The Agonistic Model of Democracy and the European Union

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Agonistic Model of Democracy and the European Union The agonistic model of democracy and the European Union Dissertation zur Erlangung des Doktorgrades der Philosophischen Fakultät der Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel vorgelegt von Caroline Maria Kalkreuth Kiel 08.03.2021 Erstgutachter: Prof. Dr. Dirk Nabers Zweitgutachterin: Prof. Dr. Paula Diehl Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 11.06.2021 Durch den Prodekan für Studium und Lehre, Prof. Dr. Michael Elmentaler, zum Druck genehmigt: 21.07.2021 DEDICATION To Simon TABLE OF CONTENT 1. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................... 1! 2. RESISTANCE TO THE PROCESS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION .................................. 11! 2.1!CHANGING!DISCOURSE!FROM!PERMISSIVE!CONSENSUS!TO!RESISTANCE!..........................................................................11! 2.2!THE!STUDY!OF!EUROSCEPTICISM!.........................................................................................................................18! 2.3!RESEARCH!GAP!...............................................................................................................................................40! 2.4!CONCLUSION!.................................................................................................................................................44! 3. THROUGH THE LENSES OF THE AGONISTIC MODEL OF DEMOCRACY .................. 47! 3.1!MOUFFE’S!TRAJECTORY!FROM!MARXISM!TO!POST?MARXISM!.....................................................................................48! 3.2!SOCIAL!ONTOLOGY!OF!THE!POLITICAL!DISCOURSE!THEORY!..........................................................................................56! 3.3!THE!POLITICAL!LEVEL!OF!THE!DISCOURSE!THEORY!.....................................................................................................72! 3.4!CHANTAL!MOUFFE’S!AGONISTIC!MODEL!OF!DEMOCRACY!..........................................................................................89! 3.5!ANALYTICAL!FRAMEWORK!...............................................................................................................................!112! 3.6!CONCLUSION!...............................................................................................................................................!119! 4. RESEARCH DESIGN OF THE STUDY ................................................................................. 122! 4.1!SELECTED!TEXT!CORPUS!..................................................................................................................................!128! 4.2!DATA!ANALYSIS!PROCEDURES!...........................................................................................................................!134! 4.3!CONCLUSION!...............................................................................................................................................!141! 5. THE AGONISTIC MODEL OF DEMOCRACY AND RESISTANCE ................................. 144! 5.1!EXCESS!OF!CONSENSUS!...................................................................................................................................!146! 5.2!CRISIS!OF!IDENTIFICATION!...............................................................................................................................!164! 5.3!HEGEMONIC!STRUGGLE!..................................................................................................................................!177! 5.4!APATHY!AND!DISAFFECTION!.............................................................................................................................!185! 5.5!CONCLUSION!...............................................................................................................................................!192! 6. THEORY AND RESULTS ....................................................................................................... 194! 7. BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................................................................................................................... 204! 8. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG IN DEUTSCHER SPRACHE .......................................................... 260! 9. CURRICULUM VITAE ........................................................................................................... 280 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Research agenda ............................................................................ 44! Figure 2: The phenomenon of resistance ..................................................... 112! Figure 3: Focus of analysis ......................................................................... 142! Figure 4: Resistance and European integration............................................ 145! LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Empirical data overview …………………………………………...133 ABBREVIATIONS AFD – Alternative für Deutschland AMD – Agonistic Model of Democracy CFSP - The common foreign and security policy EC- European Community ECR - European Conservatives and Reformists ECSC - European Coal and Steel Community ECU - European Currency Unit EEC - European Economic Community EIS – European Integration Studies EMS - European Monetary System EN - European of Nations Group EP – European Parliament ERM - Exchange Rate Mechanism EU – European Union EUI – European Integration EURATOM - European Atomic Energy Community FN – Front National GAL - Green-Alternative-Libertarian HSS – Hegemonic and Socialist Strategy IND - Independence/Democracy Group IPS - International Political Sociology IR- International Relations M5S – Movimento 5 Stelle MEP – Member of the European Parliament NATO - North Atlantic Treaty Organization NPD – Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschland NR - New Reflections on the Revolution of our Time PDT - Poststructuralist Discourse Theory PJCCM - Police and Judicial Co-operation in Criminal Matters SEA - Single European Act SYRIZA – Synaspismos Rizospastikis Aristeras TAN - Traditional-Authoritarian-Nationalist TFEU - Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union UK – United Kingdom UKIP – United Kingdom Independent Party UN – United Nations USA – United States of America ACKNOWLEDGMENT The successful completion of the present work would have never been possible without the support of the following people. First and foremost, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor, Prof. Dr. Dirk Nabers, whose expertise and consistent support throughout the process was invaluable to the completion of this thesis. His insightful feedback has encouraged me to continually develop and improve my writing and research. Furthermore, I would like to thank the “Evangelisches Studienwerk” for their overwhelmingly kind and comprehensive financial support. I would also like to thank my supervisor at Yale University, Sterling Professor Ian Shapiro, who made it possible for me to stay in New Haven in 2020 despite the Corona crisis. I would also like to thank many other scholars and practitioners who have contributed to this work by providing theoretical and practical insights at various occasions. I gratefully acknowledge their relevance to my work. Last but not least, I would like to thank my family and friends for their support during these challenging years. My special thanks go to my partner Simon, without whom this whole project would not have been possible. 1. Introduction The process of European integration (EUI) has long been the subject of limited public debate, and the domain was seen as dominated mainly by European political elites. The project generally presents itself as a continental-scaled, post-national political project, aiming to pool certain executive, legislative, and judicial responsibilities at the supra- or international level.1 It aims to achieve an “ever closer union of the European people” to constrain of past national rivalries and promote a sphere of peace and stability.2 The process can broadly be divided into three main periods: the first period spanning the early stages of the integration process in the 1950s until the late-1980s, the second period from the establishment of a union in the early-1990s until the late-2000s, and the third period lasting until the election of the European Parliament (EP) in 2019.3 Especially during the first period of EUI, political rivalries and ideological conflicts were mostly absent from the process. The modi-operandi within the European institutions favored compromise over conflict.4 The process was dominated by pro-integrationists supporting the European project and a favorable attitude among the public. This favorable attitude among the European public during that time was generally labeled as “permissive consensus.”5 The presumed consensus enabled European elites to accelerate the process of integration without much interference of the broader public. For instance, it seems that the Schuman Plan from 1950 – as a fundamental political concept to amalgamate of German and French coal and steel production after 1 Hix (2007); European Union (2012). 2 Recital 1 of the preamble to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). See European Union (2012), also Cantat (2015). 3 See also: Vasilopoulou (2013), who assumes a somewhat similar division of time periods within the process of EUI. 4 About narratives, see also: Cantat (2015). 5 Lindberg and Scheingold (1970). 1 the Second World War – was launched by a small political elite working in an almost conspiratorial fashion. They were able to maneuver quickly and effectively, partly due to the lack of public involvement.6 In the second
Recommended publications
  • The Rise of Syriza: an Interview with Aristides Baltas
    THE RISE OF SYRIZA: AN INTERVIEW WITH ARISTIDES BALTAS This interview with Aristides Baltas, the eminent Greek philosopher who was one of the founders of Syriza and is currently a coordinator of its policy planning committee, was conducted by Leo Panitch with the help of Michalis Spourdalakis in Athens on 29 May 2012, three weeks after Syriza came a close second in the first Greek election of 6 May, and just three days before the party’s platform was to be revealed for the second election of 17 June. Leo Panitch (LP): Can we begin with the question of what is distinctive about Syriza in terms of socialist strategy today? Aristides Baltas (AB): I think that independently of everything else, what’s happening in Greece does have a bearing on socialist strategy, which is not possible to discuss during the electoral campaign, but which will present issues that we’re going to face after the elections, no matter how the elections turn out. We haven’t had the opportunity to discuss this, because we are doing so many diverse things that we look like a chicken running around with its head cut off. But this is precisely why I first want to step back to 2008, when through an interesting procedure, Synaspismos, the main party in the Syriza coalition, formulated the main elements of the programme in a book of over 300 pages. The polls were showing that Syriza was growing in popularity (indeed we reached over 15 per cent in voting intentions that year), and there was a big pressure on us at that time, as we kept hearing: ‘you don’t have a programme; we don’t know who you are; we don’t know what you’re saying’.
