University of Nevada, Reno

We Speak Your Language: How Bilingual Journalism is Practiced in the American West

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Bachelor of Arts in Journalism, Spanish, and the Honors Program

by

Natalie Van Hoozer

Dr. Donica Mensing, Thesis Advisor

May, 2018

UNIVERSITY OF NEVADA RENO

THE HONORS PROGRAM

We recommend that the thesis prepared under our supervision by

NATALIE VAN HOOZER

Entitled

We Speak Your Language: How Bilingual Journalism is Practiced in the American West

be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

BACHELOR OF ARTS, JOUNALISM AND SPANISH

______Donica Mensing, Ph.D., Thesis Advisor

______Tamara Valentine, Ph. D., Director, Honors Program

May, 2018 i

Abstract

More Hispanics now live in the United States than ever before (Flores, 2017), with the total number of Hispanics in the U.S. projected to grow to 199 million by 2060 (U.S.

Census Bureau, 2014). Spanish is the second most dominant language in the country after

English (Gonzalez-Barrera & Lopez, 2013). These trends have prompted increased interest in bilingual Spanish-English journalism in the news media.

The goal of this study was to analyze how bilingual journalists working in areas with high concentrations of English and Spanish speakers serve diverse audiences. The research question for this project is therefore: How are bilingual journalists responding linguistically and culturally to the needs of a growing bilingual Spanish-speaking audience?

To address this question, in-depth interviews were conducted with 11 Spanish-

English bilingual journalists in Los Angeles and San Francisco, two areas with large

Spanish-speaking populations. Through these interviews, the reporting practices of journalists who work in print, broadcast and online media were identified. Participants consider bilingualism an important asset for reaching diverse audiences. They believe it is becoming more accepted and noted experiments in Spanglish to reach young Latino audiences.

ii

Acknowledgements

I would first like to thank the journalists who took the time to be interviewed in- person for this project. My deepest gratitude goes to my thesis mentor Dr. Donica

Mensing for completing this thesis journey with me. From the day we came up with the project concept all the way to defense, you have provided your insight and always been ready to talk things through. You exemplify positive, firm mentorship.

I would also like to thank my family, Terri, Randy, and Samantha Van Hoozer, for helping me with transcriptions when I needed you the most.

Many thanks to Janine Warner, David LaFontaine, and Shayne del Cohen for your help and guidance during my visits to your cities. To my international team, Agustina

Almirón, Adriana Flecha and Melisa Prior, mil gracias, you made the completion of this project a reality.

The travelling to Los Angeles, San Francisco and Austin, Texas, for this thesis project was made possible with the Honors Undergraduate Research Award.

iii

Table of Contents Abstract ...... i Acknowledgements ...... ii List of Tables...... v Introduction ...... 1 United States Newsrooms Today ...... 3 Business and Political Spanish-English Communication...... 6 Literature Review ...... 7 Spanish-English Bilingual News Consumers in the U.S...... 9 Bilingual Journalism ...... 12 Methodology ...... 13 Results ...... 19 Participant Profiles ...... 19 Bilingual Reporters’ Self-perceived Roles ...... 22 The Bilingual Reporting Process ...... 24 Translation ...... 24 Medium-specific translation challenges...... 30 Advantages of Bilingual Journalism ...... 32 Challenges to Bilingual Journalism ...... 33 Trends in Bilingual Journalism ...... 34 Future of Spanish-English Bilingual Media ...... 37 Discussion ...... 38 What Does it Mean to Be a Bilingual Journalist? ...... 38 What is the Reporter’s Role in Covering Bilingual Communities?...... 39 Common Practices for Bilingual Reporting ...... 40 The Purpose of Translation in Bilingual Spanish-English Reporting ...... 41 A Need for Reporting in Spanish ...... 42 Should Spanish and English Be Mixed Together as “Spanglish”? ...... 43 Limitations ...... 44 Future Research ...... 44 Conclusion ...... 45 References ...... 47 iv

Appendix A: General interview questions ...... 53 Appendix B: Interview details ...... 54 Appendix C: Annotated interview transcript ...... 55 Appendix D: Screenshot of First Cycle coding organization ...... 65

v

List of Tables

Table 1: Description of Participants Interviewed for this Study………………………....21 Table 2: Languages Used by Reporters for Reporting and Publication………………… 26

1

Introduction

The Hispanic population in the United States is increasing in size, economic influence and cultural impact. As of 2016, Hispanics made up 17.8% of the national population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2016a). By 2060, the Hispanic population of the U.S. is projected to be 119 million, or 28.6% of the nation’s population (U.S. Census Bureau,

2014). California has a population of approximately 15.3 million Hispanics (38.9% of the population), the largest Hispanic population in any state (U.S. Census Bureau, 2016b) and greater than the population of many countries in Central America.

As the Hispanic population grows in the U.S., understanding the implications of growing diversity on employment, housing, education and public policy, as well as on social cohesion, equal rights and quality of life, becomes increasingly important. News is one primary way in which people learn about others and begin to develop opinions about public policy issues. However, information shared about, and to, the Latino community is not always accurate or even available (Reny & Manzano, 2016). Therefore, in order for society to better respond to the demographic changes happening with the Latino community in the United States, it is vital to have journalists who can operate in the middle space between English and Spanish, the two languages most related to the Latino community. Journalists are needed who can report on the full experience of life in a community, reporting in English on the news experiences of those who only speak

Spanish and sharing news of an English-speaking community with those who primarily speak Spanish. Collecting stories from Spanish speaking audiences increases the number and type of sources seen in the news as well as expands the breadth of topics being covered, regardless of whether people are more fluent in English or Spanish. 2

Not all people who classify ethnically as Hispanic or Latino necessarily speak

Spanish. However, the Hispanic population as a whole is tied linguistically and culturally to the Spanish language. By the year 2020, the population of Spanish speakers in the

United States is expected to increase, representing about 13% of the total U.S. population ages 5 and over. Spanish speakers will account for more than 60% of the population that speaks a language other than English, according to 2010 projection of the U.S. Census

Bureau (Ortman & Shin, 2011, p. 10). For the purposes of this study, the terms

“Hispanic” and “Latino” are used interchangeably, following the Pew Research Center’s definition of anyone from a Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Dominican, Central or South

American, Caribbean or some other Latin American background (Lopez, Gonzalez-

Barrera, & López, 2017, p. 23).

It is also important to note that the information needs of the U.S. Spanish- speaking audience vary widely. It would not solve the complex linguistic and cultural issues of the U.S. Spanish-speaking population to simply have some reporters who can report in Spanish and others in English. According to the Pew Research Center, in 2016,

54% of U.S. Latinos said that they received some of their news in both English and

Spanish (Flores & Lopez, 2018). English proficiency has risen for U.S. Latinos because the U.S.-born Latino population continues to grow, and a majority of English-speaking

Hispanics are bilingual (Krogstad, 2016).

The term “bilingual” can be interpreted in a variety of ways. When analyzing the

English and Spanish speaking populations in the U.S., the Pew Research Center defined bilingualism as the “ability to conduct a conversation in Spanish and English”

(Bilingualism Fact Sheet, 2004). However, linguist François Grosjean asserts that 3 bilingualism in general goes beyond the ability to speak two languages: “Bilingualism is the regular use of two or more languages (or dialects), and bilinguals are those people who use two or more languages (or dialects) in their everyday lives” (Grosjean, 2008, p.

10). Looking at bilingual journalism specifically, this definition implies that, if two languages are used throughout any part of the journalistic process, such as conducting an interview in Spanish and writing the related article in English, then that process can be considered bilingual reporting.

United States Newsrooms Today

While Hispanics are a growing sector of the population, there is relatively little mainstream media reported in Spanish. There are two major Spanish-language television networks (Univision and Telemundo) and three major daily U.S. Spanish-language newspapers (El Nuevo Herald, La Opinión, and El Diario de la Prensa) based on data collected by the Pew Research Center (Shearer, 2017). Univision’s top-viewed news program, Noticiero Univision had a viewership of 1.8 million on average in 2016, and

Telemundo’s most-watched news program, Al Rojo Vivo had an audience of 1 million on average in 2016 (Shearer, 2017). There is obviously a much greater variety of mainstream news outlets in English, which allows for more varied news content in

English.

