WP18–27 Executive Summary

General Description Proposal WP18–27 requests the Federal Subsistence Board (Board) to recognize the customary and traditional uses of muskoxen on by the residents of Nunivak Island. Submitted by: - Kuskokwim Delta Subsistence Regional Advisory Council.

Customary and Traditional Use Determination—Muskoxen Proposed Regulation

Unit 18—Nunivak Island Residents of Nunivak Island.

Unit 18—Remainder No Federal subsistence priority.

OSM Preliminary Conclusion Support

Southeast Subsistence Regional Advisory Council Recommendation

Southcentral Alaska Subsistence Regional Advisory Council Recommendation

Kodiak/Aleutians Subsistence Regional Advisory Council Recommendation

Bristol Bay Subsistence Regional Advisory Council Recommendation

Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta Subsistence Regional Advisory Council Recommendation

Western Interior Alaska Subsistence Regional Advisory Council

WP18–27 Executive Summary

Recommendation

Seward Peninsula Subsistence Regional Advisory Council Recommendation

Northwest Subsistence Regional Advisory Council Recommendation

Eastern Interior Alaska Subsistence Regional Advisory Council Recommendation

North Slope Subsistence Regional Advisory Council Recommendation

Interagency Staff Committee

Comments

ADF&G Comments

Written Public Comments None

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DRAFT STAFF ANALYSIS WP18-27

ISSUES

Proposal WP18-27, submitted by the Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta Subsistence Regional Advisory Council (Council), requests the Federal Subsistence Board (Board) to recognize the customary and traditional uses of muskoxen on Nunivak Island in Unit 18 by residents of Nunivak Island.

DISCUSSION

The proponent states that residents of Nunivak Island have interacted with muskoxen since they were reintroduced and have hunted them under State regulations. The proponent continues that Nunivak Island consists of predominantly Federal public lands within the Yukon Delta National Wildlife Refuge and residents of the rural community of Mekoryuk on Nunivak Island would like to be recognized by the Board for their customary and traditional uses of muskoxen.

Only Nunivak Island residents’ customary and traditional uses of muskoxen on Nunivak Island are described below; when a proposal requests adding a community or residents of an area to an existing customary and traditional use determination, only the customary and traditional uses in the area indicated in the proposal by that community are analyzed.

Existing Federal Regulation

Customary and Traditional Use Determination —Muskoxen Unit 18 No Federal subsistence priority.

Proposed Federal Regulation

Customary and Traditional Use Determination—Muskoxen

Unit 18—Nunivak Island Residents of Nunivak Island.

Unit 18—Remainder No Federal subsistence priority.

Extent of Federal Public Lands

Federal public lands comprise approximately 90% of Nunivak Island in Unit 18 and consist of U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service managed lands. These Federal public lands are within the Yukon Delta National Wildlife Refuge (see Unit 18 Map).

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Regulatory History

At the beginning of the Federal Subsistence Management Program in Alaska in 1992, most existing State customary and traditional use determinations were adopted into permanent Federal regulations (72 Fed. Reg. 22961. [May 29, 1992]). The State did not recognize customary and traditional uses of muskoxen on Nunivak Island and the Board adopted a determination of “no subsistence priority.”

In January 2014, the Alaska Board of () considered but did not adopt a customary and traditional use determination for muskoxen in Units 18 and 19 (Proposal 5). The proposal, submitted by the Association of Village Council Presidents, requested “subsistence” hunts in Units 18 and 19. The Board of Game took no action (ADF&G 2014:1). The BOG determined that it will consider separate customary and traditional use determinations for each of three areas of Unit 18: Nunivak Island, , and the remainder of Unit 18.

