DOCSLIB.ORG

Ambivalent Allies? a Study of South Korean Attitudes Toward the U.S

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Ambivalent Allies? a Study of South Korean Attitudes Toward the U.S Ambivalent Allies? A Study of South Korean Attitudes Toward the U.S. ERIC V. LARSON, NORMAN D. LEVIN, SEONHAE BAIK, BOGDAN SAVYCH TR-141-SRF March 2004 Supported by the Smith Richardson Foundation Approved for public release; distribution unlimited This research in the public interest was supported by the Smith Richardson Foundation and by the RAND Corporation, using discretionary funds made possible by the generosity of RAND's donors, the fees earned on client-funded research, and independent research and development (IR&D) funds provided by the Department of Defense. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN 0-8330-3584-3 The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit research organization providing objective analysis and effective solutions that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors around the world. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. R® is a registered trademark. © Copyright 2004 RAND Corporation All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from RAND. Published 2004 by the RAND Corporation 1700 Main Street, P.O. Box 2138, Santa Monica, CA 90407-2138 1200 South Hayes Street, Arlington, VA 22202-5050 201 North Craig Street, Suite 202, Pittsburgh, PA 15213-1516 RAND URL: http://www.rand.org/ To order RAND documents or to obtain additional information, contact Distribution Services: Telephone: (310) 451-7002; Fax: (310) 451-6915; Email: [email protected] iii Preface This is the final report of a RAND Corporation study of South Korean attitudes toward the United States that aimed to assess three key research questions: (1) What are the trends in South Koreans’ attitudes toward the United States and is the conventional wisdom that they recently have deteriorated correct? (2) What are the sources of South Korean attitudes toward the United States, and what are their trends over time? (3) What are the implications of these trends for U.S. policy toward Korea and larger security interests? The study constituted an exhaustive effort to compile and analyze public opinion data on South Korean attitudes toward the United States, and a historical analysis of selected periods in U.S.-South Korean relations during the past decade which also sought to identify the sources of anti-U.S. attitudes. Two working papers provide additional details on the data and analysis. They are Seonhae Baik and Eric Larson, “South Korean Attitudes Toward the U.S.: Public Opinion Data,” forthcoming. Bogdan Savych and Eric Larson, “South Korean Attitudes Toward the U.S.: Statistical Modeling Results,” forthcoming. Interested readers can request these papers via e-mail from Eric Larson at [email protected]. The study is likely to be of greatest interest to policymakers and scholars concerned with U.S.-South Korean relations and to those responsible for the development of public diplomacy programs. The research was sponsored through a generous grant from the Smith Richardson Foundation and RAND corporate funds, and was conducted in RAND’s Center for Asia Pacific Policy (CAPP). Center for Asia Pacific Policy (CAPP) This research project was conducted under the auspices of the RAND Center for Asia-Pacific Policy (CAPP), which aims to improve public policy by providing iv decision makers and the public with rigorous, objective research on critical policy issues affecting Asia and U.S.-Asia relations. CAPP is part of RAND's National Security Research Division (NSRD). NSRD conducts research and analysis for a broad range of clients including the U.S. Department of Defense, the intelligence community, allied foreign governments, and foundations. This technical report also results from RAND's continuing program of self- sponsored independent research. Support for such research is provided, in part, by donors and by the independent research and development provisions of RAND's contracts for the operation of its U.S. Department of Defense federally funded research and development centers. For more information on RAND's Center for Asia Pacific Policy, contact the Director, Nina Hachigian. She can be reached by e-mail at [email protected]; by phone at 310-393-0411, extension 6030; or by mail at RAND, 1700 Main Street, Santa Monica, California 90407-2138. More information about RAND is available at www.rand.org. v The RAND Corporation Quality Assurance Process Peer review is an integral part of all RAND research projects. Prior to publication, this document, as with all documents in the RAND technical report series, was subject to a quality assurance process to ensure that the research meets several standards, including the following: The problem is well formulated; the research approach is well designed and well executed; the data and assumptions are sound; the findings are useful and advance knowledge; the implications and recommendations follow logically from the findings and are explained thoroughly; the documentation is accurate, understandable, cogent, and temperate in tone; the research