The Imperial Presidency Gone and All but Forgotten

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Imperial Presidency Gone and All but Forgotten Coda: The Imperial Presidency Gone and All But Forgotten DAVID A. ANDELMAN AP PHOTO/RIA-NOVOSTI, ALEXEI DRUZHININ, GOVERNMENT PRESS SERVICE WINTER 2013 / 2014 111 Downloaded from wpj.sagepub.com at COLUMBIA UNIV on December 16, 2014 CODA here was a time, in the not-too- Thus far, I’ve taken on the judiciary, the distant past, when the Office of bureaucracy or permanent government, Tthe President carried with it all and the legislature. Now it’s time to ex- but unprecedented powers. Not unlike the amine the very top—in theory where all great emperors of old, a president could power flows, downward to the rest of the launch wars, proclaim peace, even change government and at the same time, in the the course of history. In a democracy or an best of circumstances, upward from the oligarchy, in political systems far removed people. But all too often in one direc- in every other respect from the traditional tion. And this failing, beyond all others dictatorship, presidents still wielded all of government, is most central to our un- but unfettered power. No longer. derstanding of how rulers rule and how Where once France’s imperial and im- people are governed. perious Charles de Gaulle could launch wars in Algeria and Indochina with bare- POWER TO THE PEOPLE ly a gesture to the National Assembly In March 1983, there was panic across that met, regularly and futilely, across the a stretch of Africa. Libyan dictator Seine from the Elysées Palace where he Muammar el-Qaddafi was contemplating presided, today François Hollande must an invasion of its neighbor to the south— turn to a deeply fractured parliament for Chad, a country straddling the desert approval on every major and most mi- and jungle. Libyan forces had a clear and nor political decisions. In London, where direct shot across the Sahara and into Winston Churchill and his War Cabinet the heart of Chad. The French, who for could join his American allies in defense a century or more controlled this part of of the Empire, with barely a nod to the Africa, still maintained close economic, House of Commons just down the block, political, and cultural ties with their today his successor David Cameron bows former colony. So it was hardly surprising meekly as the same body spends seven that a detachment of the French Foreign hours shouting down his efforts to join Legion would find its way to the capital, the same American military in Syria, a N’Djamena, as a show of force. At the Middle Eastern state with few clear ties same time, though, the imperious ruler to the British Commonwealth. of Chad put somewhat more faith in Rarely in modern history have chiefs a neighboring dictator—Mobutu Sese of state or government been so handcuffed Seko—president, at least in name, of the as they are today—hostage to the power Democratic Republic of Congo. And if of the electorate, barely able to keep a ever there was an Imperial President, it was single unblinkered eye on how history Mobutu. For 32 years, Mobutu presided, might treat them. all but unchallenged, as ruler of the At the start of this year, I pledged to deeply impoverished nation he renamed devote each of my four Codas to exam- Zaire, amassing a vast personal fortune, ining a different branch of government which, at its peak in 1984, was estimated that directly impacts the people it rules. at $5 billion ($11 billion today). He was David A. Andelman is editor of World Policy Journal. 112 WORLD POLICY JOURNAL Downloaded from wpj.sagepub.com at COLUMBIA UNIV on December 16, 2014 THE EXECUTIVE known to charter a supersonic Concorde down at N’Djamena airport. As both jet for shopping trips to Paris. His power presidents had anticipated, the world press at home and across broad stretches of the turned out. This would be a real specta- African continent was all but unfettered. cle—just the ticket, they both hoped, to It was at this peak of his power that I first show Qaddafi and his forces just what they stumbled across him. would be up against. Or at least provide Hissène Habré, president of belea- quite a nice diversion to distract the lo- guered Chad was an aspiring Mobutu cals from their manifold problems of the character. Cut from the same bolt of cloth, moment. And a spectacle it was. Habre’s he was born in the town of Faya-Largeau, advance team had turned out a respectable an oasis deep in the central Sahara where rent-a-crowd, thousands lining the route daytime temperatures are so high that, from the airport to downtown and in clear- unshaded, they would boil away the ly a festive mood. Then, the plane’s door emulsions of photographic film. Habré opened and out stepped Mobutu. Clad in had