The BOG does not recognize customary and traditional uses of muskoxen in Unit 18. Therefore, only sport regulations apply. Because of this, ADF&G can limit the number of registration permits as well as limit the number of drawing permits available to hunters for the harvest of muskoxen on Nunivak Island. For Nunivak Island muskoxen, the BOG has established registration hunts for cows only (RX060 and 061). Most registration permits are distributed in Mekoryuk, and in most years a few are distributed at Bethel. Before 2014, bull hunts were only by drawing permit (DX001 and 003). Beginning in 2010 and continuing through 2014, the population of muskoxen on Nunivak Island dropped below the level necessary to maintain healthy populations. Consequently, cows were conserved and the distribution of registration permits for the harvest of cows was severely limited compared to previous years. During this same period, the distribution of drawing permits for the harvest of bulls continued at previous levels. Since 2014 the BOG has allowed the distribution of registration permits for the harvest of bulls (RX062), in addition to registration permits for the harvest of cows, if less than 10 registration permits for the harvest of cows are available (Jones 2017, pers. comm.).

Perry (2017, pers. comm.) reported that the State is in the process of updating the 1992 Nunivak Island and Muskox Management Plan. He said the revised plan will guide the number of muskoxen and reindeer the island will be managed for, and when and where muskox registration permits will be distributed. The State is consulting with the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service and Native Village of Mekoryuk on the revised plan.

Community Characteristics

Nunivak Island sits about 25 miles from the Alaskan mainland and is located between the mouths of the Yukon and Kuskokwim Rivers. Nunivak Island is situated within the boundaries of the Yukon Delta National Wildlife Refuge that encompasses more than one million acres (Lantis 1984).

Yup’ik people self-recognize as belonging to a number of confederations of villages. People living on Nunivak Island are Nuniwarmiut (Drozda 2010). Russian explorer A.K. Etolin reported that there were 16 villages supported by a population totaling 400 on the island in 1821. Nuniwarmiut faced a number of epidemic outbreaks during the early-1900s, and a substantial portion of the island’s population was

4 affected. Population loss led to changes in settlement patterns, and people began concentrating in areas where trade, services, and employment opportunities were available. In 1940, island residents were concentrated in seven winter villages each with less than 20 people. By the 1950s, Mekoryuk was the only permanent village on the island. records indicate that the total island population in 1980 was 160. In 2010 the population of Mekoryuk was 191 people (ADCCED 2017).

Nunivak Islanders rely primarily on marine resources, birds and , and muskoxen for subsistence. Few species of land are present on the island. Additionally, a herd of reindeer has been actively managed on the island since the early 1900s. The herd is locally owned and managed (Caldwell 2016). Nunivak Islanders have participated in local commercial herring and halibut fisheries (Drozda 2010, Pete 1984, Wolfe et al. 2012). Bull hunters on Nunivak Island usually hunt with guides or transporters (Jones 2015a:1-7). According to ADF&G, four Nunivak businesses are currently licensed to guide and/or transport hunters (ADF&G 2017a).

Muskoxen were indigenous to Alaska until the 1860s (Lent 1995). In an effort to re-establish muskoxen in Alaska, the U.S. Biological Survey brought 31 muskoxen to Nunivak Island in 1935 and 1936 (Perry 2017, pers. comm.). Nuniwarmiut found muskoxen to be frightening and as such mainly avoided the until 1964 when Nunivak men were employed to catch young muskoxen for an experimental farm program at the University of Alaska Fairbanks. Women began knitting qiviut, fine soft from the undercoat of muskoxen, by 1973 (Lantis 1984). Outside hunting was not permitted until fall 1975 when ADF&G established fall and spring hunting seasons (Jones 2015a). In 1975 a few Nunivak Islanders started to commercially guide muskox hunts. Before 1972, they also guided people on walrus hunts. Guiding hunters has been a source of income and jobs to local residents (Perry 2017, pers. comm.).