demonstrates understanding of related previous studies; and the research is relevant, objective, independent, and balanced. Peer review is conducted by research professionals who were not members of the project team. RAND routinely reviews and refines its quality assurance process and also conducts periodic external and internal reviews of the quality of its body of work. For additional details regarding the RAND quality assurance process, visit http://www.rand.org/standards/. vii Contents Preface ...................................................................................................iii Figures ...................................................................................................ix Tables ...................................................................................................xi Summary ..............................................................................................xiii Acknowledgments................................................................................. xix Acronyms. ............................................................................................ xxi 1. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................1 Approach..........................................................................................3 Organization of This Report...............................................................5 2. THE PAST AS PROLOGUE................................................................7 Korea’s Historic Experience ...............................................................7 Transition to the 1990s ..................................................................... 12 The Nuclear Crisis (1992–1996)......................................................... 14 The Inter-Korean Summit (2000–2002) .............................................. 27 History, the 1990s, and Factors Driving Korean Attitudes Toward the U.S...................................................................................... 38 3. KEY TRENDS IN SOUTH KOREAN ATTITUDES TOWARD THE UNITED STATES .................................................................... 42 Attitudes Toward the United States.................................................. 42 Attitudes Regarding U.S.-South Korean Relations.............................. 48 Attitudes Regarding Americans ....................................................... 50 Attitudes Regarding the Alliance and the U.S. Military Presence ........ 51 How Do South Koreans’ Attitudes Toward the U.S. Compare With Those Toward Other Nations?.................................................... 59 Chapter Conclusions ....................................................................... 64 4. THE SOURCES OF SOUTH KOREAN ATTITUDES TOWARD THE U.S.......................................................................................... 66 Many Views of the U.S., and Where the Problems Lie ........................ 66 The Dynamics of Past Downturns in Favorable Sentiment.................. 73 A Model of South Korean Attitudes Toward the U.S. ......................... 77 Predictions of the Model .................................................................. 88 Individual-Level Lenses................................................................... 90 Societal Influences..........................................................................109 Chapter Conclusions ......................................................................118 viii 5. IMPLICATIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS, CONCLUSIONS.............120 Implications for the U.S...................................................................120 Recommendations..........................................................................122 Conclusions ...................................................................................123 Bibliography .........................................................................................125 ix Figures 2.1 A Model of Influences on South Korean Attitudes Toward the U.S. ...................................................................................... 39 3.1 Percentage Mentioning U.S. as Most Liked Country...................... 43 3.2 Percentage Mentioning U.S. as Most Disliked Country.................. 44 3.3 Trends in Attitudes Toward the U.S., 1988–2003 ..........................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Sunshine in Korea
    CENTER FOR ASIA PACIFIC POLICY International Programs at RAND CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Support RAND Purchase this document TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Browse Reports & Bookstore Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND Center for Asia Pacific Policy View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. The monograph/report was a product of the RAND Corporation from 1993 to 2003. RAND monograph/reports presented major research findings that addressed the challenges facing the public and private sectors. They included executive summaries, technical documentation, and synthesis pieces. Sunshine in Korea The South Korean Debate over Policies Toward North Korea Norman D.
