An Indian Guru and His Western Disciples Ii
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An Indian Guru and His Western Disciples ii An Indian Guru and His Western Disciples Representation and Communication of Charisma in the Hare Krishna Movement Kimmo Ketola Academic dissertation to be publicly discussed, by due permission of the Faculty of Arts at the University of Helsinki in Auditorium XII, on the 11th of May, 2002 at 10 o’clock. Helsinki 2002 iv © Kimmo Ketola 2002 ISBN 952-91-4461-X (Print) ISBN 952-10-0424-X (PDF) http://ethesis.helsinki.fi Printed by Yliopistopaino Helsinki 2002 Contents Abstract ix Acknowledgements xi List of tables and figures xiii Note on transliteration xiii 1. Introduction 1 1.1 The setting: a swami in New York 1 1.2 Previous studies of ISKCON 4 1.3 Subject of study 7 1.4 Materials and methods 8 1.4.1 Ethnographic approach 9 1.4.2 Classification of materials 11 1.4.3 The logic of qualitative analysis 16 1.4.4 Approaches to written materials 17 1.5 Overview of contents 20 PART I. THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES 2. The concept of ‘charisma’ – the legacy of Max Weber 25 2.1 Max Weber on charisma 25 2.2 Theories of the origin of charisma 31 2.3 Charisma and its routinisation 37 2.4 Conclusion 40 3. Cognition, communication and religious representations 42 3.1 The nature of cognitive approach 44 3.2 Cognitive theory of communication 46 3.3 The deep structures of knowledge 49 3.3.1 Cultural models 49 3.3.2 Primary frames and their violations 50 3.3.3 Counterintuitiveness 53 3.3.4 Essentialism 56 vi 3.4 Emotions and feelings 58 3.5 Secondary frames 61 3.6 Conclusion 64 PART II. CHARISMA OF THE FOUNDER-GURU 4. Theory of guru in ISKCON 69 4.1 Overview of ISKCON teachings 69 4.2 The guru-disciple relationship 76 4.2.1 Qualifications of the guru 76 4.2.2 The role and duties of the disciple 81 4.2.3 Prabhupäda’s special position 83 4.2.4 Initiation 83 4.3 The guru and the institutional structure of ISKCON 85 4.3.1 Governing Body Commission 85 4.3.2 The crisis of succession 87 4.4 Conclusion 91 5. Hindu rituals and cultural models of the guru 93 5.1 Prabhupäda’s daily schedule 94 5.2 Temple worship in the Kåñëa consciousness movement 95 5.3 The morning program 100 5.3.1 Maìgala-äraté 100 5.3.2 Temple room activities during maìgala-äraté 101 5.3.3 Main worship with sixteen items 103 5.3.4 Tulasi püjä 105 5.3.5 Japa period 106 5.3.6 Deity greeting 106 5.3.7 Çréla Prabhupäda guru-püjä and kértana 106 5.3.8 Bhägavatam lecture 108 5.4 The feelings evoked 110 5.5 The meaning of püjä 111 5.6 Hindu cultural models of guruship 114 5.6.1 Status difference 116 5.6.2 Ritual purity 118 5.6.3 Purity and hierarchy combined 120 5.7 Conclusion 121 6. Origins of Prabhupäda’s charisma 122 6.1 Prabhupäda through the eyes of his first disciples 123 6.2 The role of devotional ecstacies 126 6.3 Prabhupäda’s childlikeness 128 vii 6.4 Frame violations 130 6.4.1 Prabhupäda’s specialness 130 6.4.2 Emotional impact 132 6.4.3 Extraordinary ordinariness 132 6.4.4 Self-control 133 6.4.5 Interpersonal skills 134 6.5 Conclusion 135 7. The deep structure of charismatic representations 137 7.1 Unknowability of the guru’s mind 138 7.2 Violations of intuitive ontology 141 7.2.1 Counterintuitive psychology 141 7.2.2 Counterintuitive physics 144 7.3 Essentialism 149 7.4 Conclusion 152 8. Ritual frame and its vulnerability 154 8.1 The guru’s lack of knowledge 156 8.2 Old age and sickness 163 8.3 Death of the guru 166 8.4 Conclusion 169 PART III. INTERPRETATION OF FINDINGS 9. Cognitive explanations 173 9.1 The role of cultural models 173 9.2 Frame violations and religious symbolism 175 9.3 Representations of special agency 177 9.4 Essentialism 179 9.5 Charisma and the sacred 179 9.6 Communication of charisma 182 9.7 Conclusion 186 10. Conclusions and future directions: cultural and pan-human cognitions in the transmission of religion 188 10.1 Problems in the standard account 189 10.2 Rethinking ‘culture’ 190 10.3 Towards an alternative view on the transmission of new religious understandings 192 10.4 Conclusion 194 viii 11. Sources and literature 196 11.1 Abbreviations 196 11.2 Unpublished field material 197 11.3 Published sources 198 11.4 Literature 203 Glossary 213 Index 217 ix Abstract Kimmo Ketola, University of Helsinki, FIN An Indian Guru and His Western Disciples: Representation and Communication of Charisma in the Hare Krishna Movement The Hare Krishna movement, officially known as the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON), is a branch of Vaiñëavism founded by Indian monk A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupäda (1896-1977) for the purpose of vigorous missions in Western societies. Since the founding of the organisation in New York in 