Eight Factors for Determining Customary and Traditional Use

A community or area’s customary and traditional use is generally exemplified through the eight factors: (1) a long-term, consistent pattern of use, excluding interruptions beyond the control of the community or area; (2) a pattern of use recurring in specific seasons for many years; (3) a pattern of use consisting of methods and means of harvest which are characterized by efficiency and economy of effort and cost, conditioned by local characteristics; (4) the consistent harvest and use of fish or wildlife as related to past methods and means of taking: near, or reasonably accessible from the community or area; (5) a means of handling, preparing, preserving, and storing fish or wildlife which has been traditionally used by past generations, including consideration of alteration of past practices due to recent technological advances, where appropriate; (6) a pattern of use which includes the handing down of knowledge of fishing and hunting skills, values, and lore from generation to generation; (7) a pattern of use in which the harvest is shared or distributed within a definable community of persons; and (8) a pattern of use which relates to reliance upon a wide diversity of fish and wildlife resources of the area and which provides substantial cultural, economic, social, and nutritional elements to the community or area.

The Board makes customary and traditional use determinations based on a holistic application of these eight factors (50 CFR 100.16(b) and 36 CFR 242.16(b)). In addition, the Board takes into consideration the reports and recommendations of any appropriate Regional Advisory Council regarding customary and traditional use of subsistence resources (50 CFR 100.16(b) and 36 CFR 242.16(b)). The Board makes

5 customary and traditional use determinations for the sole purpose of recognizing the pool of users who generally exhibit the eight factors. The Board does not use such determinations for resource management or for restricting harvest. If a conservation concern exists for a particular population of fish or wildlife, the Board addresses that concern through the imposition of harvest limits, season restrictions or Section 804 subsistence user prioritization rather than through adjustments to customary and traditional use determinations.

Ikuta and Park (2013) while working for the State Division of Subsistence conducted ethnographic interviews with residents of Nunivak Island in 2013, which were incorporated into a customary and traditional use determination worksheet for muskoxen (see Regulatory History). Documentation of Nunivak Islanders’ harvest and use of muskoxen is sparse, and the following is an annotated representation of Ikuta and Park’s (2013) worksheet.

Although muskoxen are an in Unit 18, local people utilize and incorporate them into the seasonal round of hunting activities and distribution and exchange networks. Subsistence fishing and hunting are central to the cultures, traditions, and economies in the region, and people rely on the subsistence-based economy (Fienup-Riordan 1986, Fienup-Riordan et al. 2000, Hensel 1996, Wolfe and Ellanna 1983, Wolfe et al. 1986, Wolfe et al. 2009, Wolfe and Walker 1987).

Most harvests by island residents occur during the winter hunting season (in February and March). During the fall hunting season (in September) most hunters use a boat, all-terrain vehicle, or small aircraft to access hunting areas, while most winter season access is by snow machine.

Many hunters prefer winter over fall for muskox hunting due to the quality of the and easier access to the animals. A hunter on Nunivak Island said: “[I prefer] spring hunt. That’s the best time to hunt. . . . The meat is less fatty. More lean than fall hunt meat. They [muskoxen] are pretty rich in the fall time, the meat. Easier to hunt. We hunt on snowmachine. Easier than packing it from distance all the way to the boat. A lot easier trip in the spring by snowmachine” (Ikuta and Park 2013:6). In addition, muskoxen harvested in early spring provide local diets a taste of fresh meat, which is a break from the dried or frozen stored food used within the household. Key respondents have stated that muskoxen are a valuable addition to the local diet.

Local hunters search for muskoxen using skiffs and/or all-terrain vehicles in open water season (September) and with snowmachines and/or all-terrain vehicles in the winter season. They harvest muskoxen with high-powered rifles. A hunter on Nunivak Island explained: “I learned to hunt [muskoxen] in the way I learn . . . how to kill an . I don’t shoot them on the body. I shoot them on the head or neck so I don’t spoil the meat” (Ikuta and Park 2013:6). On Nunivak Island in winter, muskoxen are distributed throughout the island but are concentrated along the south and west sides of the island. In summer, muskoxen disperse throughout the interior of the island (Jones 2015a).