    [Show full text]
  • A PARTNER for CHANGE the Asia Foundation in Korea 1954-2017 a PARTNER Characterizing 60 Years of Continuous Operations of Any Organization Is an Ambitious Task
    SIX DECADES OF THE ASIA FOUNDATION IN KOREA SIX DECADES OF THE ASIA FOUNDATION A PARTNER FOR CHANGE A PARTNER The AsiA Foundation in Korea 1954-2017 A PARTNER Characterizing 60 years of continuous operations of any organization is an ambitious task. Attempting to do so in a nation that has witnessed fundamental and dynamic change is even more challenging. The Asia Foundation is unique among FOR foreign private organizations in Korea in that it has maintained a presence here for more than 60 years, and, throughout, has responded to the tumultuous and vibrant times by adapting to Korea’s own transformation. The achievement of this balance, CHANGE adapting to changing needs and assisting in the preservation of Korean identity while simultaneously responding to regional and global trends, has made The Asia Foundation’s work in SIX DECADES of Korea singular. The AsiA Foundation David Steinberg, Korea Representative 1963-68, 1994-98 in Korea www.asiafoundation.org 서적-표지.indd 1 17. 6. 8. 오전 10:42 서적152X225-2.indd 4 17. 6. 8. 오전 10:37 서적152X225-2.indd 1 17. 6. 8. 오전 10:37 서적152X225-2.indd 2 17. 6. 8. 오전 10:37 A PARTNER FOR CHANGE Six Decades of The Asia Foundation in Korea 1954–2017 Written by Cho Tong-jae Park Tae-jin Edward Reed Edited by Meredith Sumpter John Rieger © 2017 by The Asia Foundation All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced without written permission by The Asia Foundation. 서적152X225-2.indd 1 17. 6. 8. 오전 10:37 서적152X225-2.indd 2 17.
    [Show full text]
  • The Hanoi Summit and Politically Biased Language a Critical Discourse Study on Political Bias in the Language of Two South Korean Newspapers
    The Hanoi Summit and Politically Biased Language A Critical Discourse Study on Political Bias in the Language of Two South Korean newspapers Riikka Saari MA thesis English, Degree Programme for Language Specialists School of Languages and Translation Studies Faculty of Humanities University of Turku April 2020 The originality of this thesis has been checked in accordance with the University of Turku quality assurance system using the Turnitin OriginalityCheck service. UNIVERSITY OF TURKU School of Languages and Translation Studies/ Faculty of Humanities SAARI, RIIKKA: The Hanoi Summit and Politically Biased Language: A Critical Discourse Study on Political Bias in the Language of Two South Korean newspapers MA Thesis, 63 pages, 8 appendix pages English, Degree Programme for Language Specialists April 2020 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –– – – – – – On 27– 28 February 2019 the United States President Donald Trump met with the North Korean leader Kim Jong-un in Hanoi for a second US-North Korea summit. This study focuses on possible politically biased stances in several English language news articles from two prominent South Korean newspapers. The aim of the study was to find out if the two papers displayed biased attitudes that were visible in the language of the articles, and if the possible biases were consistent with the previously research biases of the papers. The linguistic framework used in this study was Martin and White’s Appraisal framework (2005). The sections of Attitude and Engagement from the framework were determined to best suit the needs of this study because it centers around value judgements and opinions expressed in the texts, as well as the commitment to those opinions and other voices in the text.
    [Show full text]
  • 2018-05-Ma-Yang.Pdf
    RECONCEPTUALIZATION OF ENGLISH IDEOLOGY IN GLOBALIZING SOUTH KOREA A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI’I AT MĀNOA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN ASIAN STUDIES MAY 2018 By Seung Woo Yang Thesis Committee: Young-A Park, Chairperson Cathryn Clayton Patricia Steinhoff Keywords: Korean, English, Globalization, English Ideology, National Competitiveness i ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many individuals and organizations I would like to thank for this academic and personal undertaking. The Center for Korean Studies was a big reason why I chose UH Manoa. I owe a great appreciation to the Center for Korean Studies for the remarkable events as well as the opportunity to serve as a graduate assistant. Not only the position provided financial assistance, but I am truly greatful for the learning opportunities it presented. I am also thankful for the opportunity to present this thesis at the Center for Korean Studies. Thank you Director Sang-Hyup Lee, Professor Tae-ung Baik, Mercy, and Kortne for welcoming me into the Center. Thank you, the East-West Center, particularly Dr. Ned Shultz and Kanika Mak-Lavy, for not only the generous funding, but for providing an outside-the-classroom learning that truly enhanced my graduate studies experience. The East-West Center provided the wonderful community and a group of friends where I can proudly say I belong. Thank you Mila and Fidzah. I jokingly believe that I did not finish my thesis on time because of you guys. But I credit you guys for teaching me and redefining the value of trust, generosity, and friendship.