In addition, Latinos are also not reflected proportionally in the diversity of journalists in U.S. newsrooms, which is one important factor impacting the coverage of this ethnic group. Overall, as a result of changing economics and technology, newsrooms in the U.S. are shrinking dramatically in size; in 2000 there were 56,200 newspaper employees working for newspapers (ASNE, 2000) but that number dropped to 32,900 by 4

2015 (ASNE, 2015). In 1978, the percentage of minorities in U.S. newspaper newsrooms was only 4%, and that percentage had only increased to 12.8% by 2015 (ASNE, 2015), while the percentage of minorities in the U.S. population was 37.8% at the time of the

2014 U.S. Census (Colby & Ortman, 2015, p. 10).

A 2017 survey of major news companies by the American Society of Newspaper

Editors, including the New York Times, shows that few Hispanics are working as journalists: only 4% of the New York Times newsroom is Hispanic, while Hispanics make up almost 18% of the U.S. population. Similar newsroom statistics apply to the

Washington Post and the Wall Street Journal (ASNE, 2017). The fact that newsrooms are shrinking rapidly, giving reporters even less time to cover the same amount of news, also contributes to decreasing coverage and a lack of in-depth coverage in many communities.

It is difficult to cover the increasing complexity of social life in the U.S. with fewer and fewer journalists.

In this context, it is critical to build newsrooms that represent the community.

Producing news by more diverse journalists not only increases the diversity of news, but helps audiences trust the information being published (Harris, 2016). For journalism to be seen as valuable and credible, newsrooms are being urged to diversify more quickly and deeply (ASNE, 2017). Gaining the trust of diverse audiences is vitally important for news organizations, because trust and credibility are necessary for long term survival

(Williams, 2012). Also vital to the mission of journalism is the need to meet the information needs of diverse audiences within a particular place, not just one narrow slice of the population (Kovach & Rosenstiel, 2014). 5

While a lack of newsroom diversity and a lack of diverse representation in news content have both been issues for years, they have become more urgent at this critical moment in U.S. history. It is, therefore, problematic to address politically contentious issues, such as immigration, without addressing how language plays into the way diverse audiences can access, understand and believe what they read in the news. A key element for communication is language. Thinking about better coverage and representation of the

Hispanic population in the U.S. means that journalists must consider the role the Spanish language plays in an English language news ecosystem.

Using the Spanish language is critical for reporters when speaking to many people who have emigrated from Spanish-speaking countries to the U.S., allowing reporters to share stories with this population. Time and time again, English-speaking reporters find themselves unable to communicate with sources and subjects of stories, because many

Spanish-speaking adults from Latin America cannot speak English with fluency, or do not speak it at all. Examples abound in many newsrooms. At the Reno television station

KRNV, the family members of a child accused of bringing a gun to school spoke only

Spanish, and the English-speaking reporters needed to interview them. The television journalists ended up inviting a Spanish-speaking employee from the billing department of the TV station accompany them on an interview (D. DiPietro, personal communication,

September 1, 2017). I, the author of this study, have also experienced this need to speak

Spanish through my work as an immigration reporter, learning that, many times, individuals deported from the U.S. can only give first-hand accounts of life in U.S. detention centers in Spanish. Without being able to understand Spanish, I would have been cut off from learning about this experience and unable to report these stories fully. 6

Business and Political Spanish-English Communication

Navigating media communications in Spanish and English is also helpful from a business perspective to develop a loyalty with one’s audience due to the emotional connection that language provides. As an example, some English speakers prefer to watch soccer games in Spanish because they enjoy the passionate tone of the Spanish commentators (Ramos, 2014).

Developing loyalty with the Hispanic audience in the U.S. is of interest for businesses because, as the bilingual consumer audience grows, business opportunities will result. According to Nielsen, the growth in Hispanic buying power is more than double that of non-Hispanic buying power (Nielsen, 2016). As such, major companies including Target are going to extensive lengths to speak to this audience directly and interact with different Spanish-speaking members of the U.S. media audience. Large corporations like Target are now investing in advertisements in Spanish that include

Latino cultural concepts, like the “sobremesa” or the time in Latino culture where, after a group meal, a family typically lingers around the dining table to talk. This strategy is in sharp contrast to Target’s earlier approach of directly translating their English-language ads into Spanish (Masunaga, 2015).

The Hispanic population is also a large political audience; political campaigns are frequently geared toward Hispanics (Subervi-Vélez, 2008, p. 21). Politically powerful politicians are targeting Latino audiences using both English and Spanish to appeal to voters because Latinos are an “integral part of this country’s political dynamics”

(Subervi-Vélez, 2008, p. 4). While there is a substantial body of analysis comparing

Spanish-only and English-only political advertising, it is unclear how political advertising 7 in these two languages impacts the bilingual news audience. Researcher Subervi-Vélez notes that bilinguals significantly increase the potential circle of influence for Spanish- language media through interpersonal communication with Spanish-only and English- only speakers (2008, p. 58). Understanding the advertising market for bilingual messaging is important for news organizations, many of which are dependent on advertising revenue for survival.

Essentially, although an important segment of U.S. news, bilingual Spanish-

English media has yet to be examined to the same extent as Spanish or English-only media. Therefore, this exploratory study analyzes the ways that bilingual reporting is being used to communicate with the bilingual audience more fully. To understand this media landscape, in-depth, in-person interviews were conducted with 11 bilingual

Spanish-English journalists in the western United States. The intent was to better understand the motivations and methods of professional bilingual journalists, to identify their practices and develop an understanding of how a bilingual approach to journalism better addresses audience needs.

Literature Review

While many still consider bilingual journalism to be a “fledgling form of journalism” (Lewis, 2008, p. 409), Spanish-language bilingual media are not new in the

United States. In the 19th century, there were bilingual Spanish-English newspapers in the

Gulf of Mexico and Caribbean ports for merchants in the area (Wilson & Gutiérrez, 1995, pp. 177-181). Today, Spanish-language and bilingual media outlets are growing. The

Spanish-language television network Univision is the fourth largest television network in 8 the United States. In certain markets and time slots, Univision is the most-watched network (Allen, 2012). Univision was also elevated in visibility to the bilingual and

English-speaking audiences by hosting the 2012 presidential election debates, in English.

However, much of the existing literature analyzing both Spanish-language and

English-language media focuses on the analysis of stereotypes about minorities and the underrepresentation of minorities. According to Subervi-Vélez and Vargas, “Latinos have been underrepresented as sources and subjects of news over the years and depicted as a burden for society in issues relating to immigration, crime and affirmative action”

(Subervi-Vélez, 2005; Vargas, 2000). In another study, Americans surveyed held more negative stereotypes about Latinos if those Americans listened to conservative talk radio, than if they listened to NPR (Reny & Manzano, 2016). These studies have yielded valuable insight about the lack of accurate representation of Latinos in mainstream media.

Scholars are also examining political communication to Hispanic audiences. One such study comparing Spanish and English-language media illustrates how Hispanic populations have become a new target audience for political advertisements because

Hispanics are part of a growing population of potential voters. Abrajano and

Panagopoulos have determined that, in order to mobilize people to vote in political elections, Latino turnout increases with both English-language and Spanish-language media content (2011). However, English-language content was effective for increasing mobilization for everyone, while the Spanish-language content only helped with voting mobilization for low-propensity voters, or those who do not vote frequently, and for those whose primary language was Spanish (Abrajano & Panagopoulos, 2011). As this political 9 advertising example shows, Spanish-language media are often targeted at a different demographic group than English-language media. Commonly, Spanish-language media are consumed by immigrant Latinos with a lower education level than Latinos who consume their news in English.

A content analysis comparing Spanish-only and English-only media shows that the same issue is often framed differently depending on the language of publication. Branton and Dunaway investigated newspapers from an economic perspective, drawing the conclusion that, in order to maximize their profits and appeal to the largest possible segment of their readers, Spanish-language newspapers publish more immigration stories than English-language newspapers. Many of these Spanish-language immigration stories have a positive tone, while the tone of immigration stories in English-language newspapers is more negative (Branton & Dunaway, 2008). Because the bilingual

Spanish-English audience is yet another linguistic and cultural group, journalists need to employ unique strategies and styles to reach this group as well.

Spanish-English Bilingual News Consumers in the U.S.

When considering the news-consuming Latino audience in any medium, a spectrum of linguistic ability is apparent. Some Latinos are completely fluent in Spanish and

English, others are Spanish-dominant and understand some English, and some speak

English and understand some Spanish. Many Millennial or younger, U.S. - born Latinos, fall into this last category, consuming their news in English. The Pew Research Center reports that 91% of Millennial Latinos consume some of their news in English, while

68% of these Millennial Latinos consume some of their news in Spanish (Flores &

Lopez, 2018). 10

It is well-established that the core members of the bilingual Spanish-English audience in the United States are Hispanics who use the English language (Rodriguez, 1999, p.