come to power in a coup the year be- his signature long leopard-skin toga, a fore I arrived, and quickly moved to ce- leopard cap perched on his head, and enor- ment his hold as president mous mirrored sunglasses, (self-proclaimed, of course), he strode confidently down using a feared secret police mitterand the steps, mounted a colos- organization he created— had in so many sal, customized jeep with the Documentation and tires higher than his shoul- Security Directorate, whose respects perfect ders, stood magisterially methods included spraying pitch when in the back, grasped a tall gas into the eyes, ears, and it came to his ebony staff with gold figure- noses of opponents, forcing head, and signaled the vehi- detainees’ mouths onto the sense of how cle to move slowly down the exhaust pipes of running a president path. Running ahead of it, cars, and a primitive tech- a host of native-clad escorts nique of water boarding that should rule. beat loudly on jungle drums few survived. Now, howev- as the crowd chanted “Mo- er, Habré was anticipating the arrival of BU-tu, Mo-BU-tu, Mo-BU-tu.” It was Qaddafi’s tanks, which seemed likely to awe-inspiring, brilliant jungle theater and follow a route straight through his birth- as consummate a demonstration of presi- place in the desert. So it was hardly sur- dential power as I have ever witnessed. Qa- prising that Chad’s recently-arrived and ddafi, incidentally, never invaded. hardly democratically-elected president, Such dictators in presidents’ clothing might want to hedge his bets and seek still exist, of course, in many corners of some backup from a national leader whose the world. Since independence in 1994, views of governance might be somewhat the former Soviet republic of Belarus more congruent than those of France’s has never known any president but the Socialist President François Mitterrand thoroughly Stalinist Alexander Lukash- 3,000 miles away. Cue Mobutu. enko who has maintained an iron-fisted On Saturday morning, August 20, control over the nation, not to mention 1983, Mobutu’s presidential jet touched influence over its major industries, in- WINTER 2013 / 2014 113 Downloaded from wpj.sagepub.com at COLUMBIA UNIV on December 16, 2014 CODA cluding finance, media, and every other Mitterrand had in so many respects aspect of life in what is effectively a lat- perfect pitch when it came to his sense ter-day gulag sandwiched between Po- of how a president should rule, where land, Russia, and Ukraine. In the tiny In- to pull every lever to achieve maximum dian Ocean island nation of the Maldives, impact. Even as the power of his office its president, Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, was slipping away from the vast hold hung onto office for some 30 years, and exerted by Charles de Gaulle, Mitterrand appears still to be pulling strings as his did his level best to slow the progress. nation seeks to lurch toward a semblance One late afternoon, Foreign Minister of democracy. Gayoom has accumulated Claude Cheysson had concluded a partic- little wealth on the scale of Teodoro Obi- ularly sensitive diplomatic negotiation at ang Nguema Mbasogo, the Quai d’Orsay and was who’s served as president of exiting the foreign ministry oil-rich Equatorial Guinea presidential in haste, running the gaunt- since August 1979 and leadership, let of a scrum of French is said to have amassed a and western journalists. I personal net worth in ex- indeed thrust my CBS microphone cess of $600 million. These leadership of in front of him and asked and a host of other world any stripe, him a question in English, leaders, while bearing the to which Cheysson replied, title of president, maintain has become reflexively in his impeccable many of the trappings of seriously English, then disappeared hereditary monarchs that diluted. into his black Citroen before still proliferate across the my French homologue could Persian Gulf littoral and assorted Asian interrogate him in French. Each evening kingdoms. Each rules as he wills, with at the Elysées, Mitterrand would convene barely a nod to those he holds in his sway. a group of his ministers and counselors Lukashenko, for instance, warns he is all to watch the “Journal de 20 Heures,” the that stands between his people and utter eight o’clock national evening news. That instability, broad poverty that has en- particular evening, French TV was com- slaved vast stretches of the former Soviet pelled to use my sound bite in English of Union, and the depredations of powerful Cheysson, subtitled in French. “What an Russian mafia crime families. embarrassment,” an appalled Mitterrand sniffed. “A French minister speaking in SUBLIME TO THE RIDICULOUS English on French television.” Trust me, If these serve as one extreme of the it never happened again.