    [Show full text]
  • Welcome to Korea Day: from Diasporic to Hallyu Fan-Nationalism
    International Journal of Communication 13(2019), 3764–3780 1932–8036/20190005 Welcome to Korea Day: From Diasporic to Hallyu Fan-Nationalism IRINA LYAN1 University of Oxford, UK With the increasing appeal of Korean popular culture known as the Korean Wave or hallyu, fans in Israel among Korean studies students have joined—and even replaced— ethnic Koreans in performing nationalism beyond South Korea’s borders, creating what I call hallyu fan-nationalism. As an unintended consequence of hallyu, such nationalism enables non-Korean hallyu fans to take on the empowering roles of cultural experts, educators, and even cultural ambassadors to promote Korea abroad. The symbolic shift from diasporic to hallyu nationalism brings to the fore nonnationalist, nonessentialist, and transcultural perspectives in fandom studies. In tracing the history of Korea Day from the 2000s to the 2010s, I found that hallyu fan-students are mobilized both by the macro mission to promote a positive image of Korea in their home societies and by the micro motivation to repair their own, often stigmatized, self-image. Keywords: transcultural fandom studies, hallyu, Korean Wave, Korean studies, Korea Day, diasporic nationalism While talking with Israeli students enrolled in Korean studies (mostly female fans of Korean popular culture) in an effort to understand their motivations behind organizing Korea Day and promoting Korean culture in Israel in general, I was surprised when some of them used the Hebrew word hasbara, which literally translates as “explanation.” As a synonym for propaganda, hasbara refers to the public diplomacy of Israel that aims to promote a positive image of Israel to the world and to counter its delegitimization.
    [Show full text]
  • (NEAT) on English Language Education in Korea Th
    Maximizing the Positive Effects of the New Korean National English Ability Test (NEAT) on English Language Education in Korea through Task-Based Instruction By ARam Hwang A Master’s Paper Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of The Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in TESOL ________________________________ Major Advisor’s Signature ________________________________ Date University of Wisconsin-River Falls 2012 Hwang I Table of Contents: 1. Introduction ……………………………………………………………………… 1 2. The English education system in Korea …………………………………………4 2.1 The history of the English education system …………………………………..4 2.2 English education with a grammar focus ………………………………………5 2.3 English education with a communicative focus ………………………………..6 3. General English exams in Korea - TOEIC, TOEFL, KSAT …………………..... 10 3.1 The Korean version of the Scholastic Aptitude Test (KSAT) ………………….10 3.2 TOEIC ………………………………………………………………………….13 3.3 TOEFL …………………………………………………………………………14 4. Washback or backwash effect ……………………………………………………...14 4.1 The definition of washback effect ……………………………………………...14 4.2 Positive washback ………………………………………………………………17 4.3 Negative washback ……………………………………………………………..18 5. A new examination: the Korea National English Ability Test (NEAT) .................21 5.1 Possible problems that students and teachers might experience with NEAT...…23 5.2 The difference between KSAT and NEAT ……………………………………...25 5.3 Expected positive washback effect from NEAT ………………………………..28 6. How to teach NEAT with Task-based Approach (TBA) …………………………..32 6.1 TBA as
    [Show full text]
  • U.S.-South Korea Relations
    U.S.-South Korea Relations Mark E. Manyin, Coordinator Specialist in Asian Affairs Emma Chanlett-Avery Specialist in Asian Affairs Mary Beth D. Nikitin Specialist in Nonproliferation Brock R. Williams Analyst in International Trade and Finance Jonathan R. Corrado Research Associate May 23, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41481 U.S.-South Korea Relations Summary Overview South Korea (officially the Republic of Korea, or ROK) is one of the United States’ most important strategic and economic partners in Asia. Congressional interest in South Korea is driven by both security and trade interests. Since the early 1950s, the U.S.