133). In much sociology, linguistic, and historical literature, the use of a “dominant society language,” is seen as a way to absorb an ethnic minority into the larger society

(Fishman, 1972, 1989). However, Rodriguez points out that, “in the case of contemporary

English language and bilingual Latino-oriented media production, the embrace of the

English language is not equated with the erasure of these media’s distinct ethnoracial identity” (Rodriguez, 1999, p. 134). Therefore, the combination of English and Spanish language in U.S. society is important for many Hispanics as part of their identity. The combination of Hispanic culture with life in the United States is not completely straightforward, however. There are plenty of English-language Latino publications, like

Hispanic Business, which have shunned the Spanish language, but maintain a clear

Hispanic ethnic identification (Rodriguez, 1999, p. 139). Understanding the many ways that identity is expressed in media help to define the publications that publish in English or Spanish only, or, decide to work bilingually. Language is an expression of cultural identity, but so are the types of stories, visual elements, topics, and sources used in a particular publication.

There are also different styles for publishing journalistic work in Spanish and

English. An example of a bilingual publication is Vista, a newspaper insert popular in the

1980s and 1990s, which featured articles in English about Hispanic-related issues, as well as two articles exclusively in Spanish per issue, printed without a translation (Rodriguez,

1999, p. 136). However, publishing several Spanish-language original journalistic works in an English-language magazine is only one type of bilingual publication. Many 11 publications publish exclusively in Spanish or in English. Some rare publications publish their content in both Spanish and English. Others publish in Spanish and use the appropriate English words, which is an approach being used more and more, and others publish in English and use select Spanish words, where appropriate. Some recent publications are starting to produce work which intertwines Spanish and English words and phrases into the same sentence.

While this range of bilingual publications makes it clear that there is a large possible audience for Spanish-English bilingual news, in recent history several obstacles have kept bilingual media from being successful. The first obstacle is the difficulty of identifying bilingual consumers. As Rodriguez (1999) states, the bilingual sector of U.S. Hispanic media is still small because “from a marketing/audience research point of view, the bilingual Hispanic audience is not currently efficiently identifiable, measurable or targetable, compared to either the English or the Spanish-language Hispanic audience”

(Rodriguez, 1999, p. 134). According to Canclini, one of the reasons this group is difficult to target is its “hybridity between Latino culture and U.S. culture” (García

Canclini, 1995). Another obstacle to identifying this bilingual population of media consumers is that advertising budgets are allocated by language, so it is easier for advertisers to produce marketing geared towards English or Spanish speakers, but not both.

However, though it is difficult, efforts are made regularly to create bilingual Spanish-

English media. Attempts were made in the late 1990s to “re-create characteristics of bilingual media as positive, having English-language programs on Spanish channels” as well as the use of “Spanglish,” or the combination of Spanish and English (Rodriguez, 12

1999, pp. 134-136). In 2014, Mike Rose, the executive vice president of advertisement sales at the television network Telemundo explained: “In the past there was a Hispanic marketplace and an English-language marketplace. That concept is outdated" (Consoli,

2014). Viacom’s Jose Tillan argues that today’s millennial Latinos would like to see more television programming that reflects their complex cultural reality, in English,

Spanish, or both. Specifically, 49% of those surveyed by Viacom wanted to see more bilingual and bicultural programming (Tillan, 2012). Even networks like Univision are starting to add English subtitles to their Spanish-language soap opera programming

(Allen, 2012). These efforts illustrate that a mix of Spanish and English is developing in a number of media outlets where it did not exist before. Social media platforms also offer new opportunities for media experimentation in Spanish and English, although it is still largely unknown how the language used on social media relates to cultural identification of consumers. However, the research which exists about Spanish language and English language social networking sites (SNS), does indicate the use of SNS in Spanish in the

United States significantly predicted participants’ Hispanic cultural orientations (Li &

Liu, 2017).

Bilingual Journalism

There appears to be little scholarly literature addressing the benefits and obstacles of journalistic reporting in two languages. Few studies have investigated the challenges of journalistic translation from Spanish to English and vice versa. In a study analyzing the journalistic translations for the BBC World Service, the conclusion was drawn that “Even the seemingly simplest linguistic transformations are evidently transformative in journalistic practice, be it by contents or by the discursive tone implied or smuggled in” 13

(Baumann, Gillespie, & Sreberny, 2011, p. 137). The idea that translation is “evidently transformative” means that language contains many layers of meaning and subtle differences in translation can have significant impacts on how people understand the news. Existing research on news translation is relatively weak in articulating the nuances of translating Spanish and English news media in the United States. The majority of the time, journalists learn through practice how differences and errors in translation affect what they intend to communicate.

Much of the current research on English and Spanish-language media focuses on

Spanish-only and English-only final media products. Studies do not analyze the bilingual processes needed to produce that media, nor does it touch at all on the existing bilingual publications currently producing media content, many of which are new. The products of these bilingual publications impact the information available to society and how society views itself. Because individual journalists are responsible for conducting the actual work of choosing news subjects, deciding who to interview and in what language, they are the ones actually carrying out bilingual journalism at this point in U.S. news media. Thus, conducting research into individual journalistic practice seems to be the most effective way to understand how bilingual journalism is being practiced. The research question for this project is therefore twofold: How are bilingual journalists responding linguistically and culturally to the needs of a growing bilingual Spanish-speaking audience?

Methodology

This project is an exploratory, qualitative study which uses in-depth interviews to answer the research question. In-depth interviews were chosen for this exploratory 14 project because they yield richer data and are most appropriate for a small population group. Surveys would not have allowed for in-depth analysis of the subject and a content analysis would not have addressed the question of why or how journalists reported the stories as they did, as self-reflection was needed from the journalists themselves, not just an analysis of the content they produced.

Interviews also serve better than a content analysis because the project focus was on the reporting process, rather than published content. Interviews are especially conducive for collecting information from journalists because journalists are familiar with the interview method and are generally comfortable sharing information about perspectives, authority, and experience.

To identify relevant interview subjects, defined as “professional bilingual

Spanish-English journalists,” the snowball sampling method was used. This method was chosen because there are no directories or associations for bilingual journalists.

Identifying appropriate interview subjects could only be done through networks of contacts. Snowball sampling is defined as:

One subject gives the researcher the name of another subject, who in turn

provides the name of a third, and so on. This strategy can be viewed as a response

to overcoming the problems associated with sampling concealed hard to reach

populations such as the criminal and the isolated” (Atkinson and Flint, 2001).

Snowball sampling is a useful methodology for exploratory, qualitative and descriptive research (Baltar and Brunet, 2012, p. 60). To select the journalists to interview, I consulted leaders in the field of bilingual journalism via email and used virtual, online journalism and professional websites, such as LinkedIn and Facebook groups for the 15

National Society of Hispanic Journalists. As Benfield and Szlemko (2006) also note,

“Virtual snowball sampling not only facilitates the access to ‘hard to reach’ populations, but also can expand sample size and the scope of the study and reduce costs and time.”

Given the scope of the research, the following criteria helped insure the interviewees could provide relevant information: 1) the interviewees were bilingual in

Spanish and English, using both languages in some capacity in the interview and/or production process; 2) based in California, a state with a high concentration of Spanish speakers and Spanish-language reporters geographically close to Reno, Nevada, where this research project took place; 3) consisted of heritage speakers and those who have learned Spanish as a second language; 4) had three or more years of journalism experience as a working journalist and are currently working for a news media organization as a journalist; 5) worked in a variety of mediums, including radio, print, and/or television. Due to the spectrum of Spanish-language comprehension and fluency in the United States, not all reporters interviewed had the same proficiency levels in both

Spanish and English; some were English dominant, while others were Spanish dominant.

This project was approved by the Institutional Review Board at the University of

Nevada, Reno, Research Integrity Office in November, 2017. The regions of Los Angeles and San Francisco were selected as the focus areas for these in-person journalist interviews because these regions met the criteria in terms of population, accessibility and size of media market.

