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Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept of Kingship
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept Of Kingship Jacob Douglas Feeley University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, and the Jewish Studies Commons Recommended Citation Feeley, Jacob Douglas, "Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept Of Kingship" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2276. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2276 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2276 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept Of Kingship Abstract Scholars who have discussed Josephus’ political philosophy have largely focused on his concepts of aristokratia or theokratia. In general, they have ignored his concept of kingship. Those that have commented on it tend to dismiss Josephus as anti-monarchical and ascribe this to the biblical anti- monarchical tradition. To date, Josephus’ concept of kingship has not been treated as a significant component of his political philosophy. Through a close reading of Josephus’ longest text, the Jewish Antiquities, a historical work that provides extensive accounts of kings and kingship, I show that Josephus had a fully developed theory of monarchical government that drew on biblical and Greco- Roman models of kingship. Josephus held that ideal kingship was the responsible use of the personal power of one individual to advance the interests of the governed and maintain his and his subjects’ loyalty to Yahweh. The king relied primarily on a standard array of classical virtues to preserve social order in the kingdom, protect it from external threats, maintain his subjects’ quality of life, and provide them with a model for proper moral conduct. -
The Identification of “The Righteous” in the Psalms of Solomon(Psssol1))
DOI: https://doi.org/10.28977/jbtr.2011.10.29.149 The Identification of “the Righteous” in the Psalms of Solomon / Unha Chai 149 The Identification of “the Righteous” in the Psalms of Solomon(PssSol1)) Unha Chai* 1. The Problem The frequent references to “the righteous” and to a number of other terms and phrases2) variously used to indicate them have constantly raised the most controversial issue studied so far in the Psalms of Solomon3) (PssSol). No question has received more attention than that of the ideas and identity of the righteous in the PssSol. Different views on the identification of the righteous have been proposed until now. As early as 1874 Wellhausen proposed that the righteous in the PssSol refer to the Pharisees and the sinners to the Sadducees.4) * Hanil Uni. & Theological Seminary. 1) There is wide agreement on the following points about the PssSol: the PssSol were composed in Hebrew and very soon afterwards translated into Greek(11MSS), then at some time into Syriac(4MSS). There is no Hebrew version extant. They are generally to be dated from 70 BCE to Herodian time. There is little doubt that the PssSol were written in Jerusalem. The English translation for this study is from “the Psalms of Solomon” by R. Wright in The OT Pseudepigrapha 2 (J. Charlesworth, ed.), 639-670. The Greek version is from Septuaginta II (A. Rahlfs, ed.), 471-489; G. W. E. Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature between the Bible and the Mishnah, 203-204; K. Atkinson, “On the Herodian Origin of Militant Davidic Messianism at Qumran: New Light From Psalm of Solomon 17”, JBL 118 (1999), 440-444. -
2 the Assyrian Empire, the Conquest of Israel, and the Colonization of Judah 37 I