Recommended publications
  • The Origins of the Imperial Presidency and the Framework for Executive Power, 1933-1960
    Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Dissertations Graduate College 4-2013 Building A House of Peace: The Origins of the Imperial Presidency and the Framework for Executive Power, 1933-1960 Katherine Elizabeth Ellison Western Michigan University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/dissertations Part of the Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Ellison, Katherine Elizabeth, "Building A House of Peace: The Origins of the Imperial Presidency and the Framework for Executive Power, 1933-1960" (2013). Dissertations. 138. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/dissertations/138 This Dissertation-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BUILDING A HOUSE OF PEACE: THE ORIGINS OF THE IMPERIAL PRESIDENCY AND THE FRAMEWORK FOR EXECUTIVE POWER, 1933-1960 by Katherine Elizabeth Ellison A dissertation submitted to the Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History Western Michigan University April 2013 Doctoral Committee: Edwin A. Martini, Ph.D., Chair Sally E. Hadden, Ph.D. Mark S. Hurwitz, Ph.D. Kathleen G. Donohue, Ph.D. BUILDING A HOUSE OF PEACE: THE ORIGINS OF THE IMPERIAL PRESIDENCY AND THE FRAMEWORK FOR EXECUTIVE POWER, 1933-1960 Katherine Elizabeth Ellison, Ph.D. Western Michigan University, 2013 This project offers a fundamental rethinking of the origins of the imperial presidency, taking an interdisciplinary approach as perceived through the interactions of the executive, legislative, and judiciary branches of government during the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s.
    [Show full text]
  • 1970S: the Nixon Presidency (1969-1974)
    1970S: THE NIXON PRESIDENCY (1969- 1974) NIXON: THE IMPERIAL PRESIDENCY Since the 1930’s, the powers of the Presidency had greatly expanded Became known as the Imperial Presidency Expansion of Presidential powers peaked under Richard Nixon Failed to consult Congress about bombing Cambodia and Laos Used public funds to remodel private homes Used CIA and FBI to collect info about political enemies When Congress passed programs he didn’t like, he refused to spend the funds DOMESTIC POLICY First Amendment Rights Tinker v. Des Moines: John Tinker and his sister were suspended for attending school wearing black armbands to protest Vietnam War Wisconsin v. Yoder: Wisconsin state law that Amish children must attend school past 8th Grade. Amish said this violated their religious freedoms since it violated their way of life INFLATION 1970s saw the rise of prices, trade deficit, and rising unemployment To combat this, Nixon took drastic measures: Cut spending on social programs Programs weren’t working, so Nixon imposed first peacetime wage and price controls. ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGENCY (EPA) Nixon signed into law the EPA which was in charge of protecting the environment Set air and water pollution standards for cities Monitors and enforces waste management ENDANGERED SPECIES ACT Also created the Endangered Species Act of 1973 Fish and Wildlife Service had to created a list of specific species of plants and animals that are threatened with extinction and then take steps to protect them. EQUAL RIGHTS AMENDMENT (ERA) In 1923, Equal Rights Amendment was proposed: “Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of sex.” In 1972, the ERA was approved by Congress and sent to the states to be ratified Had to be passed by 1979, but then extended to 1982.
    [Show full text]
  • "Imperial Presidency" Author(S): Louis W. Koenig Source: Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science, Vol
    Reassessing the "Imperial Presidency" Author(s): Louis W. Koenig Source: Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science, Vol. 34, No. 2, The Power to Govern: Assessing Reform in the United States, (1981), pp. 31-44 Published by: The Academy of Political Science Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1173789 Accessed: 01/07/2008 17:32 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aps. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org Reassessingthe "ImperialPresidency" LOUIS W. KOENIG Among the innumerable books published about the American presidency in the nearly two centuries of the office's existence, Arthur M.
    [Show full text]
  • Responses to the Ten Questions Aziz Rana Cornell Law School, [email protected]
    Cornell Law Library Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository Cornell Law Faculty Publications Faculty Scholarship 2011 Responses to the Ten Questions Aziz Rana Cornell Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/facpub Part of the International Relations Commons, and the National Security Commons Recommended Citation Rana, Aziz, "Responses to the Ten Questions" (2011). Cornell Law Faculty Publications. Paper 1078. http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/facpub/1078 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Law Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RESPONSES TO THE TEN QUESTIONS Aziz Ranat 4. HAS OBAMA IMPROVED BUSH'S NATIONAL SECURITY POLICIES? I. Pendleton Herring and the Forgotten Birth of "National Security" ......................... 5103 II. American Primacy and the Failure of Procedural Reform................................... 5109 III. Conclusion: Breaking Out of the Argumentative Loop .................................... 5113 For decades, civil libertarians and legal scholars have raised the specter of an "imperial president" hanging ominously over American constitutional politics. The term itself was famously coined by Arthur Schlesinger to describe presidential leadership during the era of Watergate and Vietnam. Writing of executive authority in 1973, he concluded, "in our own time it has produced a conception of presidential power so spacious and peremptory as to imply a radical transformation of the traditional polity... The constitutional Presidency . .. has become the imperial Presidency and threatens to be the revolutionary Presidency."' In the years immediately following the events of September 11, 2001, fears of an imperial President only intensified.