    [Show full text]
  • Download/Print the Study in PDF Format
    GENERAL ELECTION IN GREECE 7th July 2019 European New Democracy is the favourite in the Elections monitor Greek general election of 7th July Corinne Deloy On 26th May, just a few hours after the announcement of the results of the European, regional and local elections held in Greece, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras (Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA), whose party came second to the main opposition party, New Analysis Democracy (ND), declared: “I cannot ignore this result. It is for the people to decide and I am therefore going to request the organisation of an early general election”. Organisation of an early general election (3 months’ early) surprised some observers of Greek political life who thought that the head of government would call on compatriots to vote as late as possible to allow the country’s position to improve as much as possible. New Democracy won in the European elections with 33.12% of the vote, ahead of SYRIZA, with 23.76%. The Movement for Change (Kinima allagis, KINAL), the left-wing opposition party which includes the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK), the Social Democrats Movement (KIDISO), the River (To Potami) and the Democratic Left (DIMAR), collected 7.72% of the vote and the Greek Communist Party (KKE), 5.35%. Alexis Tsipras had made these elections a referendum Costas Bakoyannis (ND), the new mayor of Athens, on the action of his government. “We are not voting belongs to a political dynasty: he is the son of Dora for a new government, but it is clear that this vote is Bakoyannis, former Minister of Culture (1992-1993) not without consequence.
    [Show full text]
  • The Making of SYRIZA
    Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Panos Petrou The making of SYRIZA Published: June 11, 2012. http://socialistworker.org/print/2012/06/11/the-making-of-syriza Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. June 11, 2012 -- Socialist Worker (USA) -- Greece's Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA, has a chance of winning parliamentary elections in Greece on June 17, which would give it an opportunity to form a government of the left that would reject the drastic austerity measures imposed on Greece as a condition of the European Union's bailout of the country's financial elite. SYRIZA rose from small-party status to a second-place finish in elections on May 6, 2012, finishing ahead of the PASOK party, which has ruled Greece for most of the past four decades, and close behind the main conservative party New Democracy. When none of the three top finishers were able to form a government with a majority in parliament, a date for a new election was set -- and SYRIZA has been neck-and-neck with New Democracy ever since. Where did SYRIZA, an alliance of numerous left-wing organisations and unaffiliated individuals, come from? Panos Petrou, a leading member of Internationalist Workers Left (DEA, by its initials in Greek), a revolutionary socialist organisation that co-founded SYRIZA in 2004, explains how the coalition rose to the prominence it has today.