-ROK Mutual Defense Treaty commits the United States to help South Korea defend itself. Approximately 28,500 U.S. troops are based in the ROK, which is included under the U.S. “nuclear umbrella.” Washington and Seoul cooperate in addressing the challenges posed by North Korea. The two countries’ economies are joined by the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). South Korea is the United States’ seventh-largest trading partner and the United States is South Korea’s second- largest trading partner. Between 2009 and the end of 2016, relations between the two countries arguably reached their most robust state in decades. Political changes in both countries in 2017, however, have generated uncertainty about the state of the relationship. Coordination of North Korea Policy Dealing with North Korea is the dominant strategic concern of the relationship. The Trump Administration appears to have raised North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs to a top U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Present and Future of Americanization in South Korea
    ARTICLE .51 The Present and Future of Americanization in South Korea Seong Won Park The Hawaii Research Center USA Abstract This paper examines the historical origins and current processes of both pro- and anti-Americanism in South Korea, where Americanization is associated with Koreans' wealth and security in the era of globalization. However, it is suggested here that South Korea should explore alternatives to Americanization by considering a range of alternative futures for Korean society. The future is always changing, so South Korea has to carefully observe current situations and continuously redesign their vision of the future by considering four alternatives to Americanization rather than subscribing to only one dominant vision. Keywords: Americanization, anti-Americanism, patriarchal society, South Korea, alternatives, globalization, English Introduction South Korea has done nothing to curb Americanization since the 1950s, and in an era of global- ization, Korean society is becoming more influenced by the United States in terms of economic, political, and psychological realms. However, anti-Americanism has been recently growing rapidly there. The reactions to Americanization reflect changes of Koreans' consciousness about wealth and security. This paper examines the origins and processes of both pro- and anti-Americanism in Korea and forecasts possible alternatives appropriate for strengthening Korea's future security and wealth. The first part of this paper discusses how Americanization occurred in South Korea and how it has become Americanized through 1) the number of US-educated Ph.D.s in universities and govern- ment, 2) the propensity to adopt American lifestyles, and 3) the high market shares of American movies and television programming.
    [Show full text]
  • South Korea's Economic Engagement Toward North Korea
    South Korea’s Economic Engagement toward North Korea Lee Sangkeun & Moon Chung-in 226 | Joint U.S.-Korea Academic Studies On February 10, 2016, the South Korean government announced the closure of the Gaeseong Industrial Complex, a symbol of its engagement policy and inter-Korean rapprochement. The move was part of its proactive, unilateral sanctions against North Korea’s fourth nuclear test in January and rocket launch in February.1 Pyongyang reciprocated by expelling South Korean personnel working in the industrial complex and declaring it a military control zone.2 Although the May 24, 2010 measure following the sinking of the Cheonan naval vessel significantly restricted inter-Korea exchanges and cooperation, the Seoul government spared the Gaeseong complex. With its closure, however, inter-Korean economic relations came to a complete halt, and no immediate signs of revival of Seoul’s economic engagement with the North can be detected. This chapter aims at understanding the rise and decline of this engagement with North Korea by comparing the progressive decade of Kim Dae-jung (KDJ) and Roh Moo-hyun (RMH) with the conservative era of Lee Myung-bak (LMB) and Park Geun-hye (PGH). It also looks to the future of inter-Korean relations by examining three plausible scenarios of economic engagement. Section one presents a brief overview of the genesis of Seoul’s economic engagement strategy in the early 1990s, section two examines this engagement during the progressive decade (1998-2007), and section three analyzes that of the conservative era (2008-2015). They are followed by a discussion of three possible outlooks on the future of Seoul’s economic engagement with Pyongyang.