    [Show full text]
  • Dissertation Formatted Final V3
    ABSTRACT Title of Document: IN TREPIDIS REBUS: THE CONSTITUTIONAL BASIS OF THE EXECUTIVE WAR POWER Todd R. Lowery, Doctor of Philosophy, 2010 Directed By: Professor Charles Butterworth, Department of Government and Politics Traditional approaches to questions of executive war power emphasize presidential- congressional relations, and focus on the meaning and implications of specific constitutional clauses. This dissertation offers an alternative approach by examining executive war power through the higher, more normative purposes to which the Constitution aims. It views executive war power from the perspective of Constitution’s basic but essential goal of self-preservation, and argues that the Presidency has a special duty to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution. Presidential power, therefore, should be viewed in light of its duties to preserving the constitutional order. Presidential power, however, should not be viewed as “anything goes” for, true to republican principles, the people ultimately are sovereign and have multiple constitutional means by which to hold their leaders accountable. The dissertation focuses its analysis on the Constitution’s text, examining Publius and other writings of the Founding era, to help uncover the explicit purpose and implicit principles for understanding the Constitution. Understanding “to what end” the Constitution provides the lens through which we should view the actions of its institutions and officers. The dissertation then offers an interpretative analysis of President Washington’s words and deeds during the Whiskey Rebellion, demonstrating that his construction of the executive war power offers an important contribution to U.S. constitutionalism. It also focuses on Lincoln’s construction of the executive war power during the Civil War, arguing that although Lincoln exercised extraordinary power in meeting the necessity of the situation, he did so while remaining true to both the spirit and the letter of the Constitution.
    [Show full text]
  • Presidential Power and Its Expanding Influence: Suggestions on How to Strengthen Checks and Balances
    Grand Valley State University ScholarWorks@GVSU Honors Projects Undergraduate Research and Creative Practice 4-2019 Presidential power and its expanding influence: Suggestions on how to strengthen checks and balances. Jesse Hooker Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/honorsprojects Part of the American Politics Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Hooker, Jesse, "Presidential power and its expanding influence: Suggestions on how to strengthen checks and balances." (2019). Honors Projects. 728. https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/honorsprojects/728 This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Research and Creative Practice at ScholarWorks@GVSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@GVSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Presidential power and its expanding influence: Suggestions on how to strengthen checks and balances. Jesse Hooker 1 Contents I. Introduction II. Rise of the Executive Branch A. Executive Power B. Reasons why the Presidency has Expanded III. Arguments against a Strong Executive A. Founding Father Arguments B. A Balance between the Executive and Legislative Branches IV. Modest Suggestions A. Presidential Personality B. Congressional Oversight C. Independent DOJ D. Bipartisanship E. Supreme Court Involvement V. Conclusion 2 I: Introduction The increased use of executive power by the Executive Branch is a fundamental problem in American politics and society. The United States Constitution does not give the president the power to single-handedly write his preferred policy into law. The Founders believed in a lawmaking body that would debate, argue, and compromise important policy decisions as a group.
    [Show full text]
  • Reluctant Liberator: Theodore Roosevelt's Philosophy of Self
    Reluctant Liberator: Theodore Roosevelt’s Philosophy of Self-Government and Preparation for Philippine Independencepsq_3688 494..518 STEPHEN WERTHEIM Columbia University Theodore Roosevelt is well known as an imperialist. The common understanding is both too weak and too strong. Too weak, because Roosevelt idealized an imperialism that could last forever in civilizing savages. Too strong, because Roosevelt prepared the American-occupied Philippines for independence within a generation. This article analyzes Roosevelt’s philosophy of self-government and reinterprets his Philippines policy in light of the philosophy. Roosevelt emerges as a reluctant anti-imperialist—an imperialist by desire but an anti-imperialist in governance. His imperialist ambitions were thwarted by America’s ideals of self-government and its democratic political system, channeled through the powers of Congress and the process of regular elections. At a crest of imperial opportunity, America eschewed empire. Imperial occupation remained a great aberration in American foreign relations. The United States was born in anticolonial rebellion, but in 1910, its former president exhorted the people of Sudan to submit to British rule forevermore. Theodore Roosevelt, addressing an American Presbyterian mission in Khartoum, declared the Sudanese to “owe a peculiar duty to the Government under which you live—a peculiar duty in the direction of doing your full worth to make the present conditions perpetual” (1910, 3). If independence was an inherent, if eventual, right of peoples the world over, that right was not self-evident to Roosevelt. Twelve years of British rule had, he later explained, achieved “astonishing progress from the most hideous misery to well-being and prosperity”—emphasis on hideous misery.
