Uncovering Views from the Occupy Movement: Johannesburg Leg
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Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism. -
The Axis and Allied Maritime Operations Around Southern Africa, 1939-1945
THE AXIS AND ALLIED MARITIME OPERATIONS AROUND SOUTHERN AFRICA, 1939-1945 Evert Philippus Kleynhans Dissertation presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Military Science (Military History) in the Faculty of Military Science, Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Prof I.J. van der Waag Co-supervisor: Dr E.K. Fedorowich December 2018 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za DECLARATION By submitting this dissertation electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. Date: December 2018 Copyright © 2018 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Abstract The majority of academic and popular studies on the South African participation in the Second World War historically focus on the military operations of the Union Defence Force in East Africa, North Africa, Madagascar and Italy. Recently, there has been a renewed drive to study the South African participation from a more general war and society approach. The South African home front during the war, and in particular the Axis and Allied maritime war waged off the southern African coast, has, however, received scant historical attention from professional and amateur historians alike. The historical interrelated aspects of maritime insecurity evident in southern Africa during the war are largely cast aside by contemporary academics engaging with issues of maritime strategy and insecurity in southern Africa. -
Willie Nelson Talks Music Legends Same Producers As “300,” Is Just As Bloody but Not Documentary Highlights As Big of a Hit with Some Audiences
WE’RE THERE WHEN YOU CAN’T BE NELSON from Page 1 TheWEDNESDAY | NOVEMBER Baylor 16, 2011 Lariatwww.baylorlariat.com SPORTS Page 5 NEWS Page 3 A&E Page 4 A sweet reunion Baylor green is gold It’s no secret Baylor and the San Diego State Aztecs An initiative by the sustainability Clint Eastwood’s “J. Edgar,” follows the met Tuesday in the team’s first NIT department aims to make organization life of an FBI secret-keeper, from his semifinals together since 2009 meetings more environmentally friendly career highs to personal lows Vol. 112 No. 43 © 2011, Baylor University In Print >> 3-D flop “Immortals,” from the Willie Nelson talks music legends same producers as “300,” is just as bloody but not Documentary highlights as big of a hit with some audiences. Tommy Duncan’s career page 4 By Mandy Power Tommy Duncan fan club, with the Contributor idea for the documentary. “I had recently started work- >> An end in sight Willie Nelson is a famous ing at Baylor and thought this The Lariat Super League is musician in his own right, but would be a great opportunity for still going strong, with five the country star says his career my students to have a real-world teams coming close to the wouldn’t be the same without the experience,” Callaway said. playoffs this week. influence of old friend and west- The documentary highlights ern swing legend Tommy Dun- Duncan’s career as the lead singer can. for the band Bob Wills and the Page 5 Three students and a Baylor Texas Playboys. -
2001 Lecture
THE JAMES BACKHOUSE LECTURE 2001 RECONCILING OPPOSITES: REFLECTIONS ON PEACEMAKING IN SOUTH AFRICA Hendrik W van der Merwe The James Backhouse Lectures The lectures were instituted by Australia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) on the its establishment of that Yearly Meeting in 1964. James Backhouse and his companion, George Washington Walker were English Friends who visited Australia from 1832 to 1838. They travelled widely, but spent most of their time in Tasmania. It was through their visit that Quaker Meetings were first established in Australia. Coming to Australia under a concern for the conditions of convicts, the two men had access to people with authority in the young colonies, and with influence in Britain, both in Parliament and in the social reform movement. In meticulous reports and personal letters, they made practical suggestions and urged legislative action on penal reform, on the rum trade, and on land rights and the treatment of Aborigines. James Backhouse was a general naturalist and a botanist. He made careful observations and published full accounts of what he saw, in addition to encouraging Friends in the colonies and following the deep concern that had brought him to Australia. Australian Friends hope that this series of Lectures will bring fresh insights into the Truth, and speak to the needs and aspirations of Australian Quakerism. This particular lecture was delivered in Melbourne on 8 January 2001, during the annual meeting of the Society. Colin Wendell-Smith Presiding Clerk Australia Yearly Meeting © Copyright 2001 by the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) in Australia Incorporated. -