ISRAEL AND EMPIRE ii ISRAEL AND EMPIRE A Postcolonial History of Israel and Early Judaism Leo G. Perdue and Warren Carter Edited by Coleman A. Baker LONDON • NEW DELHI • NEW YORK • SYDNEY 1 Bloomsbury T&T Clark An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc Imprint previously known as T&T Clark 50 Bedford Square 1385 Broadway London New York WC1B 3DP NY 10018 UK USA www.bloomsbury.com Bloomsbury, T&T Clark and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published 2015 © Leo G. Perdue, Warren Carter and Coleman A. Baker, 2015 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Leo G. Perdue, Warren Carter and Coleman A. Baker have asserted their rights under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Authors of this work. No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or the authors. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN: HB: 978-0-56705-409-8 PB: 978-0-56724-328-7 ePDF: 978-0-56728-051-0 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Typeset by Forthcoming Publications (www.forthpub.com) 1 Contents Abbreviations vii Preface ix Introduction: Empires, Colonies, and Postcolonial Interpretation 1 I. -
The Maccabees (Hasmoneans)
The Maccabees Page 1 The Maccabees (Hasmoneans) HASMONEANS hazʹme-nēʹenz [Gk Asamomaios; Heb ḥašmônay]. In the broader sense the term Hasmonean refers to the whole “Maccabean” family. According to Josephus (Ant. xii.6.1 [265]), Mattathias, the first of the family to revolt against Antiochus IV’s demands, was the great-grandson of Hashman. This name may have derived from the Heb ḥašmān, perhaps meaning “fruitfulness,” “wealthy.” Hashman was a priest of the family of Joarib (cf. 1 Macc. 2:1; 1 Ch. 24:7). The narrower sense of the term Hasmonean has reference to the time of Israel’s independence beginning with Simon, Mattathias’s last surviving son, who in 142 B.C. gained independence from the Syrian control, and ending with Simon’s great-grandson Hyrcanus II, who submitted to the Roman general Pompey in 63 B.C. Remnants of the Hasmoneans continued until A.D. 100. I. Revolt of the Maccabees The Hasmonean name does not occur in the books of Maccabees, but appears in Josephus several times (Ant. xi.4.8 [111]; xii.6.1 [265]; xiv.16.4 [490f]; xv.11.4 [403]; xvi.7.1 [187]; xvii.7.3 [162]; xx.8.11 [190]; 10.3 [238]; 10.5 [247, 249]; BJ i.7 [19]; 1.3 [36]; Vita 1 [2, 4]) and once in the Mishnah (Middoth i.6). These references include the whole Maccabean family beginning with Mattathias. In 166 B.C. Mattathias, the aged priest in Modein, refused to obey the order of Antiochus IV’s envoy to sacrifice to the heathen gods, and instead slew the envoy and a Jew who was about to comply. -
Moshe Raphael Ben Yehoshua (Morris Stadtmauer) O”H Tzvi Gershon Ben Yoel (Harvey Felsen) O”H
6 Tishrei 5781 Eiruvin Daf 46 Sept. 24, 2020 Daf Notes is currently being dedicated to the neshamot of Moshe Raphael ben Yehoshua (Morris Stadtmauer) o”h Tzvi Gershon ben Yoel (Harvey Felsen) o”h May the studying of the Daf Notes be a zechus for their neshamot and may their souls find peace in Gan Eden and be bound up in the Bond of life Abaye sat at his studies and discoursed on this subject the ocean? — Rabbi Yitzchak replied: Here we are dealing when Rav Safra said to him: Is it not possible that we are with a case where the clouds were formed on the eve of dealing here with a case where the rain fell near a town the festival. But is it not possible that those moved away and the townspeople relied on that rain? — This, the other and these are others? — It is a case where one can replied, cannot be entertained at all. For we learned: A recognize them by some identification mark. And if you cistern belonging to an individual person is on a par with prefer I might reply: This is a matter of doubt in respect of that individual's feet, and one belonging to a town is on a a Rabbinical law and in any such doubt a lenient ruling is par with the feet of the people of that town, and one used adopted. But why shouldn’t the water acquire its place for by the Babylonian pilgrims is on a par with the feet of any the Shabbos in the clouds? May it then be derived from man who draws the water. -
Athaliah, a Treacherous Queen: a Careful Analysis of Her Story in 2 Kings 11 and 2 Chronicles 22:10-23:21