In spring, local women and children harvest qiviut, the inner wool of muskoxen. Every spring, a muskox sheds from four to six pounds of qiviut (Oomingmak Musk Producers’ Co-operative 2013). The word “qiviut” is a word in the that means “down” or “muskox wool.” Muskoxen have a two- layered coat, and qiviut refers specifically to the soft underwool beneath the longer outer wool. A man

6 from Mekoryuk explained: “Some older folks start[ed] gathering wool that’s been dropped off of the animals [muskoxen] on the sand dunes. . . . I believe it was before the hunts started [in 1975]” (Ikuta and Park 2013:6). While some women spin qiviut into yarn at home, others send it to a “co-op,” the Oomingmak Musk Ox Producers’ Co-operative owned by approximately 250 Alaska Native women. The co-op processes and furnishes the yarn to co-op members, primarily in Nelson and Nunivak island communities, to be knitted into hats, scarves, and other products.

Muskox meat is primarily used as food for human consumption. It is eaten fresh, dried, or frozen for later use. A man from Nunivak Island said: “Dried. Dry the [muskox] meat. And freeze it sometimes, most of the time. It’s real good when it’s dried too. Like jerky . . . just slice it and wind dry it. Sun and wind, that’s all. Sun and wind, that’s how we dry it. When the weather stays dry, it is perfect when the meat is drying” (Ikuta and Park 2013:7). Hides are used as rugs or sitting pads when jigging for saffron cod through the ice. Long guard hairs and qiviut are used in various arts and crafts, such as hair for handmade dolls or masks. Some local artists use horns for carvings.

Traditionally, young boys in western Alaska learned how to hunt by living with older men of the community in the ceremonial men’s house (qasgiq). Today, the institution of qasgiq is no longer part of daily life. Yet, hunting knowledge is passed down from grandfather, father, or uncle to children. A man from Nunivak Island explained: “They learned how to butcher the muskox, what’s edible, what you need to take, and they brought it back. So, in terms of the knowledge being passed down, my generation, we have learned it from our fathers or uncles or grandfathers, on how to do that” (Ikuta and Park 2013:7). As the respondents describes above, learning cannot be separated from physical involvement, and knowledge undergoes continual regeneration in the process of learning. If it is not possible for young children to participate immediately in hunting. They are expected to learn by observing experienced hunters, such as parents and grandparents, who know hunting equipment and techniques, the animal’s behavior and anatomy, the geography, and the weather. Then youth are expected to participate in the actual tasks with their teachers.

Extensive sharing and distribution of wild resources is a large part of the subsistence economy in Western Alaska (Brown et al. 2012, Brown et al. 2013, Ikuta, Brown, and Koster 2014, Runfola 2017). An elder from Mekoryuk explained: “Because there are people that are no longer able to go out hunting on their own. They rely on the younger generation of people to provide the protein for them. And that’s how we’ve survived on Nunivak Island for over 2,000 years because we shared what we caught with the elderly, with the people that aren’t capable of going hunting on their own. So sharing is very important in our culture.” Muskox meat and organs are shared widely throughout the community particularly if only a few members of the community obtained permits. A 42-year old man on Nunivak Island said: “I learned how to share. I mean, if I caught a big game for the first time . . . I remember catching my first muskox, I gave parts of that meat away. So still today, whether it’d be seal, reindeer, muskox, bird, fish, I gave a portion away, so that’s ingrained in me that I need to share because that’s our tradition. We share what we catch. So that muskox falls into that same area” (Ikuta and Park 2013:8).

In addition, extra subsistence foods local people produce are usually shared with elderly, single mothers with young dependent children, and young single persons or couples who are just getting started. Sharing

7 subsistence-caught wildlife is a fundamental characteristic of communities that follow a subsistence way of life in the region (Brown et al. 2012, Brown et al. 2013, Fall et al. 2012, Ikuta et al. 2014, Runfola et al. 2017).

A number of comprehensive subsistence and large land surveys in Western Alaska communities show local residents take, use, and rely upon a wide diversity of fish and game resources for subsistence (Brown et al. 2012, Brown et al. 2013, Fall et al. 2012, Ikuta et al. 2014, Runfola et al. 2017). Documented harvests range from 434 lb per person in Lower Kuskokwim communities to 269 lb per person in Central Kuskokwim communities 2009–2013. The typical community harvests approximately 50 different species of plants, fish, and wildlife each year. The mix of species depends upon species availability. For some coastal communities, as much as 80% of total harvests by weight may come from marine mammals. For other communities, terrestrial mammals, fish, and marine mammals compose approximately equal proportions of the total community harvest.