Using the snowball method, experts in the bilingual Spanish-English media field recommended at least one bilingual reporter who met the predetermined requirements in the Los Angeles and San Francisco areas. The reporters in those regions were then 16 contacted via an introductory IRB-approved email asking them to participate in the study by meeting for an in-person interview. Some required a follow-up phone call, and regardless of their availability, the reporters who responded were also asked to suggest other reporters to interview in the region. The suggested reporters were then evaluated with the criteria listed for this study using information from personal email correspondence between the reporters and me, as well as the reporters’ online presence on LinkedIn, their personal websites and work they published online. The primary purpose of looking at the online presence of these reporters was to determine if they use both Spanish and English in the reporting process, the publication process, or both reporting and publication. Once it was determined that the reporters qualified as working bilingual journalists, they were contacted by me using the same IRB email sent to the initial contacts. All interviewees were asked to meet in-person for the interviews, in order to maximize understanding and obtain as much information as possible from the subjects based on their oral responses, tone of voice, and body language.

Using the email and phone correspondence process, seven interviews were arranged for the Los Angeles area, and eight were set up for the San Francisco/Oakland region. Out of those 15 interviews, 11 were conducted with working reporters who met the criteria established for this project to be considered a currently working, bilingual,

Spanish-English reporter. Ten of the interviews took place in-person, and one was conducted on the phone. The four interviews conducted but not analyzed for this project were conducted with other professionals involved in the bilingual Spanish-English news industry who were able to provide context and additional perspectives, but did not qualify as working bilingual reporters. These additional interviewees included professors of 17 bilingual Spanish-English journalism, as well as people with experience in bilingual

Spanish-English marketing and translation. As per the requirements of the research integrity office, all interview subjects were promised anonymity and all specific identifying information was omitted from the content included in this project.

The interviews were conducted between February - April 2018 and lasted an average of 49 minutes each. (See Appendix B for additional details about each interview.) All interviews were conducted one-on-one with each interviewee and followed a semi-structured list of questions approved by the IRB. Certain themes were expanded more in some interviews than others due to the flow of natural conversation, the type of journalistic work, and areas of expertise. In either English or Spanish, whichever language was more comfortable for the participants, the interviewees were asked to describe their work as a bilingual journalist. They explained their specific processes for reporting and which aspects are conducted in English and which in Spanish.

The interviewees were also asked about audience reactions to their reporting and the technology they use, such as language translation apps, and they were asked how their work adheres to traditional reporting standards, as well as how it varies. One focus for this research was to understand the situations in which it is essential to have bilingual

Spanish-English skills as a reporter in the United States, if there are such situations.

Reporters were also asked about the obstacles they face professionally as a result of working bilingually as opposed to monolingually. The questions also focused on the time and resources needed to make bilingual reporting and publication possible, as well as how journalists see the process and publication of bilingual reporting evolving in the near future. (See Appendix A for the list of interview questions.) 18

All 11 interviews were audio recorded with advance consent from the interviewees and transcribed in approximately 15 minutes using Temi automated transcription software, which produced a written transcript for each audio interview. It then took about 3 hours each to manually correct errors in the transcripts that the Temi software was not able to transcribe correctly. The one interview conducted in Spanish was manually transcribed and edited by three native Spanish speakers (who are also language teachers) who volunteered to help with the transcription for this study since the

Temi software only transcribes English. The word-for-word transcription for the one interview in Spanish (approximately 1 hour and 30 minutes in length) took about 20 hours total for three people to complete.

Once a correct transcript of each interview was complete, it was printed out and coded by hand for major themes and sub-themes using the Saldaña method of qualitative coding (Saldaña, 2014). I looked for common ideas and phrases in each transcript, assigning them labels during First Cycle coding. Each label is was intended to “assign an essence-capturing attribute to the language-based data” of the interview (Saldaña, 2014, p. 72). For example, the term “motivation,” was a label which explained why each journalist was compelled to reporter bilingually. (See Appendix C for an example of a manually coded interview transcript.) This First Cycle coding took about 2 additional hours per transcript. These labelling terms were then grouped together into more comprehensive themes during Second Cycle coding, which took about 5 hours total. To be able to analyze the content from all the interviews, the interview responses selected from the First Cycle coding were placed in a Google Sheets document, organized by label and theme. (See Appendix D for an example screenshot of the Google Sheets document 19 used.) Using the groups and sub-groups of themes created in the Second Cycle coding, the results of the Second Cycle coding were analyzed in a narrative description format, which allows the researcher to “outline the plots of human action and how participants changed throughout the course of the study” (Saldaña, 2014, p. 91). In this case, the narrative description describes the reporters’ processes and thinking about bilingual

Spanish-English reporting. These results note commonalities, differences, and general response trends among the reporters.

The conclusions drawn from the commonalities, differences, and general response trends in these interviews were then tested in-person on other experts in the field of bilingual journalism at the International Symposium on Online Journalism in Austin,

Texas through conversations and reflections. The results and discussion included below are all conclusions that resonated as accurate, fair statements when discussed with the bilingual media experts at the conference.

Results

Participant Profiles

The goal of this study was to analyze how bilingual journalism is conceptualized and practiced by journalists working in regions with high concentrations of English and

Spanish speakers. I conducted 11 interviews with professional journalists working in

California, six females and five males, most of whom had decades of professional journalism experience. The interviewees included a mix of heritage English and Spanish speakers, working in a variety of mediums, including radio, print and film. The interviewees can be grouped into three categories: (1) those who immigrated to the U.S. 20 as young adults, (2) those who were the children of immigrants living in the U.S., and (3) those who have no ties to immigrant families but were born and raised speaking English in the U.S. Overall, six radio journalists, three print journalists, one filmmaker and one multimedia journalist were interviewed. Seven native Spanish speakers and four native

English speakers were interviewed. See Table 1 for a complete list of interviewees and selected demographic information.

Group one consisted of five of the 11 bilingual journalists interviewed, and these interviewees (Reporters 1, 2, 5, 7, and 9) had the most professional experience – an average of 30 years of experience working in the field. They were immigrants from Latin

American countries who moved to the United States as young adults. Consequently their first language was Spanish. Most of them took English classes as part of their elementary and high school curriculum in their native countries but acquired the majority of their

English education and immersion once they moved to the United States.

Group two consisted of three bilingual journalists (Reporters 3, 4, and 8) who were the children of Spanish-speaking immigrants, but were raised for all or almost all of their childhood in the United States. They grew up speaking Spanish at home, but learned

English throughout their entire education. While they do work in Spanish, these reporters consider themselves to be English dominant as opposed to Spanish dominant and said they have a better command of specialized vocabulary in English, such as legal jargon, than they do in Spanish. These reporters have all made a point to travel to Spanish- speaking countries as adults to maintain their Spanish skills.

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TABLE 1: Description of Participants Interviewed for this Study

Participant First Dominant Years of Geographic Education Gender Medium of Country Language Language Bilingual Reporting Level Work of Origin Reporting Location

1 Spanish Equal 20+ Los Bachelors Female Print Venezuela Angeles 2 Spanish Spanish 20+ Los High Male Radio Mexico Angeles School 3 Spanish English 20+ Los Bachelors Male Radio Mexico Angeles 4 Spanish English 10+ Oakland Masters Female Radio United States 5 Spanish Spanish 20+ Oakland Bachelors Male Print/Radio Chile 6 English Equal 10+ Oakland Masters Female Radio United States 7 Spanish Equal 10+ San Masters Female Radio Mexico Francisco 8 English English 10+ Berkeley Masters Male Film United States 9 Spanish Equal 20+ San Doctorate Male Radio Mexico Francisco 10 English English 20+ San Masters Female Print United Francisco States 11 English English 10+ Oakland Masters Female Multimedia United States

Group three of the interviewees (Reporters 6, 10, and 11) consisted of three people born and raised in the United States who did not grow up speaking Spanish. They learned to speak, read and write Spanish as part of their high school, college, or professional journalism careers. All of these reporters also spent time living and reporting in Spanish- speaking countries, which helped provide them with immersion and cultural context for the Spanish that they use in their reporting today.

The reason radio journalists are over-represented in the sample population may be due to the fact that the author initiated the snowball method with several radio journalists, and radio reporters are likely to recommend other radio reporters for interviews. Or, it may be that the oral nature of radio makes it an easier medium in which to practice 22 bilingual journalism, or the audiences for bilingual journalism may be more likely to use radio than other mediums.

The following section identifies seven themes that emerged from an analysis of the interview transcripts. Each theme is described and followed by verbatim quotes from the interviewees, which are used to illustrate the ideas that relate to each theme. Taken as a whole, the themes represent the main findings from this research.