Athaliah, a treacherous queen: A careful analysis of her story in 2 Kings 11 and 2 Chronicles 22:10-23:21 Robin Gallaher Branch School of Biblical Sciences & Bible Languages Potchefstroom Campus North-West University POTCHEFSTROOM E-mail: [email protected] [email protected] Abstract Athaliah, a treacherous queen: A careful analysis of her story in 2 Kings 11 and 2 Chronicles 22:10-23:21 This article presents a critical look at the story of the reign of Athaliah, the only ruling queen of Israel or Judah in the biblical text. Double reference in 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles shows her story’s importance and significance to the biblical writers. The largely parallel accounts read like a contemporary soap opera, for they contain murder, intrigue, harem politics, religious upheaval, and coup and counter-coup. Her story provides insights on the turbulent political climate of the ninth century BC. However, the purpose of the biblical writers is not to show Athaliah as the epitome of evil or that all women in power are evil. Opsomming Atalia, ’n verraderlike koningin: ’n noukeurige analise van haar verhaal in 2 Konings 11 en 2 Kronieke 22:10-23:21 In hierdie artikel word die verhaal van Atalia krities nagegaan. Atalia was naamlik die enigste koninging van Israel of Juda wie se regeringstyd in die Bybelteks verhaal word. Die dubbele verwysings na hierdie tyd in 2 Konings en 2 Kronieke dui op die belangrikheid en betekenis van haar verhaal vir die Bybel- skrywers. Die twee weergawes wat grotendeels parallelle weer- gawes is, lees byna soos ’n hedendaagse sepie, want hierdie verhale sluit elemente in soos moord, intrige, harempolitiek, godsdiensopstand, staatsgreep en kontrastaatsgreep. -
The Theological Problems with Our Sounding of the Shofar Rav Jared Anstandig
The Theological Problems with our Sounding of the Shofar Rav Jared Anstandig Why 30? 1. Bemidbar 29:1 ּובַחֹדֶׁשהַשְּׁבִיעִי בְּׁאֶחָד לַחֹדֶ ׁשמִ קְּׁרָ א־קֹדֶ ׁש יִהְּׁ יֶה לָכֶם כָל־מְּׁ לֶאכֶת העֲבֹדָ לֹא תַ עֲׂשּו יֹום תְּׁ רּועָהיִהְּׁ יֶה לָכֶם׃ In the seventh month, on the first day of the month, you shall observe a sacred occasion: you shall not work at your occupations. You shall observe it as a day when the horn is sounded. 2. Rosh Hashana 34a אתקין רבי אבהו בקסרי תקיעה שלשה שברים תרועה תקיעה מה נפשך אי ילולי יליל לעביד תקיעה תרועה ותקיעה ואי גנוחי גנח לעביד תקיעה שלשה שברים ותקיעה Rabbi Abbahu instituted in Caesarea the following order of sounding of the shofar: First a tekia, a simple uninterrupted sound; next three shevarim, broken sounds; followed by a terua, a series of short blasts; and, finally, another tekia. The Gemara asks: Whichever way you look at it, this is difficult. If, according to the opinion of Rabbi Abbahu, the sound the Torah calls a terua is a whimpering, i.e., short, consecutive sounds, one should perform tekia-terua-tekia set. And if he holds that a terua is moaning, i.e., longer, broken sounds, he should sound a set as follows: Tekia, followed by three shevarim, and then another tekia. Why include both a terua and a shevarim? מספקא ליה אי גנוחי גנח אי ילולי יליל מתקיף לה רב עוירא ודלמא ילולי הוה וקא מפסיק שלשה שברים בין תרועה לתקיעה דהדר עביד תקיעה תרועה ותקיעה מתקיף לה רבינא ודלמא גנוחי הוה וקא מפסקא תרועה בין שברים לתקיעה דהדר עביד תש"ת The Gemara answers: Rabbi Abbahu was uncertain whether a terua means moaning or whimpering, and he therefore instituted that both types of sound should be included, to ensure that one fulfills his obligation. -
BIBLICAL GENEALOGIES Adam → Seth