Patrol Guide § 212-72
EXHIBIT K AOR307 An Investigation of NYPD’s Compliance with Rules Governing Investigations of Political Activity New York City Department of Investigation Office of the Inspector General for the NYPD (OIG-NYPD) Mark G. Peters Commissioner Philip K. Eure Inspector General for the NYPD August 23, 2016 AOR308 AN INVESTIGATION OF NYPD’S COMPLIANCE WITH RULES GOVERNING AUGUST 2016 INVESTIGATIONS OF POLITICAL ACTIVITY Table of Contents Overview ............................................................................................................................... 1 Executive Summary ............................................................................................................... 3 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 11 I. NYPD Investigations of Political Activity: Handschu and Patrol Guide § 212-72 ....... 11 II. OIG-NYPD Investigation .............................................................................................. 12 Methodology and Access ..................................................................................................... 13 I. Treatment of Sensitive Information ............................................................................ 13 II. Compliance Criteria ..................................................................................................... 13 III. Scope and Sampling .................................................................................................... 14 -
Haiti's New Dictatorship Justin Podur 20
Haiti's New Dictatorship Justin Podur 20 December 2012 What constitutes a dictatorship? Haiti had an election in 2006, which the popular candidate won. It had an election in 2011, which had one of the lowest turnouts in recent history and which was subject to all kinds of external manipulation. Given these elections, is it unfair to call Haiti, a country that suffered 30 years of classic dictatorship under the Duvaliers from the 1950s to the 1980s, a dictatorship today? When the institutions that govern Haiti today are examined, it is clear that the label ‘dictatorship’ applies. Haitians have no effective say over their own economic and political affairs. Their right to assemble and organize politically is sharply limited. Human rights violations are routine and go unpunished. Popular political parties are effectively banned from running. How is Haiti Governed? Since 2004, the armed force in Haiti has been controlled by the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti, MINUSTAH. Haiti's police are trained, and effectively supervised, by a subset of MINUSTAH, a mission called CIVPOL (usually commanded by Canadians). The current president of Haiti, Michel Martelly, wants to bring back the Haitian Army, but when that army existed, it was also an instrument of another country (the U.S.) and its foreign policy – bringing back the Haitian Army would be no boost to sovereignty or democracy in Haiti. Force is controlled from outside. What about finance? MINUSTAH has a budget of about $676-million. Since the 2010 earthquake, the big charities have spent about the same (around $600-million) in 2010 and 2011. -
Occupy: a Case Illustration of Social Movements in Global Citizenship Education
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UNL | Libraries University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Faculty Publications: Department of Teaching, Department of Teaching, Learning and Teacher Learning and Teacher Education Education 8-2013 Occupy: A case illustration of social movements in global citizenship education Theresa Catalano University of Nebraska-Lincoln, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/teachlearnfacpub Catalano, Theresa, "Occupy: A case illustration of social movements in global citizenship education" (2013). Faculty Publications: Department of Teaching, Learning and Teacher Education. 139. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/teachlearnfacpub/139 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Teaching, Learning and Teacher Education at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications: Department of Teaching, Learning and Teacher Education by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Published online September 6, 2013 (ahead of print) in Education, Citizenship and Social Justice, DOI: 10.1177/1746197913497661 Copyright © 2013 Theresa A Catalano; published by Sage Publications. Used by permission. http://esj.sagepub.com Occupy: A case illustration of social movements in global citizenship education Theresa A. Catalano Department of Teaching, Learning and Teacher Education, University of Nebraska-Lincoln, Lincoln, NE 68588, USA. email [email protected] Abstract Due to the complex nature of global understanding and practice of citizenship, it is essential to understand how to educate for a responsive public sphere with active and emancipated citizens. This study aims to clarify how social movements (through a case illustration of Oc- cupy) are representative of global citizenship goals while illuminating Occupy’s main goals and dynamic nature. -
1 United States District Court for the District Of
Case 1:13-cv-00595-RMC Document 18 Filed 03/12/14 Page 1 of 31 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA ) RYAN NOAH SHAPIRO, ) ) Plaintiff, ) ) v. ) Civil Action No. 13-595 (RMC) ) U.S. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, ) ) Defendant. ) ) OPINION Ryan Noah Shapiro sues the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), 5 U.S.C. § 552, and the Privacy Act (PA), 5 U.S.C. § 552a, to compel the release of records concerning “Occupy Houston,” an offshoot of the protest movement and New York City encampment known as “Occupy Wall Street.” Mr. Shapiro seeks FBI records regarding Occupy Houston generally and an alleged plot by unidentified actors to assassinate the leaders of Occupy Houston. FBI has moved to dismiss or for summary judgment.1 The Motion will be granted in part and denied in part. I. FACTS Ryan Noah Shapiro is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Science, Technology, and Society at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Compl. [Dkt. 1] ¶ 2. In early 2013, Mr. Shapiro sent three FOIA/PA requests to FBI for records concerning Occupy Houston, a group of protesters in Houston, Texas, affiliated with the Occupy Wall Street protest movement that began in New York City on September 17, 2011. Id. ¶¶ 8-13. Mr. Shapiro 1 FBI is a component of the Department of Justice (DOJ). While DOJ is the proper defendant in the instant litigation, the only records at issue here are FBI records. For ease of reference, this Opinion refers to FBI as Defendant. 1 Case 1:13-cv-00595-RMC Document 18 Filed 03/12/14 Page 2 of 31 explained that his “research and analytical expertise . -
Le Solidarity Movement Et La Restructuration De L'activisme Afrika
Université de Montréal « Un peuple se sauve lui-même » Le Solidarity Movement et la restructuration de l’activisme afrikaner en Afrique du Sud depuis 1994 par Joanie Thibault-Couture Département de science politique, Faculté des Arts et des Sciences Thèse présentée en vue de l’obtention du grade de doctorat en science politique Janvier 2017 © Joanie Thibault-Couture 2017 Résumé Malgré la déliquescence du nationalisme afrikaner causée par la chute du régime de l’apartheid et la prise du pouvoir politique par un parti non raciste et non ethnique en 1994, nous observons depuis les années 2000, un renouvèlement du mouvement identitaire afrikaner. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc de comprendre l’émergence de ce nouvel activisme ethnique depuis la transition démocratique. Pour approfondir notre compréhension du phénomène, nous nous posons les questions suivantes : comment pouvons-nous expliquer le renouvèlement de l’activisme afrikaner dans la « nouvelle » Afrique du Sud ? Comment sont définis les nouveaux attributs de la catégorie de l’afrikanerité ? Comment les élites ethnopolitiques restructurent-elles leurs stratégies pour assurer la pérennité de la catégorie dans l’Afrique du Sud post-apartheid ? Qu’est-ce que la résurgence d’une afrikanerité renouvelée nous apprend sur l’état de la cohésion sociale en Afrique du Sud et sur la mobilisation ethnolinguistique en général ? La littérature sur le mouvement post-apartheid fait consensus sur la disparition du nationalisme afrikaner raciste, mais offre peu d’analyses empiriques et de liens avec les nombreux écrits sur le mouvement nationaliste afrikaner pour comprendre les dynamiques de ce nouveau phénomène et effectue peu de liens avec les nombreux écrits sur le mouvement nationaliste afrikaner. -
Occupy-Gazette-3.Pdf