Bilingual Reporters’ Self-perceived Roles

All of the bilingual reporters interviewed said they were motivated by a desire to be a bridge between different communities, seeing their role as connecting cultural groups. They stressed that serving this purpose is even more vital in 2018 because

Spanish language reporting is so closely tied with the politically charged topic of immigration, which was an undercurrent theme alluded to throughout all of the interviews. For example:

It's great to be able to work in both languages and to be able to bridge the gap of

cultures and to explain one culture to the other and vice-versa. (Reporter 1)

I see my role as a conduit. I guess there is some part of analysis or heart that

comes into reporting, so it's not just relaying information. I do think that I see

myself as a bridge. (Reporter 6)

I have very strong Spanish speaking skills yet I’m interpreting experiences of

Spanish speakers for that English speaking audience. (Reporter 3)

We can talk to groups of people that aren't talking to each other. You know,

there's lots of cases where there's just complete misunderstanding between the

boss and the worker because they don't speak the same language. (Reporter 8) 23

In San Francisco for instance, we have a lot of Latino culture elements,

Salvadorans, Nicaraguans, Puerto Ricans, Mexicans. We try to cover everything

and we try to get as many people as possible that have different cultures, different

nationalities, on the air. The other part is the fact that a lot of Americans or non-

Spanish speakers, especially some older white folks, are really interested in the

atrocities that have been committed by ICE (Immigrations and Customs

Enforcement). So we try to get some of those people that have an understanding

of what's really happening in the culture on the air so that they can explain to

other, non-Latino, non-Spanish speakers the gravity of the situation that we have.

(Reporter 9)

A bilingual publication serves to not only provide information and news coverage,

but as a way for the readers themselves to be able to bridge languages, which was

something I hadn't really thought about before in terms of the role of a bilingual

publication. (Reporter 11)

My independent body of work, has aired on a public radio station in Tijuana.

There, my focus is very much on getting those LA stories or American stories or

United States stories to an entirely Spanish-speaking community. So it is both a

labor of love and a labor of cultural affirmation. (Reporter 3)

As these quotes show, these reporters are trying to close gaps in understanding between the Latino and non-Latino populations, those (including non-Spanish-speaking Latinos) who do not speak Spanish and those who do, and between Spanish-speaking Latinos of different countries. As part of that effort to connect people of different groups, these reporters described their need to put explanatory content about cultural phenomenon and 24 concepts in their material, in order to increase understanding for groups not normally impacted by the ideas being discussed. These reporters also said that one of the main motivations for their work is to bring more voices of color into mainstream and local media through news about and for communities of color.

The Bilingual Reporting Process

The interviews for this study also illustrated the broad range of reporting methods and types of publications which can be considered “bilingual journalism.” As Table 2 depicts, some U.S. bilingual reporters publish mostly in Spanish, others in English. Both of these groups conduct interviews and research in their non-publication language, be that

English or Spanish, in order to be as comprehensive as possible in their reporting.

Translation is a key element of the process of interviewing in one language and reporting in another, and a variety of tools are used to make the process work.

Translation Given the multilingual makeup of the United States, translation professionally and informally is part of the daily lives of many journalists. While Bassnett states that translation in its simplest form is “interlingual transfer for text A into text B,” they also point out that translation for journalism requires additional synthesis and analysis in order to convey news quickly and effectively for a specific audience (Conway & Bassnett,

2006). In order for translation to be accurate and useable in a journalistic setting, training and experience are needed for high-quality translations which have a greater chance of being well-received by the community for whom the translation is intended. English to

Spanish translation, or vice versa, is common in some publications, but the 11 interviews analyzed for this study indicated that most news organizations do not take the time to 25 publish all of their content in both languages, largely due to the time and resources it takes for translation. Though there are many approaches to translation, the reporters interviewed did have some common strategies for successful translation, as well as aspects of translation they found difficult. Among the reporters interviewed, it was common for individual reporters and organizations to translate certain articles and projects from their main language of publication if they thought the article’s subject matter was relevant in the secondary language.

Representative of the reporters who agreed with this sentiment are the following:

The trends that I have seen in the past few years are that more and more news

outlets are trying to reach Spanish-speaking and other immigrant populations by

translating their articles into Spanish when they think that they're relevant to that

population. And I think that's a great trend that at least news outlets are starting

to think more about. (Reporter 11)

I'm constantly reading pieces of journalism in Spanish to try and see if there is

something in Spanish that will be interesting to the English audience. And if it is

really interesting, I do the translation. (Reporter 5)

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TABLE 2: Languages Used by Reporters for Reporting and Publication

Participant Medium of Dominant Primary Geographic Tools Used Work Language for Language Reporting Reporting of Location (including Publication interviews) 1 Print Spanish (English Spanish Los Angeles Dictionary when needed) 2 Radio Spanish (English Spanish Los Angeles Dictionary when needed) 3 Radio English (Spanish English Los Angeles Dictionary, spell when needed) check 4 Radio English (Spanish English Oakland Dictionary, when needed) other reporters 5 Print/Radio Spanish Spanish Oakland Dictionary, Google Translate 6 Radio Both languages Both Oakland Word Reference, dictionary 7 Radio English (Spanish English San Dictionary, when needed) Francisco Trint transcription software 8 Film Both languages Both Berkeley Dictionary 9 Radio Spanish (live Spanish San Dictionary interpretation of Francisco interviews from English to Spanish for live radio) 10 Print Both languages Both San Dictionary, Francisco testing automatic Spanish translation software for entire news website 11 Multimedia Both languages Both Oakland Dictionary

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Due to the fact that language dominance in Spanish and English varies widely among the participants, the processes used by reporters for conducting interviews and translating also varies. However, some commonalities emerged.

All reporters agreed with this sentiment, expressed by Reporter 1:

If the person is speaking English, I take notes in English. If the person is speaking

Spanish, I take notes in Spanish and I translate whatever I need.

While it might be expected that some reporters write the majority of their notes in their dominant language, regardless of the language in which the quote was expressed, this was not the case for the reporters interviewed for this study. The reporters interviewed kept in line with the idea of verbatim quote accuracy, as a best practice for journalists, and wrote down quotes exactly as they were uttered. Some even had the general habit of audio recording all of their interviews in order to be able to listen to the tape after the interview and make sure they translated the quote word-for-word, for all of their interviews in English and Spanish.

However, Reporters 3, 6, and 7, all radio journalists, routinely try to conduct the initial interview in the language in which they will publish the final story. For example, if the reporter works for a predominantly English-language radio station, he or she will try to have the interviewee speak in English, even if Spanish is the dominant language for the interview subject. The logic provided for this interview approach is that the interview will sound more direct and clean if there is no translation needed. For example:

Rather than have a voice-over, it is even better to have them say it in English in

their own words, even if it isn’t perfect English. So sometimes I will interview 28

them in the language that they feel best in, and then say, ‘Could you say that

again in English?’ And sometimes they try and they're fine. (Reporter 6)

I always ask them. But I'll be like, ‘It's better if we do it in English for me because

then the story's going to be in English.’ But if they have a really heavy accent

where I feel like people won't be able to understand what they're saying, then

we'll just do the interview in Spanish. (Reporter 7)

This translation dilemma is not only for those publishing in English; for reporters publishing in Spanish, they sometimes interview people living in the United States who do not speak Spanish of a caliber that is usable for publication. However, several reporters explained that they approach people and build rapport pre-interview in the subject’s dominant language, and will only conduct the interview in the language preferred by their organization if the person is sufficiently clear in that language. If it is clear a translation will be needed, the common answer for broadcast journalists

(including radio and television) was that they prefer to paraphrase what was said by the interviewee, as opposed to having a word-for-word translation voiced by someone else, as they feel it is more direct and helps their reporting maintain a desired level of intimacy.

