Online Activism and South Korea's Candlelight Movement

WINDOW ON ASIA Candlelight rally in Seoul, June 2008. Online Activism PC: Michael-kay Park and South Korea’s @flickr.com. Candlelight Movement Hyejin KIM The Candlelight Movement of 2016 and outh Korea has a storied history of 2017 that successfully called for President mass agitation for political causes. Park Geun-hye to step down is among the SThe Candlelight Movement of 2016– largest social movements in South Korean 17, which called for President Park Geun-hye history. This movement attracted millions to step down, is among the largest—if not the of participants over a sustained period of largest—street demonstration in that history. time, while maintaining strikingly peaceful Set against any of several measuring sticks, demonstrations that ultimately achieved their it was a remarkable success. It attracted goal. In this essay, Hyejin Kim looks at the role millions of participants over a sustained of the Internet and new media in fostering a period of time. The events were strikingly new generation of activists and laying the peaceful—strangers smashed up against each foundation for a successful social mobilisation. other and encountered police, but participants prevented violence and there was not a single fatality. And, of course, the National Assembly 224 MADE IN CHINA YEARBOOK 2018 WINDOW ON ASIA eventually impeached the President, who was in a context where such views were taboo. later dismissed, tried in criminal court, and Surveys show that individual participation eventually sentenced to a lengthy prison term. declined when these organisations entered the Globally, examples like South Korea’s are fray (Kim 2008, 30). rare in the present moment. At a time when Another set of candlelight vigils took place ‘populist’ forces appear adept at mobilising in 2008, this time in response to perceptions discontent, and when political interests that the government was careless in relaxing are capable of using the Internet to distort restrictions on the import of American beef. public discussion, there may be something These demonstrations also caused tension to learn from South Korea. In fact, while the between online activists and established civil Candlelight Movement was a response to society groups. The movement was initiated revelations that Park had been discharging her by young people who organised themselves duties irresponsibly and allowing a personal online (Kang 2017). The youth organisers had associate to share inappropriately in her public requested participating groups not to display power, its success hinged on more than the banners at rallies, so that the protests would egregiousness of the wrongdoing. stay focussed on the particular issues at stake. However, civil society groups ignored these requests, and some even displayed a very Cold War Legacies militant attitude. In one instance, members carried steel pipes to protect themselves in the event of a police encounter, or perhaps to Demonstrations have long been a regular warn off the police. These civil society groups feature of life in Seoul. Aggrieved groups take deliberately adopted the styles of authoritarian- quickly to the streets. While demonstrations era anti-government activists. Participants who indicate a liberal environment in which people came prepared for confrontation contributed, are free to organise and express themselves, in combination with the police response, to the most have not ignited public support in the outbreak of scuffles. way the Candlelight Movement did. Divisions Images of militant-looking participants and among activists have also plagued these events. of physical confrontations made it all too easy The largest movements have seen divisions for the media to depict the 2008 candlelight emerge between the unaffiliated individuals protesters as disloyal activists. The figure of who initiated the action via online platforms the violent, treasonous protester was a trope and established civil society groups. of Cold War politics in South Korea. The Consider an episode from 2002, an especially victims of military violence at Gwangju in 1980 significant year for mass political expression in were depicted in this way. The authoritarian South Korea, with a presidential election and regime had made a habit of hiring young fervent celebration of the nation around the men to initiate violence at opposition rallies, hosting of the football World Cup. That year, in order to perpetuate the view of critics as individuals communicating over the Internet unpatriotic troublemakers. In 2008, these organised a candlelight vigil to commemorate themes emerged again. Police confrontations two schoolgirls who had been killed in an at the demonstrations led to a downturn incident involving American soldiers. As the in the participation of individual citizens peaceful movement progressed, some 130 (Kim 2008, 24). In the end, despite the fact civil society organisations joined in and raised that these demonstrations were organised by other issues. Many of these groups chanted a new generation of online activists employing anti-American slogans, which expressed the a completely different approach to their frustration of many at Bush-era policies, but also alienated others who had been raised MADE IN CHINA YEARBOOK 2018 225 WINDOW ON ASIA predecessors, conservative media portrayed sensitive to these presidents had to leave their participants in the 2008 candlelight vigils as positions or were demoted. These journalists communist sympathisers (Shin 2016). and producers chose online outlets as spaces The foundation of the divisions among for continuing their work. In places where activists lies in the Cold War legacies that the government exerts strict controls on the continue to shape South Korea’s civil society. media, the Internet can be an important tool While younger activists tend to form new, for people to disclose injustice, as research on often issue-specific communities through China has shown (Svensson 2016). In the South the Internet, former activists of the 1970s Korean context, this turn to online platforms and 1980s remain influential in organised did little to diminish the standing and civil society. The latter tend to use dramatic credibility of these new media organisations. words like ‘struggle’ (tujaeng) to describe their The Internet is where most people in South activities and to use songs associated with Korea go to get their news. According to the the anti-dictatorship movement, as if they Reuters Journalism Research Centre at Oxford were still fighting against an authoritarian University, 77 percent of Korean news readers regime. Furthermore, in the early 2000s, access media content through an Internet conservatives revived McCarthyist language portal website, compared to an average in other to discredit progressives, claiming they that countries closer to 30 percent (Newman et al. are pro-Pyongyang and seek to undermine the 2017, 126). Republic of Korea. These depictions and the As critical journalists left for online media, approach of some civil society groups could be citizens followed. This led to a radical off-putting to many middle-class Koreans who transformation of the media landscape, with had assimilated anti-communist sentiments the emergence not only of new outlets but also through political socialisation, even if they took of new formats. For instance, political podcasts positions favourable to redistributive policies. have now become a form of online media that These political formations have driven a wedge has grown in prominence over the past several between online-based activists focussed on years. Online media figures are extremely particular causes and the realm of organised successful in pulling in listeners. Political civil society. programmes gain larger audiences than other traditional formats. The main platform, Podbbang, hosts 10,000 audio podcasts alone. Podcasts and Spoons Of their top ten podcasts, seven address politics. Second, online modes of political engagement In the Candlelight Movement of 2016– were not only critical, but also entertaining. 17, however, these two groups managed to The most prominent podcasts are humorous cooperate. Demands were formulated in a way and fun to tune into. Online platforms have that did not appear radical, which made the produced entertaining ways of talking about cause appealing to middle-class Koreans. Two politics. One example is a discourse around new developments behind this achievement ‘spoon theory’ (sujeoron), which describes deserve attention. people born with or without privileges, First, critical discussion of politics had respectively, as ‘gold spoon’ and ‘dirt spoon’ moved to online platforms over the previous (Kim 2017). Collectively, these were the most decade. Under the Lee Myung-bak (2008–13) searched terms of 2015 on South Korean online and Park Geun-hye (2013–17) administrations, portals (Choe 2015). Actors and singers whose South Korea experienced a number of setbacks parents were also celebrities were among the in terms of political liberties. Many journalists first to be labelled ‘gold spoons’—they were and reporters who tackled issues that were criticised for making their way through their 226 MADE IN CHINA YEARBOOK 2018 WINDOW ON ASIA of social mobilisation, spreading jokes about ‘spoons’ or watching someone laugh and curse the president simply does not fit with the images expected of ‘pro-North Korean’ forces. This style is far removed from what could be identified by conservatives as a radical—and therefore illegitimate—movement. Rediscovering

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