Sarah Resnick ANN SNITOW Nov. 15 page 7 Greenham Common Courtroom page 20 Geoffrey Wildanger Kathryn Crim page 30 Kathleen Ross page 14 OCCUPY UC DAVIS Bulldozers of the Arrested! page 14 Mind OCCUPY!#3 An OWS-Inspired Gazette Daniel Marcus page 30 Marco Roth Occupation to Mayor Communization Bloomberg’s page 32 SIlvia Federici Language page 2 CHRISTOPHER HERRING AND ZOLTAN GLUCK page 22 Women, Re-Articulating the Struggle for Education Austerity, Marina Sitrin page 30 and the Some unfinished issues with feminist horizon- revolution talism Nicholas Mirzoeff page 32 Eli Schmitt page 18 Mark Greif page 2 COMPLETE TABLE OF CONTENTS Occupy Climate The best Years Open Letter INSIDE THE BACK COVER Change! of our lives ZUCCOTTI RAID & AFTER they were outnumbered, easily, two to “Police—protect—the 1 per-cent.” You a life of qualities? Is quality, by definition one. were standing, twenty of you, defending immeasurable, only describable, some- “What are they so afraid of?” my com- an empty street with bank skyscrapers thing that can be charted by the cleanli- Astra Taylor panion asked when we first arrived at Wall rising out of it. You don’t belong in those ness of a street, the absence of certain Street just after 1 AM, and as I watched skyscrapers. You knew it too. smells, certain people? Is the absence of the eviction this excessive use of force the question dirt, smells, noise, and people what the kept ringing in my ears. But the answer is mayor means by “thriving?” Is there really Last night, in what seems to be part of a obvious: they are afraid of us. -
Julia Bryan-Wilson
37 JULIA BRYAN-WILSON In Oakland, where I live, and at UC Berkeley, where I teach, Occupy has been defiant, fractious, exhausting, exhilarating. The zone of possibilities it promised was threatened by ruthlessly violent state and administrative pushback and the repressive criminalization of dissent. Cops wielding batons, rubber bul - lets, and pepper spray: these are searing images. But other scenes persist—a port closed by thousands of anti-capitalist demonstrators; tents set afloat in sly compli - ance of a campus “no encampment” decree. Which imaginings do we privilege? One Occupy Oakland poster placed DREAM OF THINGS THAT HAVE NEVER BEEN BUT SOMEDAY WILL BE above a large blank space, extending an invitation for you to fill its void. Here I take my cue from that multivocal, open-ended impulse. Instead of using this special issue as my own platform, I asked two Berkeley students—an undergraduate and a Ph.D. candidate, both feminists, art historians, and activists involved in Occupy Oakland and Occupy Cal—to share these pages. Ariella Aronstam-Powers, senior: “Hey, Mom? I’m about to get arrested.” I gripped my cell phone as police kettled my body with hundreds of other Occupy protesters outside the façade of downtown Oakland’s YMCA. The apparent chaos transformed into solidarity as friends, occupiers, and comrades tightly clustered together. As Oakland police cuffed my wrists, I recalled the word “LIBERATED” from a wheat-pasted poster in West Oakland that helped mobilize marchers to that day of action. Screen-print posters and political graffiti in public spaces play a vital role in the Occupy movement by spreading information about events and visually communicating critical themes, including questions of student debt, commu - nity access to social services, and corporate greed. -
Activists and Administrators Defining Access to Institutions and Campus Space
The Public Good as a Campus Battleground: Activists and Administrators Defining Access to Institutions and Campus Space Item Type text; Electronic Dissertation Authors Everett-Haynes, La Monica Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 29/09/2021 04:51:33 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/622980 THE PUBLIC GOOD AS A CAMPUS BATTLEGROUND: ACTIVISTS AND ADMINISTRATORS DEFINING ACCESS TO INSTITUTIONS AND CAMPUS SPACE by La Monica Everett-Haynes _________________________ Copyright © La Monica Everett-Haynes 2016 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY STUDIES AND PRACTICE In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY WITH A MAJOR IN HIGHER EDUCATION In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2016 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation prepared by La Monica Everett-Haynes, titled The Public Good as a Campus Battleground: Activist and Administrators Defining Access to Institutions and Campus Space and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. _______________________________________________________________ Date: 12/05/2016 Gary D. Rhoades, Ph.D. _______________________________________________________________ Date: 12/05/2016 Regina J. Deil-Amen, Ph.D. _______________________________________________________________ Date: 12/05/2016 Jenny J. Lee, Ph.D. Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the candidate’s submission of the final copies of the dissertation to the Graduate College.