    [Show full text]
  • Review of European and National Election Results Update: September 2019
    REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2019 A Public Opinion Monitoring Publication REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2019 Directorate-General for Communication Public Opinion Monitoring Unit May 2019 - PE 640.149 IMPRESSUM AUTHORS Philipp SCHULMEISTER, Head of Unit (Editor) Alice CHIESA, Marc FRIEDLI, Dimitra TSOULOU MALAKOUDI, Matthias BÜTTNER Special thanks to EP Liaison Offices and Members’ Administration Unit PRODUCTION Katarzyna ONISZK Manuscript completed in September 2019 Brussels, © European Union, 2019 Cover photo: © Andrey Kuzmin, Shutterstock.com ABOUT THE PUBLISHER This paper has been drawn up by the Public Opinion Monitoring Unit within the Directorate–General for Communication (DG COMM) of the European Parliament. To contact the Public Opinion Monitoring Unit please write to: [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSION Original: EN DISCLAIMER This document is prepared for, and primarily addressed to, the Members and staff of the European Parliament to assist them in their parliamentary work. The content of the document is the sole responsibility of its author(s) and any opinions expressed herein should not be taken to represent an official position of the Parliament. TABLE OF CONTENTS EDITORIAL 1 1. COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 5 DISTRIBUTION OF SEATS OVERVIEW 1979 - 2019 6 COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT LAST UPDATE (31/07/2019) 7 CONSTITUTIVE SESSION (02/07/2019) AND OUTGOING EP SINCE 1979 8 PROPORTION OF WOMEN AND MEN PROPORTION - LAST UPDATE 02/07/2019 28 PROPORTIONS IN POLITICAL GROUPS - LAST UPDATE 02/07/2019 29 PROPORTION OF WOMEN IN POLITICAL GROUPS - SINCE 1979 30 2. NUMBER OF NATIONAL PARTIES IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT CONSTITUTIVE SESSION 31 3.
    [Show full text]
  • Winning Votes and Weathering Storms: the 2009 European and Parliamentary Elections in Greece
    Winning Votes and Weathering Storms: The 2009 European and Parliamentary Elections in Greece Kostas Gemenis Keele European Parties Research Unit (KEPRU) Working Paper 32 © Kostas Gemenis, 2010 ISSN 1475-1569 ISBN 1-899488-73-1 KEPRU Working Papers are published by: School of Politics, International Relations and Philosophy (SPIRE) Keele University Staffs ST5 5BG, UK Fax +44 (0)1782 73 3592 www.keele.ac.uk/kepru Editor: Professor Kurt Richard Luther ([email protected]) KEPRU Working Papers are available via SPIRE’s website. Launched in September 2000, the Keele European Parties Research Unit (KEPRU) was the first research grouping of its kind in the UK. It brings together the hitherto largely independent work of Keele researchers focusing on European political parties, and aims: • to facilitate its members' engagement in high-quality academic research, individually, collectively in the Unit and in collaboration with cognate research groups and individuals in the UK and abroad; • to hold regular conferences, workshops, seminars and guest lectures on topics related to European political parties; • to publish a series of parties-related research papers by scholars from Keele and elsewhere; • to expand postgraduate training in the study of political parties, principally through Keele's MA in Parties and Elections and the multinational PhD summer school, with which its members are closely involved; • to constitute a source of expertise on European parties and party politics for media and other interests. The Unit shares the broader aims of the Keele European Research Centre, of which it is a part. KERC comprises staff and postgraduates at Keele who are actively conducting research into the politics of remaking and integrating Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • To the Crucible II
    To the Crucible II: A Further Irish Engagement with the Greek Crisis and the Greek Left Helena Sheehan This is a sequel to http://www.irishleftreview.org/2013/01/21/crucible-irish-engagement-greek- crisis-greek-left/ The Dominant Narrative “Things have gone very quiet in Greece, haven’t they?” So many people said that to me in the past six months or so. I responded that there was a lot going on, even if international media weren’t covering it. There were civil mobilisations of teachers and transport workers, as well as rising unemployment, emigration and impoverishment, being met with continuing protest, strikes, occupations. Even so, I sensed a lull in the rhythm of resistance, since the big demonstrations opposing the passage of the third memorandum last autumn. Obviously people couldn’t keep going at that pitch all the time, but how many were succumbing to exhaustion, despair, defeat? How many were quietly going about their work in solidarity networks, policy development, political education? The story circulating in May, promoted by its government, was that Greece had stabilised and protest had subsided. Grexit had given way to Grecovery. Antonis Samaras, who was most actively articulating this, touring the world with the good news, even heralded a Greek ‘renaissance’. The feeblest of economic indicators were offered as evidence, although international commentators, even ones who wanted to believe this story, found it hard to get past the fact that most indicators still pointed in the opposite direction. In other statements, Samaras conceded that they hadn’t really changed the numbers yet, but insisted that they had eliminated the ‘negative psychology’.