BIBLICAL GENEALOGIES Adam → Seth → Enosh → Kenan → Mahalalel → Jared→ Enoch → Methuselah → Lamech → Noah (70 descendants to repopulate the earth after the flood – Gen. 10: 1- 32; 1 Chr. 1: 1-27; sons, grandsons, great grandsons): 1 2 The sons of Kenaz (1 Chr. 1: 36) joined the Jews by the tribe of Judah. His descendant was Jephunneh the Kenizzite, who begot Caleb (Num. 32: 12; Josh. 14: 6; 14; 1 Chr. 4: 13-15). Amalek was the father of the Amalekites. Descendants of Jacob (Gen. 46: 26-27) who came to Egypt: • From Reuben: Hanoch, Pallu, Hezron and Carmi. • From Simeon: Jemuel, Jamin, Ohad, Jakin, Zohar and Shaul (son of a Canaanite woman). • From Levi: Gershon, Kohath and Merari. • From Judah: Er ( in Canaan), Onan ( in Canaan), Shelah, Perez and Zerah; From Perez: Hezron and Hamul. • From Issachar: Tola, Puah (or Puvah, Masoretic text), Jashub (or Iob, Masoretic text) and Shimron. • From Zebulun: Sered, Elon and Jahleel. • Dinah (they were all sons of Leah , who had died in Canaan – Gen. 49: 31); total of 33 people (including Jacob). • From Gad: Zephon (Septuagint and Samaritan Pentateuch or Ziphion in Masoretic text), Haggi, Shuni, Ezbom, Eri, Arodi and Areli • From Asher: Imnah, Ishvah, Ishvi, Beriah and Serah (their sister). Beriah begat Heber and Malkiel (they were all sons of Zilpah , Leah’s maidservant); total of 16 people. • From Joseph: Manasseh and Ephraim. • From Benjamin: Bela, Beker, Ashbel, Gera, Naaman, Ehi, Rosh, Muppim, Huppim and Ard. They were all sons of Rachel , who had already died in Canaan – Gen. 35: 19), a total of 14 people. -
Kesuvos 057.Pub
"י א ניס תשע”ה Tuesday, March 31 2015 כתובות נ ז” OVERVIEW of the Daf Distinctive INSIGHT 1) Reducing the value of the kesubah (cont.) Defining the dispute מאי קא משמע ל ? הא קא משמע ל דפליגי תרי אמוראי אטעמא An incident related to reducing the value of a woman’s דנפשייהו ולא פליגי תרי אמוראי אליבא דחד אמורא kesubah is presented. R’ Dimi presents two statements which appear contra- n general, when an argument in the Gemara can be ex- dictory, one from R’ Yochanan and one from R’ Yehoshua I plained in one of two ways, Rav Pappa notes that there is a ben Levi, related to reducing the value of the kesubah. preference to explain it in a manner which avoids saying that R’ Avahu quotes R’ Yochanan as claiming that there is one of the opinions is outright mistaken. In this case, the no dispute between R’ Yochanan and R’ Yehoshua ben Mishnah discusses a case where a woman forgoes the full Levi. amount of her kesubah, but she does so only verbally, and not Ravin reports a second version of this discussion. in writing. At what point can she retract her willingness to R’ Pappa comments that were it not for R’ Avahu’s release the husband from paying the entire kesubah, if at all? statement he would assume that there is a dispute between The Baraisa (56b) featured three opinions. Rabbi Meir stated R’ Yochanan and R’ Yehoshua ben Levi rather than con- that no reductions are allowed at all. Rabbi Yose allowed the clude that there is a dispute between R’ Dimi and Ravin. -
Daf Ditty Pesachim 113: Kaldiyyim, Kalda'ei
Daf Ditty Pesachim 113: kaldiyyim, kalda'ei, The countries around Chaldea The fame of the Chaldeans was still solid at the time of Cicero (106–43 BC), who in one of his speeches mentions "Chaldean astrologers", and speaks of them more than once in his De divinatione. Other classical Latin writers who speak of them as distinguished for their knowledge of astronomy and astrology are Pliny, Valerius Maximus, Aulus Gellius, Cato, Lucretius, Juvenal. Horace in his Carpe diem ode speaks of the "Babylonian calculations" (Babylonii numeri), the horoscopes of astrologers consulted regarding the future. In the late antiquity, a variant of Aramaic language that was used in some books of the Bible was misnamed as Chaldean by Jerome of Stridon. That usage continued down the centuries, and it was still customary during the nineteenth century, until the misnomer was corrected by the scholars. 1 Rabbi Yoḥanan further said: The Holy One, blessed be He, proclaims about the goodness of three kinds of people every day, as exceptional and noteworthy individuals: About a bachelor who lives in a city and does not sin with women; about a poor person who returns a lost object to its owners despite his poverty; and about a wealthy person who tithes his produce in private, without publicizing his behavior. The Gemara reports: Rav Safra was a bachelor living in a city. 2 When the tanna taught this baraita before Rava and Rav Safra, Rav Safra’s face lit up with joy, as he was listed among those praised by God. Rava said to him: This does not refer to someone like the Master. -