    [Show full text]
  • The Imperial Presidency IMPERATIVE OR DANGEROUS ? Richard Dean and Dr
    The Imperial Presidency IMPERATIVE OR DANGEROUS ? Richard Dean and Dr. Stephen Hill | Political Science INTRODUCTION LITERATURE REVIEW The question of the “Imperial Presidency” is one of long- standing in United States (US) politics, but it has become One of the oldest conflicts in the American system of government especially controversial since the “Great Debate” over the is that between Congress and the President over the right to Korean War. This debate has intensified due to the actions of formulate and implement foreign policy. These are not just the Bush and Obama administrations after September, 11th debating points for historians and constitutional lawyers, but 2001. critical issues which need to be addressed if we are to see the A presidency becomes “imperial” when it relies on powers successful exercise of American diplomacy as we did in the 1980s. beyond those allowed by the Constitution of the United States Our effectiveness in dealing with the problems ahead, especially This study asks whether executive imperial powers are U.S.-Soviet competition in the Third World, will depend to a necessary in the modern international system or whether they significant degree on our ability to resolve the adversary undermine US and global security. relationship between the President and Congress. (Tower, 1981, p. It concludes with suggestions for how the Executive’s imperial 229) powers might be curtailed. “the policy of indiscriminate global intervention, far from Constitutional Separation of Powers strengthening American security, seemed rather to weaken it by The US Constitution assigns commander in chief powers to the involving the United States in remote, costly and mysterious wars, president.
    [Show full text]
  • An Analysis of U.S. Policy Towards Cambodia Between 1969-1973 Written by Oliver Omar
    An Analysis of U.S. Policy Towards Cambodia Between 1969-1973 Written by Oliver Omar This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. An Analysis of U.S. Policy Towards Cambodia Between 1969-1973 https://www.e-ir.info/2016/05/24/an-analysis-of-u-s-policy-towards-cambodia-between-1969-1973/ OLIVER OMAR, MAY 24 2016 Conflict in Phnom Penh and Capitol Hill: An Analysis of U.S. Policy Towards Cambodia Between 1969-1973 The Second World War came to a close in September 1945. Yet, armed conflict continued in Southeast Asia, with the First Indochina War fought between the League for the Independence of Vietnam (Viet Min) and French colonial forces. A Report to the National Security Council (NSC-68) on April 12, 1950, enhanced the policy of containment by presenting the developing hostilities between the United States and Soviet Union as a zero-sum game: win or lose. As a result, Southeast Asia would become a frontline in the Cold War. This was confirmed by the outbreak of the Korean War just a month later, prompting the U.S. to become entangled, both diplomatically and militarily, in the region. Cold War hostilities would eventually intensify within Vietnam and consequently the U.S. would be at war for over a decade. Throughout the Cold War and to the present day, the Vietnam experience looms in the political psyche of the American nation.