    [Show full text]
  • The Greek Cauldron
    stathis kouvelakis THE GREEK CAULDRON he escalation of the Eurozone crisis in the closing months of 2011 has produced spectacular upheavals in the political land- scape. Within less than a fortnight, the Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou had announced a referendum on the Tpunitive terms of a loan agreed at the Eurozone summit on October 27, only to abandon the plan after public humiliation by Sarkozy and Merkel at the G20 summit in Cannes on November 4, and resign two days later. On November 10, Lucas Papademos, ex-chief of the Bank of Greece and a former vice-president of the European Central Bank, was installed at the head of a government of so-called national accord. Alongside ministers from the preceding pasok government, with several key figures— notably the Finance Minister Evangelos Venizelos—keeping their posts, the centre-right opposition New Democracy party has been awarded six cabinet positions, including Defence and Foreign Affairs. Papademos’s government also includes a minister and two deputy ministers from the extreme-right laos party, which returns to office for the first time since the fall of the military dictatorship in 1974. By contrast, the parties of the Italian centre right, the Lega Nord and Popolo della Libertà, announced their opposition to the so-called technocratic government of the eu Commissioner Mario Monti, formed in Rome on November 12 after the forced departure of Silvio Berlusconi; thus scotching the plans of the centre-left pd, which had hoped to enter office on Monti’s coattails. The outcome in both Athens and Rome was above all determined by outside pressure from the German and French governments, accompa- nied by relentless assault from the bond markets, which have priced up both countries’ debts to unsustainable levels.
    [Show full text]
  • Information to Users
    INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor MI 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 UNNEGOTIATED TRANSITION . SUCCESSFUL OUTCOME: THE PROCESSES OF DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN GREECE DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Neovi M, Karakatsanis, B.A., M.A.
    [Show full text]
  • Syriza's Rise and Fall
    Interview: New Masses—13 stathis kouvelakis SYRIZA’S RISE AND FALL Syriza won power in January 2015 as an anti-austerity party—the most advanced political opposition so far to the hardening deflationary poli- cies of the Brussels–Berlin–Frankfurt axis. Six months later, the Tsipras government forced through the harshest austerity package Greece had yet seen. This trajectory was a predictable outcome of the contradiction embod- ied in Syriza’s programme: reject austerity, but keep the euro. Why was Tsipras so incapable of envisaging a course inside the eu but outside the Eurozone, the position of Sweden, Denmark, Poland and half a dozen other European countries? irst, one shouldn’t underestimate the popularity of the euro in the southern-periphery countries—Greece, Spain, Portugal—for whom joining the eu meant accessing political and economic modernity. For Greece, in particular, it meant Fbeing part of the West in a different way to that of the us-imposed post- civil war regime. It seemed a guarantee of the new democratic course: after all, it’s only since 1974 that Greece has known a political regime similar to other Western countries, after decades of authoritarianism, military dictatorship and civil war. The European Community also offered the promise of combining prosperity with a social dimension, supposedly inherent to the project, which sealed the political com- pact that emerged after the fall of the Junta. Joining the euro seemed the logical conclusion of that process. Having the same currency as the most advanced countries has a tremendous power over people’s imagination—carrying in your pocket the same currency as Germans or Dutch, even if you are a low-paid Greek worker or pensioner—which new left review 97 jan feb 2016 45 46 nlr 97 those of us who’d been in favour of exiting the euro since the start of the crisis tended to underestimate.