Julia Wilker University of Pennsylvania
ELECTRUM * Vol. 25 (2018): 127–145 doi: 10.4467/20800909EL.18.007.8927 www.ejournals.eu/electrum BETWEEN EMPIRES AND PEERS: HASMONEAN FOREIGN POLICY UNDER ALEXANDER JANNAEUS Julia Wilker University of Pennsylvania Abstract: During the reign of Alexander Jannaeus (103–76 BCE), Judea underwent a number of signifi cant changes. This article explores one of them: the fundamental shift in foreign policy strategy. This shift becomes most apparent in the king’s decision to not renew the alliance with Rome, which had been a hallmark of Hasmonean foreign policy since the days of Judas Mac- cabaeus. However, a close analysis of Alexander Jannaeus’ policy regarding other foreign powers demonstrates that the end of the Judean-Roman alliance did not happen in a vacuum. It is shown that under Alexander Jannaeus, the Hasmonean state adopted a different strategy towards imperial powers by focusing on deescalation and ignorance rather than alliances. In contrast, interactions with other rising states in the vicinity, such as the Nabateans and Itureans, increased. This new orientation in foreign policy refl ected changes in Hasmonean identity and self-defi nition; Judea did not need imperial support to maintain its independence anymore but strived to increase its status as a regional power. Key words: Hasmoneans, Alexander Jannaeus, Jewish-Roman relations, foreign relations. The reign of Alexander Jannaeus (103–76 BCE) constituted a seminal period in the his- tory of Hellenistic Judea; his rule signifi es both the acme and a turning point of the Has- monean state. The length of his tenure as king – second only to that of his father, John Hyrcanus (135–105/104 BCE) – stands in signifi cant contrast to that of his predecessor, Aristobulus I, who died after having ruled for less than a year. -
Mattathias Antigonus Coins - the Last Kings of the Hasmonean [email protected]
Mattathias Antigonus coins - the last kings of the Hasmonean [email protected] Zlotnik yehoshua 10.10.10 Abstract Mattathias Antigonus was the last king of the Hasmonean-Maccabean Dynasty (37-40 BC' all dates BC). Struggles and uprisings preceded his reign of the Hasmonean state, by his father Aristobulus II and his brother Alexander II for control of the Hasmonean kingdom. The three years of his reign were a turbulent time of constant war with his rival king Herod. This period applies to monetary upheaval. Mattathias' activities in the field of Numismatics has been significant and impressive. His minting Authority minted unique coins, while Herod also minted unique coins. Numismatic background before Mattathias Antigonus of the Hasmonean minting; The 3 Hasmonean kings prior to Mattathias Antigonus minted an abundance of unique coins. The first was John Hyrcanus I 135-104, who minted several series of coins, including a coin, possibly, together with Antiochus VII Sidetes minted in Jerusalem. On one side of the coin appears an inscription for Alexander Sidetes with the icon of the royal anchor. On the other side of the coin a model of the lily, the symbol of the Hasmonean priesthood. Another coin bearing the Greek letter alpha above a Paleo Hebrew legend "Yehohanan (John) the High priest and the Council of the Jews." The Alpha letter probably represents the first letter in the name of Antiochus VII Sidetes, and validates the Hebrew inscription underneath it. There are, however, researchers who believe otherwise. The other side of the coin bears the symbol of the cornucopia commonly shown on Hasmonean coins, including the pomegranate icon, which may symbolize the priesthood adopted by the Hasmonean dynasty.