A man from Nunivak Island described the nutritional and economic value of muskoxen in the region: “It [muskoxen] provides protein for people. . . . His skin can be used as means for providing economic opportunities for the people here . . . you can comb the wool out of the muskox, you can makes crafts into it . . . have it woven, have it knitted into garments and provide some income for the family . . . . It’s very, very costly to go out here, from Bethel to Anchorage. It costs $536 round-trip. And one pelt of muskox could possibly even cover that” (Ikuta and Park 2013:9). Another man from Mekoryuk agreed and said: “They start making that [qiviut] into whatever they can make or sell it Anchorage muskox farm, qiviut cooperative . . . . Some have made it into dolls, they sew the skin . . . . Some guy used to sell them [] for $60 or something like that, but it’s got to be separated from the skull . . . . Some harvest and use the horns for carving” (Ikuta and Park 2013:9).

The harvesting of wild foods continues a long cultural tradition for many Nunivak Islanders, a tradition which continues to evolve in many ways as social, economic, and environmental conditions change.

The Alaska Department of Fish and Game maintains a harvest reporting database where muskox hunters using State registration or State drawing permits report their hunting efforts (ADF&G 2017b). All records have not been entered into the electronic database (Jones 2017, pers. comm.). However, electronic records show that Nunivak Islanders have reported harvests in all but four years since 1986 when electronic records begin (a minimum estimated average of 16 muskox harvests annually since 1986, ADF&G 2017b and OSM 2017).

According to ADF&G, based on records that are more complete, Nunivak Islanders received 325 muskoxen permits between 2003 and 2016 regulatory years, receiving on average 23 muskoxen permits per year (Table 1; Jones 2017, pers. comm.). The Alaska Department of Fish and Game established the first muskox hunt on Nunivak Island in 1975 (Jones 2015a). Since 1993, the take of muskoxen on Nunivak Island has been managed by the distribution of a limited number of permits each year. Since 2003, between 5 and 41 registration permits for the harvest of one cow have been available (see Regulatory History). Most of these registration permits are distributed at Mekoryuk, and in most years a

8 few are distributed at Bethel. The annual harvest of muskoxen is primarily influenced by the number of permits available because the majority of hunters are successful (Jones 2015a).

Table 1. Number of permits that were distributed allowing the harvest of one muskox on Nunivak Island in Unit 18, 2003-2016, by user group, based on ADF&G harvest reporting system. Unit 18 Nunivak Island – Muskoxen

Number of permits distributed

Residents Residents Residents Residents Regulatory of Unit 18 of Alaska of another a of Nunivak Total Year except outside of state not Island Mekoryuk Unit 18 Alaska

2003 32 6 31 1 70 2004 25 15 29 1 70 2005 29 15 37 1 82 2006 34 11 27 2 74 2007 29 15 39 0 83 2008 35 10 36 2 83 2009 25 9 43 2 79 2010 17 10 42 3 72 2011 5 5 27 4 41 2012 5 0 24 5 34 2013 5 1 41 10 57 2014 5 0 24 1 30 2015 38 0 15 2 55 2016 41 4 42 11 98 Total 325 101 457 45 928 a The best available information does not include the number of permits distributed before 2003. Source: Jones 2017, pers. comm.

Effects of the Proposal

If adopted, Proposal WP18-27 would recognize Nunivak Islanders’ customary and tradition uses of muskoxen on Nunivak Island. Adopting the customary and traditional use determination would have no immediate effect on people’s ability to harvest muskoxen. If it receives a proposal, the Board can adopt muskox seasons and harvest limits.

If not adopted, there would likely be no effects to subsistence users, nonsubsistence users, or muskoxen.

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OSM PRELIMINARY CONCLUSION

Support Proposal WP18-27.