1966, the movement has spread very rapidly throughout the West- ern world. Numerous anthropological and sociological studies have attempted to ac- count for the success of the movement in terms of cultural and social dynamics of the post-war American society. This study, however, focuses on the charisma of the movement’s leader. The aim of the study was to describe and analyse the na- ture of the charismatic representations held by the disciples in such a way that insight into the processes of their acquisition and transmission can be gained. The main material for this study consists of published biographical and autobiographical writings of Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupäda’s earliest disci- ples. Some use has also been made of the writings of the founder himself and other theological and official documents produced by the movement. Participant observation and other fieldwork techniques were used to obtain information on the rituals and everyday life within the movement to complement the written sources. The material has been analysed within the framework of cognitive science of religion. The findings of the study indicate, firstly, that the disciples’ representations of the founder-guru always include some element of mysteriousness, consisting of representations involving counterintuitiveness, essentialism and notions of a special kind of agency. Secondly, the study indicates that the representations characterised by mysteriousness gained their “infectious” quality and persuasiveness through the characteristic mood changes produced in intense ritual activity. It was therefore suggested that the cross-cultural x transmission of religious symbolism concerning the charisma of the leader was initially based on a complex process of combining mood-altering rituals and memorable situations with relevant conceptual mysteries. xi Acknowledgements At times, humanistic research may seem a very individual project. After all, much of the research done in libraries and especially the writing require solitude. How- ever, in looking back at the development of this study, I become keenly aware of the vitally important contributions that numerous people and institutions have made. Without the co-operation and generous hospitality on the part of the Hare Kåñëa devotees, this research would not have been possible. Two individuals in particular have been instrumental in making this study easier and more enjoy- able. Minna Talvisto, the director of the ISKCON Communications Department in Finland in 1997 and 1998, first introduced me to the movement. The present temple president in Helsinki, Tattvaväda däsa (a.k.a. Timo Kuivanen), has been indefatigable in giving valuable advice and helping me locate resources and ar- range meetings with people in the movement. I want to express my warmest gratitude to both of these devotees for their significant contribution. I also thank other devotees who have offered insights, given their time or assisted me during my visits to the Hare Kåñëa communities. The academic community has naturally provided an equally significant con- tribution. My gratitude to Juha Pentikäinen, who as head of the Department of Comparative Religion (University of Helsinki) has provided me with support and as a scholar has taught me to appreciate the value of ethnography. As for theory and methodology, my deep gratitude is due to my supervisor Ilkka Pyysiäinen, who has been untiring in criticising my arguments, discussing alternative views and helping me locate literature relevant to my research. Throughout the course of my study, I have also been privileged to participate in a project dealing with communication theories. I thank Kari Vesala for sharing important insights and for the opportunity to discuss my research with him. I am also grateful to the other members of this group, Seppo Knuuttila and Antti Mattila, for their feed- back. Several other people have offered me help through their specialised aca- demic expertise. I particularly would like to thank Tom Sjöblom from our de- partment, who has over the years offered me insights into the theoretical devel- opments in evolutionary theory and cognitive science of religion; I further want xii to thank him for the fruitful comments and criticism he provided in his role as a pre-examiner. My gratitude is also due to the other pre-examiner, Nils G. Holm from Åbo Akademi, for thorough and perceptive criticism from the viewpoint of psychology of religion. From Åbo Akademi, I also wish to thank Måns Broo for providing me with valuable information and comments with regard to history and theology of Vaiñëavism, and Tuomas Martikainen for discussions on current theoretical and methodological issues in the field of new religious movements.