Gandhi to Nehru: I Shall Be Arrested , 1930

World History Honors Unit 10: India and Imperialism

Gandhi, Home Rule for India, 1909

The popular image of Gandhi in the West involves a saintly manner and “passive resistance.” In fact he was a skillful lawyer whose techniques of nonviolent protest were anything but passive and who could be fearlessly outspoken in defense of his beloved India. In this imaginary dialogue, Gandhi is replying to the question of an interviewer (here labeled “READER”) as to how he would address "extremists" seeking independence from Britain. Gandhi's replies are labeled “EDITOR.”

EDITOR:

I would say to the extremists: “I know that you want Home Rule1 for India; it is not to be had for your asking. Everyone will have to take it for himself. What others get for me is not Home Rule but foreign rule; therefore, it would not be proper for you to say that you have obtained Home Rule if you have merely expelled the English. I have already described the true nature of Home Rule. This you would never obtain by force of arms. Brute-force is not natural to Indian soil. You will have, therefore, to rely wholly on soul-force. You must not consider that violence is necessary at any stage for reaching our goal.” I would say to the moderates: “Mere petitioning is derogatory; we thereby confess inferiority. To say that British rule is indispensable, is almost a denial of the Godhead. We cannot say that anybody or anything is indispensable except God. Moreover, common sense should tell us that to state that, for the time being, the presence of the English in India is a necessity, is to make them conceited.

“If the English vacated India, bag and baggage, it must not be supposed that she would be widowed. It is possible that those who are forced to observe peace under their pressure would fight after their withdrawal. There can be no advantage in suppressing an eruption; it must have its vent. If, therefore, before we can remain at peace, we must fight amongst ourselves, it is better that we do so.2 There is no occasion for a third party to protect the weak. It is this so-called protection which has unnerved us. Such protection can only make the weak weaker. Unless we realize this, we cannot have Home Rule. I would paraphrase the thought of an English divine3 and say that anarchy under Home Rule were better than orderly foreign rule. Only, the meaning that the leaned divine attached to Home Rule is different from Indian Home Rule according to my conception. We have to learn, and to teach others, that we do not want the tyranny of either English rule or Indian rule.”

If this idea were carried out, both the extremists and the moderates could join hands. There is no occasion to fear or distrust one another.

1 Independence, self-government 2 Gandhi thus foresees the possibility of something like the divisive violence that occurred at Independence, even though it was to break his heart and take his life. 3 Clergyman World History Honors Unit 10: India and Imperialism

READER:

What then, would you say to the English?

EDITOR:

To them I would respectfully say: “I admit you are my rulers. It is not necessary to debate the question whether you hold India by the sword or by my consent. I have no objection to your remaining in my country, but although you are the rulers; you will have to remain as servants of the people. It is not we who have to do as you wish, but it is you who have to do as we wish. You may keep the riches that you have drained away from this land, but you may not drain riches henceforth. Your function will be, if you so wish, to police India; you must abandon the idea of deriving any commercial benefit from us. We hold the civilization that you support to be the reverse of civilization. We consider our civilization to be far superior to yours. If you realize this truth, it will be to your advantage and, if you do not, according to your own proverb,4 you should only live in our country in the same manner as we do. You must not do anything that is contrary to our religions. It is your duty as rulers that for the sake of the Hindus you should eschew beef, and for the sake of Mahomedans5 you should avoid bacon and ham. We have hitherto said nothing because we have been cowed down, but you need not consider that you have not hurt our feelings by your conduct. We are not expressing our sentiments either through base selfishness or fear, but because it is our duty now to speak out boldly. We consider your schools and courts to be useless. We want our own ancient schools and courts to be restored. The common language of India is not English but Hindi. You should, therefore, learn it. We can hold communication with you only in our national language.

“We cannot tolerate the idea of your spending money on railways and the military. We see no occasion for either. You may fear Russia; we do not. When she comes we shall look after her. If you are with us, we may then receive her jointly. We do not need any European cloth. We shall manage with articles produced and manufactured at home. You may not keep one eye on Manchester6 and the other on India. We can work together only if our interests are identical.”