Justification

Residents of Nunivak Island exemplify customary and traditional uses of muskoxen on Nunivak Island. Documented evidence in the harvest reporting database and ethnographic accounts demonstrate this. Nunivak Islanders have a consistent pattern of harvesting local muskoxen since at least 1975 when ADF&G established fall and spring hunting seasons (Jones 2015a). Ethnographic accounts further describe a heavy reliance on muskox meat and qiviut used for the manufacture of personal items and in customary trade. The use of muskoxen by Nunivak Islanders is patterned. Most local hunters prefer to take muskoxen during the winter hunting season due to the quality of the meat and easier access over snow on the ground. Fresh meat is a welcome respite from frozen and store bought food. Nunivak Islanders rely on a wide variety of wild foods and have incorporated muskoxen into their seasonal pattern of harvesting and use of wild resources (Ikuta and Park 2013).

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LITERATURE CITED

ADCCED (Alaska Department of Commerce, Community, and Economic Development). 2017. Community Information Index. https://www.commerce.alaska.gov/dcra/DCRAExternal/community, accessed July 12, 2017. Division of Community and Regional Affairs. Juneau, AK.

ADF&G. 2014. Meeting summary: final actions taken. Alaska Board of Game, Arctic/Western Meeting, Kotzebue, Alaska, January 10–13, 2015. http://www.adfg.alaska.gov/index.cfm?adfg=gameboard.meetinginfo&date=01-10- 2014&meeting=kotzebue, accessed July 12, 2017.

ADF&G. 2017a. Muskox hunting in Alaska. http://www.adfg.alaska.gov/index.cfm?adfg=muskoxhunting.nunivak accessed August 9, 2017.

ADF&G. 2017b. WinfoNet. https://winfonet.alaska.gov/. Retrieved June 12 and July 11, 2017.

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Jones, P. 2015b. Muskoxen and Reindeer Survey on Nunivak Island. Unpublished memo. ADF&G. Bethel, AK. 3 pages.

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Runfola, D.M., H. Ikuta, H.R. Brenner, JJ. Simon, J. Park, D.S. Koster, M.L. Kostick. 2017. Subsistence harvests and uses in Bethel, 2012. ADF&G Division of Subsistence Technical Paper No. 393. Fairbanks, AK.

Wolfe, R.J. 1981. Norton Sound/Yukon Delta sociocultural systems baseline analysis. ADF&G Division of Subsistence Technical Paper No. 59. Juneau, AK. http://www.adfg.alaska.gov/techpap/tp059.pdf.

Wolfe, R.J. and L.J. Ellanna. 1983. Resource use and socioeconomic systems: case studies of fishing and hunting in Alaskan communities. ADF&G Division of Subsistence Technical Paper No. 61. Juneau, AK. http://www.adfg.alaska.gov/techpap/tp061.pdf.

Wolfe, R.J., J.A. Fall, V. Fay, S. Georgette, J. Magdanz, S. Pedersen, M. Pete, and J. Schichnes. 1986. The role of fish and wildlife in the economies of Barrow, Bethel, Dillingham, Kotzebue, and Nome. ADF&G Division of Subsistence Technical Paper No. 154. Juneau, AK.

Wolfe, R.J., J.J. Gross, S.J. Langdon, J.M. Wright, G.K. Sherrod, L.J. Ellanna, and V. Sumida. 1984. Subsistence- based economies in coastal communities of . ADF&G Division of Subsistence Technical Paper No. 89.

Wolfe, R.J., C.L. Scott, W.E. Simeone, C.J. Utermohle, and M.C. Pete. 2007. The “super-household” in Alaska Native subsistence economics. National Science Foundation, ARC 0352677. Washington DC. 31 pages.

Wolfe, R.J., C. Stockdale, and C. Scott. 2012. Salmon harvests in coastal communities of the Kuskokwim Area, Southwest Alaska, 201. Arctic-Yukon-Kuskokwim Sustainable Salmon Initiative Project, Anchorage, AK

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Wolfe, R.J. and R.J. Walker. 1987. Subsistence economies in Alaska: productivity, geography, and development impacts. Arctic Anthropology. 24 (2): 56-81.

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