All of the reporters interviewed routinely consult Spanish and English dictionaries and described the need to go beyond using Google Translate or another automatic translation app because they thought those tools lacked the context and nuance needed for accurate translation. Specifically, these reporters were wary of translations that were literal and did not take tone and situation into consideration. Representative of the reporters who agreed with this sentiment are the following: 29

It's labor intensive, it's just not translating what they're saying, and you could do

a crude translation, but actually getting the texture and the richness of their

language … It's not a word-for-word translation. Translation is an interesting

process, you are creating a new piece that reflects the beauty of the old piece, and

that's hard. (Reporter 10)

[In Spanish] the woman says, ‘Me sentí tan bonito.’ So how do you translate

that? She’s not saying she felt ‘pretty.’ Google Translate would translate that to,

‘I felt so pretty.’ One of our bilingual reporters came up with the right translation

and I thought it worked perfectly; the right translation is, ‘I felt so special.’ You

won't find that in any translation that ‘bonito’ means ‘special.’ So that is just an

example of something that another producer or somebody else would have

translated, in my mind, incorrectly. (Reporter 8)

There are horrible translations [from English to Spanish] everywhere you go. It's

like an insult. What we need is the [cultural] interpretation. If you do translation

that is mechanical, Google Translator can do it. (Reporter 5)

Some of the reporters advocated for professional translators, while others stressed the utility of having reporters who are proficient as translators themselves. In addition to the reporters knowing the reporting context for the situation in which the translation is needed, the reporters can also provide cultural context which makes reporting in two languages work. Often times, when dealing with creating Spanish-language content and appropriate translations for the U.S. news market, reporters need an understanding of different Spanish dialects, because the same word can mean different things in different

Spanish-speaking countries. For this very reason, several reporters were wary about using 30

Google Translate, because they knew that Google Translate would not understand cultural and regional contexts.

We run into a lot of nuances with regions, dialects and how people say things in

different places. The biggest translation issue we came up with was that all the

women were referring to the foreman on their crew as their ‘mayor domo’ in

Spanish. We were translating that phrase to ‘foreman’ because that's who it was,

the ‘foreman,’ the ‘supervisor.’ Right before air, Univision came back to us and

said, ‘mayor domo’ doesn't mean that, it means, ‘caretaker.’ We said, ‘No, that's

not what we're talking about. ‘Caretaker’ may be what this word means to you,

but every woman in our film in this country uses ‘mayor domo’ to mean

‘foreman.’’ So this is what the word means in this context. (Reporter 8).

In the above example and others, Spanish words do not only mean something different to people from different Spanish-speaking countries, the words have taken on a separate meaning for U.S. Spanish speakers.

Medium-specific translation challenges. As explained previously, translations are not ideal in radio because voice-over translations can sound awkward and make a source sound less authentic. The Spanish language reporters interviewed for this study explained that they face special difficulties finding Spanish-speaking sources who are considered experts, such as professors and government officials. As a result, these reporters have the advantage of being able to conduct their interviews in English, but they then must then provide a voiced-over translation of the interview in Spanish for broadcast. 31

When we go looking for Spanish-speaking experts in certain fields, there aren’t

any. There are very few experts in Spanish because less people in the Latino

population get doctoral degrees. (Reporter 2).

When dealing with on-camera subjects who speak two different languages, the bilingual reporter/filmmaker interviewed explained that it is common for some English- language organizations to handle the needed translation in a different way than their

Spanish-language counterparts do. Reporter 8, a filmmaker, explained that the English language outlet Frontline always subtitles foreign languages, such as Spanish, while the

Spanish language organization Univision dubs Spanish voices over any English spoken.

These two different policies may sound straightforward, but Reporter 8 said that these two different approaches make it difficult to film in a style that works for both outlets.

However, these distinct translation styles for film originate from different needs for different audiences. Reporter 8 explained: “One of the reasons why Frontline will subtitle and Univision will dub is because Univision has come to the conclusion that a lot of their audience won't or can't read. So the audience wants to have the translation spoken to them.”

At the same time, the reporter explained that subtitles are sometimes preferred because some viewers like to hear the original, natural voice of the person speaking, as it adds a level of authenticity and credibility to the work.

While print reporters do not have the same translation challenges as the bilingual broadcast reporters, they do run into similar translation issues when using social media accounts for their print organizations. Reporter 1 works for a Spanish-language newspaper and explained: 32

Whenever I've done Facebook Live in English, people on our Facebook page

don't like it, because many of them are in Mexico or somewhere else. So that

audience is probably different from the newspaper. (Reporter 1).

In this case, the main audience for the Facebook Live video primarily speaks Spanish, even though the video is taking place in Los Angeles.

Advantages of Bilingual Journalism

Despite acknowledging that reporting in both Spanish and English requires additional time and cultivation of language and culture skills, the 11 reporters interviewed said they consider their bilingual capabilities to be an advantage in their work.

The reporters all shared similar sentiments:

You cannot really be a communicator or a journalist in this town or in this

country if you don't speak English. But if you speak Spanish, you have double the

advantage. (Reporter 1)

I feel like it's always an asset. I learned early on when I was in LA doing a lot of

immigration work and doing translation, being bilingual has just been such an

asset and I don't ever see it not being relevant. (Reporter 4)

I don't think being bilingual needs to be an impediment. Basically it adds to the

story, to have the person's voice (in their own language). So in a way I feel like I

have the best of both worlds. (Reporter 7)

The reporters also explained that their Spanish skills have led them to work in collaboration with editors and other senior reporters when they were junior employees, which they said has been helpful for their careers. The reporters shared anecdotes about 33 being able to get a lead for a story that allowed them to report information that a monolingual reporter would not have been able to find. Reporter 3, who primarily works for an English-language news organization, described two instances when he was able to get important information for stories specifically because he spoke Spanish:

One of my first stories was the collapse of a two story apartment building near

downtown that left one person dead. On the scene, talking to people in Spanish

led me to information that the building had been inspected a few days before

collapse.

For a different story about a bus crash, Reporter 3 said: I was able to get

interviews from Spanish-speaking immigrant ladies who had ridden before with

the bus driver who died in this bus crash. They said they saw him fall asleep

driving. As soon as I heard that I thought, I haven't heard this before. This is new

information.

Challenges to Bilingual Journalism

While overall the reporters described many benefits associated with their bilingualism, some received negative feedback on their work from other English- language journalists and from people in the community who think the reporters themselves are activists because they work for Spanish-language publications. The reporters believe that some of this negative feedback is politically motivated. They have also received feedback that some of their audience members think those who work in

Spanish-language news are less educated than those who work in English-language news.

Reporter 6 explained the following: 34

I think that there's a huge misconception that Spanish language media is not

serious journalism, that it's activist journalism, and I don't think that that's true. I

think that in most journalism you're trying to reach the audience and have the

audience think about something and maybe decide to do something different. I do

think there's a huge prejudice around that. That's what I was getting to when I

talked about the difference between reporting for Spanish language and English

language media, there was a sense that because I was writing for [name of

Spanish-language publication] that I must be an activist and not actually a

serious journalist. And the perception of it seems different, especially with an

English language audience. (Reporter 6)

Trends in Bilingual Journalism

These reporters perceive bilingual journalism as becoming more important, more accepted and more common in the current U.S. news media landscape. Reporters 1, 2, 5,

9, and 10 have worked as journalists in the U.S. bilingual Spanish-English media market for more than 20 years and have noticed a marked increase in news organizations hiring more bilingual reporters and producing bilingual content. Reporter 1 explained:

You used to have less people in American media or in English-speaking media

that were bilinguals. Increasingly, more and more of the immigration reporters in

English-speaking media are bilingual and many of them are from different

cultures, or Latino. When I arrived here, there was no one graduating from any

school in the U.S. that wanted to work in Spanish language television or print.

Everyone was Latin American. Everyone was an immigrant. 35

Overall, the reporters said they have seen a shift towards more news media accepting bilingualism, whether that be in reporting or publication.

I think we're at the cusp (with bilingualism) because I think we are in a time

where people are more about embracing Spanish. Maybe times are different.

(Reporter 4).

Those who have worked in the industry for more than 20 years agree that there has been a cultural shift regarding Spanish-English bilingual news.

I was doing bilingual broadcasting in 1972, and now there are stations that are

actually bilingual in Spanish and English. So that's the direction we’re going. In

the seventies there was an influx of Central Americans in particular that were

coming to the United States and they would be offended if we used too much

English. But now it's a whole different scene. Most of the Latinos speak English or

understand that we’re here to be understanding English. (Reporter 9).

Reporter 9 continued: If you walk around the Mission District (in San Francisco)

or a lot of places, people hablan español, hablan inglés, and they use words here

and there. So it is definitely a trend and obviously in the media it's also being

reflected. I don't think that the programming that we're doing right now would

have been acceptable some time ago even within the Latino community. The

Spanish broadcasting used to be very formal, before. So it's changed a lot. Now

it's more the way that people talk, which is, de la manera que hablamos todos, en

español y inglés (the way everyone talks, in Spanish and English).

