sorbonne, 70, 72, 73, 106 Vincent, Antoine, 152–54, 188, 191–94, Sozzini, Laelio, 131, 174, 235, 238 248, 259 Speyer, Diet of, 85, 90 Vingle, Pierre de, 107, 178 Stancaro, Francesco, 72, 210 Viret, Pierre Strasbourg advice to Calvin, 210 Academy, 27 Calvin’s friend, 1, 12, 18, 122, 141, Calvin’s stay in, 13–14, 20, 28, 30, 63, 198–99 136 correspondence, 2, 4, 33, 203, 241 Calvin’s work in, 46, 117, 137 and polemics, 85, 96, 101, 105–7, 109, church of, 31, 64, 87 127 civil authorities in, 275 and printing, 184–86, 232, 233, 247, colleagues in, 19, 72, 172, 272, 288 273 inﬂuence on Calvin, 161–63, 166, 284 work in Geneva, 14, 66, 110, 251 printing in, 47, 65, 68, 70, 85, 181–85 work in Lausanne, 6 Sturm, Jean, 46, 67, 203, 210, 215, 228, works of, 37, 97, 122, 167, 174, 268 272 Sulzer, Simon, 6, 19, 35, 235, 240 Susliga, Floryan Rozwicz, 204, 211 W Westphal, Joachim, 21, 89, 93, 94, 97, 98, 100, 105 T response to Calvin, 271 Tertullian, 138, 158, 166 works of, 141, 160, 271 Textor, Benoit, 175, 199, 235, 247, 255 Winter, Robert, 88, 180, 181 Theophylactes, 158 Wittenberg, 103, 108, 225, 242, 283 Thonon, 136, 137, 237 Wittenberg Concord, 5, 105 Tournai, 23, 37, 101 Wolf, Hans, 34, 221 Toussain, Pierre, 200, 204, 235 Wolmar, Melchior, 107, 198, 206, 208, Trecy, Krzystof, 38 222, 233 Tremellius, Emmanue, 191 Worms, Colloquy of, 13, 36 Trent, Council of, 90, 102, 110, 138, 210 Trolliet, Jean, 21, 129, 174, 255, 266, 267 Tübingen, 102, 138, 235 Z Zanchi, Girolamo, 19, 106 Zebedee, Andreas, 171, 177 U Zurich Utenhoven, Jan, 49, 51, 202, 263 book trade with, 232–34, 237, 238, 242 church of, 72, 87, 110 pastors of, 22, 97, 98, 108, 111, 113 V printing in, 73, 215, 219, 221, 227, 273 Vatable, François, 140, 142, 147 Zurkinden, Nikolaus, 97 Vaud, 12, 276 Zwingli, Huldrych Venice, 238, 241 Calvin’s assessment of, 104, 173 Vergerio, Pietro Paolo, 110, 138 theological views, 5, 22, 103 Vermigli, Peter Martyr works of, 141, 170–71, 279