    [Show full text]
  • SYRIZA and the Rise of Radical Left-Reformism in Europe
    SYRIZA and the Rise of Radical Left-Reformism in Europe Donal Mac Fhearraigh The rise of SYRIZA, Greece's Coalition ternative to austerity and the crisis of of the Radical Left, in the May elections capitalism has provoked panic among the and in polls since, has electrified the left Euro-elites and the Greek ruling class. globally. Tsipras stunned Europe's rulers when, af- The election on 6 May revealed that ter receiving the mandate from the Greek the mass of the Greek people rejected president to try and form a government, the austerity programme imposed under after New Democracy proved unable to do the Memorandum of Understanding be- so, he declared the austerity measures be- tween their government and the European ing imposed on Greece `null and void'. Union (EU) and the International Mone- The campaign of Jean-Luc Melenchon tary Fund (IMF). SYRIZA's leader, Alex in the French Presidential election shows Tsipras, has denounced the programme that the re-emergence of a left-reformist as `barbarous' and his refusal to form a current in politics isn't peculiar to Greece, coalition with the parties that support the as the EU ruling class strategy of deep- Memorandum has forced Greece into a sec- ening austerity erodes traditional political ond election on 17 June. loyalties and creates rising political polar- The last opinion poll published on Fri- isation. Overall unemployment across the day 1 June showed SYRIZA on 31.5 per- eurozone stands at its highest level since cent, its highest performance yet, and a 1999 when the currency was launched with full six points ahead of the right-wing New 17.4 million out of work2 .
    [Show full text]
  • 0 Med. En Cifrasgraf
    Mediterranean Politics | Europa 2007 in Greece: Paving the Way for a Major Political Realignment a m a Michalis Spourdalakis ready to leave behind its political strategy of ‘blam - r o n Professor, ing everything on PASOK’ and finally to implement its a P Department of Political Science & Public Administration, program. However, it proved a rather disappointing University of Athens year for the Government. After it had achieved pow - er on a promise to eliminate corruption, and with an ethical and political condemnation of the partitocra - When future historians come to write the history of cia of public life, one could not have anticipated the 8 0 0 modern Greek politics, the developments of 2007 may series of events that were to jeopardize this promise 2 . d be recognized as the spark that ignited the most sig - in a most vivid fashion. e M nificant major political changes since the 1974 fall of the Dictatorship ( Metapolitefsi ). These developments appear to increase the challenge posed to the es - Incompetence and Corruption tablished political and party alignments. These align - ments have been expressed within a two-party-plus The Government’s most significant actions and ini - 1 8 system, where governments implemented major, tiatives during last year’s administration revealed a 1 hegemonic political projects, which proved crucial striking incompetence and/or corruption. The failure to the country’s development. Thus, it was the con - to contain the mass student movement within the servatives of the New Democracy Party (ND) that
    [Show full text]
  • Problems and Perspectives of the Alliance of Syriza1
    PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES OF THE ALLIANCE OF SYRIZA1 Haris Golemis, Nicos Poulantzas Institute (This is a draft. Not to be quoted without permission) 1. SYRIZA (Coalition of the Radical Left) is an alliance of parties, political groups and independent activists, presently represented in the Greek Parliament with 9 deputies (out of 300), after scoring 4,3% at the 2009 elections2. It was established, shortly before the legislative elections of 2004, on the initiative of SYNASPISMOS (Coalition of the Left of Movements and Ecology). Besides Synaspismos, which is by far the largest component, the alliance includes also various small groups (one post Left Eurocommunist, various Trotskyist, one post-Maoist, one ex-PASOK Socialist, one ex-KKE and pro-all Left unity, one Movementist and Human Rights) and independent left personalities and activists, the most prominent of which is Manolis Glezos, the symbol of Greek resistance against Nazi occupation. 2. One could say that SYRIZA has its origins in a process started since the establishment of the Forum of Dialogue and Common Action, in 2001. Almost all political forces now being in SYRIZA participated in this Forum, while activists from some of them (including those who had already worked together in the Euromarches of 1997, the alliance of International Action, the WSF, the ESF and the Greek Social Forum. However, few doubt that the alliance would not have been formed if Synaspismos had not taken the decision to make this important step, which was strange taking into account its identity since its establishment. An understanding of the reasons why a parliamentary party, with a rather moderate majority at that time, decided to coalesce with minor groups of the so-called extreme left is necessary in order to understand both the development of the alliance, but also its problems and perspectives3.
    [Show full text]