    [Show full text]
  • Western Influence on Korean Painting of the Late Chosŏn Period
    Western Influence on Korean Painting of the Late Chosŏn Period YiSŏng-mi TheAcademyofKoreanStudies FromtheThreeKingdoms periodon,Koreanculturedevelopeditsuniquenesswhile receivingcontinuousstimuliandinfluencefrom continentalChinese culture;inturn,it hadasignificantimpact onthedevelopmentofJapaneseculture.Viewedfromthe larger contextofworldculture,culturalexchange amongthethreeEastAsiannations presupposeda certaindegreeofhomogeneity.However,the contactwiththeWestern civilizationandculturethroughChristianityinChina beginninginthefirsthalfofthe 16thcentury,andinKorea bywayofChinaduringthelate17thcentury,meantaclash oftwoquitedifferentcivilizations,WesternandEastAsian. Sucha"clashofcivilizations,"toborrowHuntington'sterm,canbediscernedinthe writingsoftheChineseliteratioftheCh'ing periodandinthoseoftheirKorean counterpartsofthelateChosŏnperiod,whotookWesterncultureas a"shock".This paperexaminesthe processofthereceptionofWesterninfluenceonKoreanpaintings ofthe18ththroughtheearly20thcentury before Korea wasfullyexposedtoWestern culture.Documentaryevidenceof contacts aswellasactualworksofartinwhichthe Westerninfluenceisevidentwill bethemainobjectsofexamination. Fromthe beginningofthehistoryof paintingintheWestandinEastAsia,thereexisted afundamentaldifferenceinwhata paintingshouldrepresent.UnlikeintheWest,where theaimof paintingwastoreproducefaithfullytheoutwardappearanceoffiguresor objects,thatinEastAsia wastocapturetheuniversaltruthorspiritualaspects.Inthe NorthernSung period,thisemphasisoncapturing metaphysicalconceptsinpainting developedintothetheoryofliterati
    [Show full text]
  • Running Head: FAKE NEWS AS a THREAT to the DEMOCRATIC MEDIA ENVIRONMENT
    Running head: FAKE NEWS AS A THREAT TO THE DEMOCRATIC MEDIA ENVIRONMENT Fake News as a Threat to the Democratic Media Environment: Past Conditions of Media Regulation and Their Contemporary Applicability to New Media in the United States of America and South Korea Jae Hyun Park Duke University FAKE NEWS AS A THREAT TO THE DEMOCRATIC MEDIA ENVIRONMENT 1 Abstract This study uses a comparative case study policy analysis to evaluate whether the media regulation standards that the governments of the United States of America and South Korea used in the past apply to fake news on social media and the Internet today. We first identify the shared conditions based on which the two governments intervened in the free press. Then, we examine media regulation laws regarding these conditions and review court cases in which they were utilized. In each section, we draw similarities and differences between the two governments’ courses of action. The comparative analysis will serve useful in the conclusion, where we assess the applicability of those conditions to fake news on new media platforms in each country and deliberate policy recommendations as well as policy flow between the two countries. Keywords: censorship, defamation, democracy, falsity, fairness, freedom of speech, ​ intention, journalistic truth, news manipulation, objectivity FAKE NEWS AS A THREAT TO THE DEMOCRATIC MEDIA ENVIRONMENT 2 Contents Introduction .................................................................................................................................... 4
    [Show full text]
  • U.S.-South Korea Relations
    U.S.-South Korea Relations Mark E. Manyin, Coordinator Specialist in Asian Affairs Emma Chanlett-Avery Specialist in Asian Affairs Mary Beth Nikitin Analyst in Nonproliferation Mi Ae Taylor Research Associate in Asian Affairs December 8, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41481 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress U.S.-South Korea Relations Summary Since late 2008, relations between the United States and South Korea (known officially as the Republic of Korea, or ROK) have been arguably at their best state in decades. By the middle of 2010, in the view of many in the Obama Administration, South Korea had emerged as the United States’ closest ally in East Asia. Of all the issues on the bilateral agenda, Congress has the most direct role to play in the proposed Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). Congressional approval is necessary for the agreement to go into effect. In early December 2010, the two sides announced they had agreed on modifications to the original agreement, which was signed in 2007. South Korea accepted a range of U.S. demands designed to help the U.S. auto industry and received some concessions in return. In the United States, the supplementary deal appears to have changed the minds of many groups and members of Congress who previously had opposed the FTA, which is now expected to be presented to the 112th Congress in 2011. If Congress approves the agreement, it would be the United States’ second largest FTA, after the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).
    [Show full text]