Gandhi, Second Letter to Lord Irwin, 1930 4 “When in Rome, do as the Romans do.” 5 An old English term for “Muslim.” Note that Gandhi is already trying to be sensitive to both religions. This was the issue that in the end defeated him. 6 The center of the English cotton-weaving trade. One of Gandhi's most important campaigns was to persuade Indians to wear only traditional Indian homespun garments, boycotting English imports. World History Honors Unit 10: India and Imperialism

On March 2, 1930, Mohandas Gandhi wrote to the British viceroy in India, Lord Irwin, proclaiming his intention of embarking on his “Salt Satyagraha.” Two days later, on March 4, Gandhi wrote Lord Irwin again to inform him more clearly of his intentions for the salt march and, more specifically, his intentions of raiding and taking control of the Dharasana Salt Works.

Dear Friend,

I must Commence the March.

God willing, it is my intention…to set out for Dharsana and reach there with my companions, … and demand possession of the Salt Works. The public have been told that Dharsana is private property. This is mere camouflage. It is effectively under Government control as the Viceroy's house. Not a pinch of salt can be removed without the previous sanction of the authorities.

It is possible for you to prevent this raid, as it has been playfully and mischievously called in three ways:— by removing the salt tax; by arresting me and my party unless the country can as I hope it will, replace everyone taken away; by sheer gondaism unless every head broken is replaced as I hope it will.

It is not without hesitation that the step has been decided upon. I had hoped that the Government would fight the civil resisters in a civilised manner. I could have had nothing to say if, in dealing with the civil resisters, the Government had satisfied itself with applying the ordinary processes of law. Instead, whilst the known leaders have been dealt with more or less according to the legal formality, the rank and file has been often savagely and in some cases even indecently assaulted. Had these been isolated cases, they might have been overlooked...

And now you have sprung upon the country a Press Ordinance surpassing any hither to known in India. You have found a short cut through the law's delay in the matter of the trial of Bhagat Singh and others by doing a way with the ordinary procedure. Is it any wonder if I call all these official activities and inactivities a veiled form of Martial Law? Yet this is only the fifth week of the struggle.

Before then the reign of terrorism that has just begun overwhelms India, I feel that I must take a bolder step and if possible divert your wrath in a cleaner if more drastic channel. You may not know the things that I have described. You may not even now believe in them. I can but invite your serious attention to them.

Anyway I feel that it would be cowardly on my part not to invite you to disclose to the full the leonine paws of authority, so that the people who are suffering tortures and destruction of their property may not feel that I, who had perhaps been the chief party inspiring them to action that World History Honors Unit 10: India and Imperialism has brought to right light the Government in its true colours, had left any stone unturned to work out the Satyagraha programme as fully as it was possible under given circumstances.

According to the science of Satyagraha, the greater the repression and lawlessness on the part of authority, the greater should be the suffering courted by the victims. Success is the certain result of suffering of the extremest character voluntarily undergone.

I know the dangers attendant upon the methods adopted by me. But the country is not likely to mistake my meaning. I say what I mean and think— And I have been saying for the last fifteen years in India, and outside for twenty years more, and repeat now that the only way to conquer violence is through non-violence pure and undefiled. I have said also that every violent act, word and even thought interferes with the progress of non-violent action. If in spite of such repeated warnings, people will resort to violence, I must down responsibility save such as inevitably attaches to every human being for the acts of every other human being. But the question of responsibility apart, I dare not postpone action on any cause whatsoever if non- violence is the force the seers of the world have claimed it to be and if I am not to belie my own extensive experience of its working.

But I would fain avoid the further step. I would therefore ask you to remove the tax which many of your illustrious countrymen have condemn- led in unmeasured terms and which, as you could not have failed to observe, has evoked universal protest and resentment- expressed in civil disobedience. You may condemn civil disobedience as much as you like. Will you prefer violent revolt to civil disobedience?

If you say, as you have said, that the civil disobedience must end in violence, history will pronounce the verdict that the British Government not bearing because not understanding non- violence, goaded human nature to violence, which it could understand and deal with. But in spite of the goading, I shall hope that God will give the people of India wisdom and strength to withstand every temptation and provocation to violence.