    [Show full text]
  • Congress & the President At
    The Woodrow Wilson Center & The National Capital Area Political Science Association Congress & the President at War: Checks or Imbalance? The Honorable Mac Thornberry (R-Texas) Stephen M. Griffin, Tulane University Elisabeth Bumiller, The New York Times Robert Litwak, Wilson Center Don Wolfensberger, NCAPSA In a wide-ranging constitutional history of presidential war decisions from 1945 to the present, Stephen M. Griffin rethinks the long-running debate over the “imperial presidency” and concludes that the eighteenth-century Constitution is inadequate to the challenges of a post-9/11 world. The Constitution requires the consent of Congress before the United States can go to war. Truman’s decision to fight in Korea without gaining that consent was unconstitutional, says Griffin, but the acquiescence of Congress and the American people created a precedent for presidents to claim autonomy in this arena ever since. The unthinking extension of presidential leadership in foreign affairs to a point where presidents unilaterally decide when to go to war, Griffin argues, has destabilized our constitutional order and deranged our foreign policy. Long Wars and the Constitution demonstrates the unexpected connections between presidential war power and the constitutional crises that have plagued American politics. Contemporary presidents are caught in a dilemma. On the one hand are the responsibilities handed over to them by a dangerous world, and on the other is an incapacity for sound decision-making in the absence of inter-branch deliberation. President Obama’s continuation of many Bush administration policies in the long war against terrorism is only the latest in a chain of difficulties resulting from the imbalances introduced by the post-1945 constitutional order.
    [Show full text]
  • THE CASE of the TURKISH ARMS EMBARGO a Master's Thesis By
    THE FORD ADMINISTRATION AGAINST AN ASSERTIVE CONGRESS: THE CASE OF THE TURKISH ARMS EMBARGO A Master’s Thesis by BERÇİN YİĞİTASLAN Department of History İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University Ankara January 2017 THE FORD ADMINISTRATION AGAINST AN ASSERTIVE CONGRESS: THE CASE OF THE TURKISH ARMS EMBARGO Graduate School of Economics and Social Sciences of İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University by BERÇİN YİĞİTASLAN In Partial Fulfillment of Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY İHSAN DOĞRAMACI BİLKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA January 2017 ABSTRACT THE FORD ADMINISTRATION AGAINST AN ASSERTIVE CONGRESS: THE CASE OF THE TURKISH ARMS EMBARGO Yiğitaslan, Berçin M.A., Department of History Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Edward Kohn January 2017 This thesis focuses on Gerald Ford administration’s struggle with the assertive Congress in foreign policy in the case of the Turkish arms embargo. In this new sequence of ongoing executive-legislative tug of war for foreign policy making, this thesis reveals how the Ford administration resisted the Congress decision of imposing embargo on Turkey following the Turkish military intervention in Cyprus. Besides, this study traces the history of congressional assertiveness in American foreign policy and identifies the reasons for the rise of it in the 1970s. Thus, it demonstrates the reversion of the embargo as a massive victory for President Gerald Ford and his administration when the historical context is taken into consideration. Keywords: Congress, Gerald Ford, President, Turkish Arms Embargo, United States. iii ÖZET MÜDAHALECİ KONGREYE KARŞI FORD YÖNETİMİ: TÜRK SİLAH AMBARGOSU VAKASI Yiğitaslan, Berçin Yüksek Lisans, Tarih Bölümü Tez Danışmanı: Doç. Dr. Edward Kohn January 2017 Bu tez, Türk silah ambargosu örneğinde, Başkan Gerald Ford yönetiminin dış politikada müdahaleci kongre ile mücadelesine odaklanmaktadır.
    [Show full text]
  • Congress’S Role in Foreign Policymaking
    Congress’s Role in Foreign Policymaking Christopher J. Deering Department of Political Science George Washington University Washington DC 20052 Prepared for delivery at “The Role of Congress in Foreign Policymaking,” Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C., May 18, 2009. Congress’s Role in Foreign Policymaking In April 2009 the new administration of President Barrack Obama made public Justice Department memos legitimizing interrogation techniques used by the CIA in an attempt to gain information regarding terrorist activities. By comparison to the Bush Administration, this seemed a remarkable act of transparency. And it provoked a fire-storm of claims and counter claims. That same week the administration argued in federal court that the “state-secrets” privilege prevented them from going forward with a case involving a civil lawsuit by five former detainees. Like the Bush Administration, the Obama team asked that the case be dismissed or risk revelation of critical national security information.1 Meanwhile, House Democrats on the Judiciary and Foreign Affairs committees sought additional documents regarding detainee interrogation practices – specifically a memo authored by State Department legal counsel Philip D. Zelikow that was purportedly critical of the Bush Justice Department – while Senate Democrats introduced legislation pressing for greater judicial supervision of claims of executive privilege.2 At nearly the same time, the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee approved a bill that essentially rubber-stamped an executive order by Obama regarding a president’s ability to withhold information from Congress and the public.3 Which Obama will we get? Which Congress will we get? That is the question.
    [Show full text]