Yes, I do see more and more mixing of languages. It is more and more the way we

live. The way we operate in our lives is what we want in the media. (Reporter 1) 36

While the reporters acknowledge that more Spanish and English reporting and production is taking place in the U.S. now than in the past, the journalists interviewed are still unsure if “Spanglish” efforts with Spanish and English words mixed together in the same story will be successful.

Reporters 2, 4, and 8 all explained why they have doubt about mixing English and

Spanish:

If I can read English, why do I need something catered to me in English and

Spanish? (Reporter 4)

Well, I have my doubts. Looking at it from my experience, my kids consume their

news in English. When we’re talking about topics in-depth, I think that journalism

should be content totally in English or totally in Spanish. When we’ve translated

radio programs, they’re boring. So it’s important to provide the content in one of

the two languages. (Reporter 2)

There are more and more bilingual millennials who are bilingual or are more

comfortable with Spanish, but I'm not necessarily seeing it reflected in the media.

When I was working with a producer with Univision we were hoping for a day

when we could just have the program be bilingual without subtitles or dubbing

and the audience would get it because the audience would be bilingual. I don't

think we're there in any kind of mass way and I don't think we will get there

either. I mean, Spanglish is definitely something that people identify with and feel

comfortable with. But I don't know that it's something that you can do reporting

in, right? (Reporter 8) 37

Future of Spanish-English Bilingual Media

One central point discussed by several reporters was the idea that there is a need for more journalism coverage about and for the Spanish-speaking population, in order for

Spanish speakers to have their concerns addressed and to promote a more informed society. For example:

I would hope that Spanish-language journalism would continue to grow in the

U.S. because I think there's more need for, real, good, deep journalism in

Spanish. There are some great outlets and then there's a lot of commercial media

that I don't think are doing very good journalism most of the time. (Reporter 6)

I'm personally interested in addressing gaps and there is certainly a lot to be

desired in terms of coverage of immigrant communities in English. A way of

addressing those gaps is to develop real relationships with immigrant

communities to be able to do reporting in that space on the issues that are

affecting them about the information that they want. Doing so will provide better

coverage both for that community and for the wider public. (Reporter 11)

I feel the same way for Spanish language media and English mainstream media,

we need more of the cross-pollination so people can really understand each other.

(Reporter 7)

The reporters who were raised in the United States by Spanish-speaking immigrant parents and are English dominant individually expressed concern that future generations of Latinos will not maintain their Spanish skills. A quote from Reporter 4 summarizes the feeling expressed separately by each of these interviewees: 38

Especially if you look at the millennial population who understands Spanish and

speaks it, there's a lot of connections to be made there. Whether the population of

Spanish speakers is growing or not, it's huge as it stands. And how many of those

of us that are the offspring of immigrants are going to maintain bilingualism?

Discussion

This discussion section expands on the seven themes identified in the Findings section of this study, exploring the general concept of bilingual journalism, the roles of bilingual reporters, and these reporters’ opinions about the direction of Spanish-English reporting in the United States in the future.

What Does it Mean to Be a Bilingual Journalist?

People from many different backgrounds can be bilingual Spanish-English reporters as there is no set path to entering this kind of journalism. After interviewing 11 bilingual journalists, I found there is no common definition for who is or is not a bilingual Spanish-English reporter. The term is interpreted differently depending on the journalist’s background. Those who grew up learning both English and Spanish did not view their work as “bilingual reporting” because navigating Spanish and English language and culture has always been a part of their lives. They did not see themselves as doing anything unique, but instead viewed reporting and publication in two languages as a normal practice. “I don't know if I'd consider myself a bilingual reporter. I'm a reporter who happens to be bilingual” said Reporter 3.

Those who acquired their second language as young adults, however, were able to articulate specific decisions they made in order to become proficient enough in Spanish 39 and English to report in both languages. For most of these reporters who learned their second language later on, their decision process involved taking language courses in their non-dominant language during high school and college.

A trend noted by the reporters interviewed for this study was that almost all

Spanish-language reporters 20 years ago used to be Spanish speakers who immigrated to the U.S. Now the reporters working for Spanish-language publications are starting to shift, with more second-generation U.S.-raised Spanish speakers working in the industry.

Within the last decade, Spanish-language university journalism classes have also started to emerge at places such as The City University of New York, the University of Nevada,

Reno, and multiple California institutions, such as the University of Southern California,

California State University Long Beach, and San Francisco State University. When many of the reporters who were interviewed for this study went to journalism school, there were no options to take Spanish-language journalism courses as part of a U.S. college curriculum.

What is the Reporter’s Role in Covering Bilingual Communities?

A large component of these reporters’ response to addressing the cultural needs of their Spanish-speaking audience is related to how they conceptualize their journalistic role. All respondents conveyed the idea that they see themselves as a “bridge.” They did not use the term in a literal sense, but as a way to explain their job, which they described as analyzing and explaining different cultures to their audiences in order to connect different community groups. This idea was common for all interviewees, regardless of their immigration background or their origin country. Understanding this common 40 motivation for bilingual reporters is useful context as additional attention and interest are placed on topics closely related to Spanish-English reporting, such as immigration.

Reporters who are motivated by the idea of increasing cultural understanding may also be more prone to work in two languages at some point in their careers. These reporters all spent extended amounts of time working and living internationally, which reinforced their common desire to learn and appreciate other cultures. Looking forward, the United States population will be comprised of a larger number of English-dominant

Latinos, so cultural understanding and cultural affirmation of these Spanish-speakers will be the primary ingredient needed to connect with this audience, even if all news produced for this community is published in English.

Common Practices for Bilingual Reporting

Looking at the practices described by these 11 reporters, certain habits and ways of working seemed to be common to all of them. For example, one common practice for these journalists was to spend time in communities that were not their own, which allowed them to report on issues of interest to those groups and to develop the connections needed for accurate, high-quality reporting. This advice was offered by multiple interviewees. Reporter 3 offered the example of making an effort to learn about the Salvadoran and Guatemalan communities in Los Angeles, even though he himself is

Mexican. The Spanish language was not a barrier for this reporter to understand these groups, but he lacked the cultural understanding needed to report on these Spanish- speaking communities. Spending time knowing the community helps these journalists determine what medium is the most effective for those audiences. 41

A second common practice of the interviewees was to deliberate about the medium used to reach their bilingual audience. The medium matters when considering how to report in multiple languages. The medium-specific challenges of reporting in two languages in print, radio, and film were underscored by several participants.

Understanding how voiceovers, translations, subtitles, and other topics need to be navigated requires linguistic and cultural sensibility. These interviews illustrated the need for reporters working in these mediums to have a clear understanding of what news presentation format works best for their audience. Many of these medium-specific issues relate to translation, and while translating English news content into Spanish is a useful first step for many news organizations, the journalists stressed that more than translation is needed.

Above all, the third common practice for those who produced news in Spanish was that Spanish news content needs to have a focus and tone appropriate for the

Spanish-speaking news audience. Specifically, the stories produced need to not only be about the Spanish-speaking community, they need to be news for the Spanish speaking community with resources and information helpful to them.

The Purpose of Translation in Bilingual Spanish-English Reporting

Currently translation is the main way that the growing U.S. Spanish-speaking population is being reached by bilingual reporters. Several reporters interviewed work primarily for English-language publications and translate the interviews they conduct in

Spanish into English. These reporters see it as their duty to increase the visibility and voices of people of color, especially Latinos, by including them in their stories. The reporters noted that conducting interviews in the more dominant language of their 42 interview subject made the interview subject more comfortable and helped establish rapport with the interviewee. The translation of specific news content from English thought to be of particular relevance to the Spanish-speaking community is a common strategy used to reach the Spanish-speaking community.

The nuance and sensitivity needed for successful translations, both linguistically and culturally, were emphasized by all of the reporters interviewed. It would be helpful for more newsrooms and employers to invest in translation training for their reporters, due to a lack of full-time translators and the fact that journalism expertise is useful when doing journalism translation. However, it is also acknowledged that many reporters gain these skills through practice and experience in the field.