If therefore, you cannot see your way to remove the Salt Tax and remove the prohibitions on private salt-making I must reluctantly commence the march adumberated in the opening paragraph of my letter.

I am, Your sincere friend, M. K. GANDHI

From Famous Letters of Mahatma Gandhi, Indian Printing Works, Lahore (1947).

Gandhi to Nehru: “I Shall Be Arrested”, 1930 World History Honors Unit 10: India and Imperialism

Mahatma Gandhi (who signs this letter as “Bapu”) wrote this letter to Jawaharlal Nehru, future prime minister of India, shortly before Gandhi began his “Salt Satyagraha,” a march to the sea coast to make salt, which was illegal under British Rule. The letter shows Gandhi’s remarkable calm and resolve in the face of personal danger. Gandhi was arrested repeatedly for his acts of civil disobedience. Although not, strictly speaking, a Christian, Gandhi’s belief in nonviolence was strongly influenced by Tolstoy’s writings on Christianity, as well as Christ’s teaching to “turn the other cheek.”

MARCH 11, 1930

MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,

It is nearing 10 p.m. now. The air is thick with the rumour that I shall be arrested during the night. I have not wired to you especially because the correspondents submit their messages for approval and everybody is working at top speed. There was nothing special to wire about.

Things are developing extraordinarily well. Offers of volunteers are pouring in. The column will proceed with the march even though I may be arrested. If I am not, you may expect wires from me, otherwise I am leaving instructions.

I do not know that I have anything in particular to say. I have written enough. I gave a final message this evening to a vast crowd that gathered for prayer on the sands.

May God keep you and give you strength to bear the burden.

With love to you all, Bapu

From Jawaharlal Nehru, A Bunch of Old Letters, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1960.

Gandhi, Speech to the All-India Congress, 1942 World History Honors Unit 10: India and Imperialism

While studying in Great Britain and practicing law in South Africa, Mohandas Gandhi came face to face with discrimination of Indians by white society. Inspired by the nonviolent principles of Henry Thoreau, Gandhi began the peaceful revolution that eventually led the Indian nation in its struggle for independence from Great Britain. The excerpt below is from a speech Gandhi made during World War II. In it he calls for nonviolent action to obtain independence—a call for which he was imprisoned for two years. In 1947, three years after his release, India was granted independence.

There are people who have hatred in their hearts for the British. I have heard of people saying that they are disgusted [filled with dislike] with them. The common people's mind does not differentiate [see a difference] between a Britisher and the imperialist form of their government. To them both are the same…

I know full well that the British will have to give us our freedom when we have made sufficient [enough] sacrifices and proven our strength. We must remove the hatred for the British from our hearts. At least, in my heart there is no such hatred. As a matter of fact, I am a greater friend of the British now than I ever was.…

At the time when I am about to launch the biggest front in my life, there can be no hatred for the British in my heart. The thought that, because they are in difficulties, I should give them a push is totally absent from my mind. It has never been there. It may be that, in a moment of anger, they might do things that might provoke [cause anger in] you. Nevertheless, you should not resort to violence; that would put non-violence to shame. …

Non-violence is a matchless weapon, which can help every one. I know we have not done much by way of non-violence and therefore, if such changes come about, I will take it that it is the result of our labors during the last twenty-two years and that God has helped us to achieve it.

When I raised the slogan “Quit India” the people in India, who were then feeling despondent [low in spirits], felt that I had placed before them a new thing. If you want real freedom, you will have to come together, and such a coming together will create true democracy—the like of which has not so far been witnessed or attempted [tried].…

…My democracy means that every one is his own master. I have read sufficient history, and I have not seen such an experiment on such a large scale for the establishment [setting up] of democracy by non-violence. Once you understand these things you will forget the differences between the Hindus and Moslems.

…I want you to adopt non-violence as a matter of policy. With me it is a creed [belief], but so far as you are concerned I want you to accept it as policy. As disciplined soldiers you must accept it in toto [completely], and stick to it when you join the struggle.