A Need for Reporting in Spanish

Although translation is a first step for many news organizations in providing content for both English and Spanish speakers, the bilingual journalists interviewed said that a primary reason they choose to report bilingually stems from wanting to satisfy the need for more in-depth, investigative Spanish-language and bilingual reporting in the

United States. These reporters also articulated several misconceptions that English- language audiences hold about Spanish-language news, such as the view that those producing Spanish-language news are not as well educated as those creating English- language news. Another misrepresentation of Spanish-language media noticed by the bilingual reporters in this study is that they as reporters receive feedback that the news they create in Spanish is activism, not journalism. The reporters interviewed hope to dispel these misconceptions by creating high-quality Spanish-language reporting. 43

While there is a noticeable lack of bilingual reporting and content produced in

Spanish, especially compared to the quantity and caliber of news produced in English, the reporters interviewed for this study have noticed a recent trend for newsrooms supporting more bilingual Spanish-English reporting, the hiring of bilingual journalists, and the acceptance of both Spanish and English existing in the same news story in the form of interviews in both languages.

Should Spanish and English Be Mixed Together as “Spanglish”?

All reporters interviewed identified a need for more bilingual reporters, but diverged from each other about what bilingual production content should look like. Only one person interviewed currently produces a radio show where Spanish and English are mixed together, in the form of real-time radio interpretation from English to Spanish. The other 10 interviewees produce content in either Spanish or English, utilizing their bilingual skills to conduct interviews and research that provide information and cultural context for their stories. Looking to the future, it is worthwhile to note that there are

“Spanglish” social media accounts emerging, such as Remezcla, We Are Mitú, and

Dímelo, a project on Facebook and Snapchat run by the University of Southern California

Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism. When asked for their professional opinions about the emergence of “Spanglish” news, the young reporters who grew up in the United States with immigrant parents seemed receptive to the possibility of

“Spanglish” news in the future. Those who grew up monolingually were more hesitant to say they thought news in “Spanglish” would be successful, openly doubting there would ever be a large enough audience of people sufficiently proficient in both English and

Spanish at the level to be able to consume news in both languages. 44

Limitations

The literature review for this study could be expanded in several ways: First, it lacked a review of academic literature written in Spanish about Spanish-English bilingual communication and bilingual journalism. The majority of research was done using

English language literature and English search terms, key words and databases. Second, additional review of research on the social and political power of language could add context to the work that journalists are attempting to do in this area, and finally, more exploration of the issues faced by bilingual education could provide insights applicable to bilingual journalism.

Six of the 11 reporters interviewed for this study work in radio. In the future, it would be beneficial to collect more interviews with reporters who work in other mediums, such as television and print.

Time and geographic location were also restrictive factors for this study.

Interviewing more journalists in-person in different cities would advance research on this subject. There are many cities which would be beneficial to address, including Miami,

New York and Chicago which are known for their large Spanish-speaking populations and Spanish language journalism.

Future Research

A content analysis examining Spanish and English-language news in the United

States would be beneficial to determine if more bilingual reporting is in fact occurring, in both the reporting process and in publication. Further analysis would also be useful to see if the mixing of languages into “Spanglish” is present in mainstream news sources. Part of this research would need to analyze social media as much of the Spanglish news 45 content brought up in interviews during this study exist on social media sites such as

Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter.

Conclusion

As is clear from the broad spectrum of reporters who work in both English and

Spanish, there is no standard definition of what is or is not considered “bilingual reporting.” These interviews did reveal that reporting and publishing in Spanish and

English are areas of growth and heightened interest in 2018, with the bilingual media sector of the U.S. media industry being a space for innovation. How to successfully communicate with the many different groups of people who comprise the Spanish- speaking population in the U.S. is not easily defined. The reporters interviewed said their audience members are interested in consuming news content in Spanish and English.

These reporters’ audiences include those who want to learn about a culture and language that is not their own and others who appreciate feeling that their cultural identity is affirmed when they read, watch or listen to stories that are about and for people like them. The debate about the success and practicality of “Spanglish” news will continue as the number of second generation Latinos in the U.S. continues to grow who understand

Spanish but are English dominant.

The analysis of bilingual Spanish-English media content and the interviews with bilingual reporters demonstrate there is a clear need for the further development of U.S.

Spanish-English bilingual journalism. It would therefore be valuable for newsrooms and other media organizations to invest time and money in hiring and training bilingual

Spanish-English reporters who can report and publish in both languages. The interviews 46 conducted for this study also revealed that, for bilingual and monolingual reporters alike, seeking out culturally immersive experiences related to the communities on which one is reporting will also benefit the cultural understanding and knowledge of the reporter.

In answering the research question, “How are bilingual journalists responding linguistically and culturally to the needs of a growing bilingual Spanish-speaking audience?” it is clear there is no set formula for bilingual Spanish-English reporting in the

United States. However, there are individuals who are investing their time and resources into interviewing and researching in both Spanish and English, even though they are not often afforded more time for this reporting and are not monetarily compensated for the extra work it takes to report in more than one language. While the linguistic element of bilingual reporting is important, all journalists interviewed stressed that the most essential element of their bilingual work is biculturalism, understanding the cultural context needed for reporting in Spanish and in English. This need for cultural understanding was emphasized so strongly by the interviewees that they made it clear that, many times, it does not matter which language is being used for the reporting process and publication as long as the cultural nuance and correct tone is being used for the subject matter at hand.

While the growing English-dominant Latino population is prompting many of these reporters to publish their work in English, experiments with “Spanglish” media outlets are demonstrating that there are multiple ways that reporters are trying to reach the

English-dominant, Spanish-speaking population. Overall reporting bilingually in Spanish and English in the American West centers on a professional desire to promote the production of accurate news about underrepresented communities and to build bridges between different cultural groups. 47

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Appendix A: General interview questions

1) What is your first language? 2) What is your education background, especially in regards to languages? 3) How have you developed both your Spanish and English language skills in a way that allows you to report in both languages now? 4) What type of work do you do incorporating both Spanish and English? Do you publish content in both English and Spanish, or only one language? 5) Explain your interview process. 6) Explain the situations in which translation is needed in your reporting. Do you perform those translations yourself? 7) What advantages or challenges are unique to the medium in which you work, as opposed to other mediums? 8) Does reporting in your less dominant language take more time than reporting in your more dominant language? Explain. 9) What tools or technology do you use to aide you when reporting in Spanish and English? This could include Google Translate, spell check, dictionaries, Word Reference, or other language-related sites. 10) How do you conceive your role as a bilingual reporter? 11) How do you perceive and conceptualize your audience? 12) What is your main purpose for choosing to work bilingually, as opposed to in one language? 13) How has your reporting process changed over the course of your time working in both languages? 14) Has the type of audience feedback to your work in both languages changed over the course of your career? How so? 15) How do you see the need for bilingual Spanish-English reporting evolving in the near future? Will the need grow? Shrink? Stay the same? Why? 16) Are there any misconceptions about bilingual reporting that you would like to clarify?

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Appendix B: Interview details

Participant Format of Interview Location Duration of Interview

1 In-person Cafe 35 minutes

2 In-person Interviewee’s home 1 hour, 23 minutes

3 Phone Researcher’s office 40 minutes 4 In-person Cafe 53 minutes

5 In-person Interviewee’s home 1 hour, 5 minutes 6 In-person Interviewee’s home 1 hour, 14 minutes

7 In-person Interviewee’s office 35 minutes 8 In-person Cafe 30 minutes

9 In-person Cafe 43 minutes

10 In-person Interviewee’s office 43 minutes 11 In-person Cafe 33 minutes

55

Appendix C: Annotated interview transcript

The following 10 pages are a scanned example copy of the handwritten First Cycle coding performed for the analysis of one typed interview transcript. Coding labels on the left-hand side of the page include categories like “education,” “experience,” “trends,” “barrier,” and “cultural communication.” Redactions made in interview transcript to protect interviewee privacy.

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Appendix D: Screenshot of First Cycle coding organization

The screenshot below is a section of the Google Sheets document which I used to organize the sentences and paragraphs I isolated from each interview transcript, grouping all related interview excerpts by theme. Reading down vertically under each theme’s name, I can see all interview answers related to that idea. The reporters interviewed are listed horizontally, with Reporter 1 the top horizontal section, and Reporter 11 the last. Redactions are made in the screenshot to maintain interviewee privacy.

Coding themes (also known as labels) for the First Cycle of Saldaña Method coding. These examples include (left to right) “trends,” “role,” “support,” and “time.” See the Methodology section for a more extended explanation of the interview coding.

#1

#2

#3

Interviewees are listed horizontally. Above the first colored bar are all the responses of Reporter 1, then Reporter 2 is listed next, Reporter 3 below Reporter 2, etc.