Helden. Heroes. Héros. Volume 2 (2016) Special Issue 2
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The Making of Reputations: Honour – Glory – Celebrity
Edited by helden. Virginia Davis – Barbara Korte
Honour in the Modern World Ronald G. Asch Eternal Fame? Honour and Prestige in Historical Perspective heroes. Christian Kühner kλέος on the Sosias Cup Martin Dorka Moreno The Envoy’s Honour and Reputation in Fifteenth-Century Urban Diplomacy héros. Katharina Jeckel The Reputation of William III as Mirrored in Roger Morrice’s The E-Journal Entring Book Nicole Packhaeuser The Impact of Ridiculousness on zu Kulturen Honour and Reputation at the French Court of Louis XIV Kelly Minelli des Heroischen. An Actress’s Fame and the Fight for Civil Rights in 1760s France Anaïs Pedron Jean-Paul Marat’s “amour de la gloire” Nigel Ritchie Victorian Modest Heroism in Chambers’s Journal and The Leisure Hour Christiane Hadamitzky The National Joint Committee’s Emigration Selection Process of 1939 Kerrie Holloway Stolen Children, Reputation and Humanitarian Intervention in Postwar Germany Katherine Rossy
The Hero as Celebrity in Contemporary British Media Kristina Sperlich
helden. heroes. héros. Volume 2 (2016) Special Issue 2
Contents
Editors’ Preface Virginia Davis – Barbara Korte ...... 5
Honour: An Idea Which Has Lost Its Purchasing Power in the Modern World? Ronald G. Asch ...... 7
Eternal Fame? Honour and Prestige in Historical Perspective Christian Kühner ...... 11
Achilles, Patroklos and Herakles: Conceptions of kλέος on the So-Called Sosias Cup Martin Dorka Moreno ...... 17
The Envoy’s Honour and Reputation in Fifteenth-Century Urban Diplomacy Katharina Jeckel ...... 27
“The visible publick head of the Protestant interest in the World”: The Reputation of William III as Mirrored in Roger Morrice’s The Entring Book Nicole Packhaeuser ...... 33
“Le ridicule déshonore plus que le déshonneur”: The Impact of Ridiculousness on Honour and Reputation at the French Court of Louis XIV Kelly Minelli ...... 39
“Une contradiction trop absurde”: An Actress’s Fame and the Fight for Civil Rights in 1760s France Anaïs Pedron ...... 49
“I will leave a name and yours will perish”: How Jean-Paul Marat’s “amour de la gloire” Drove His Bid for Posterity Nigel Ritchie ...... 55
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Public vs. Private Honour: The Precarious Case of Victorian Modest Heroism in Chambers’s Journal and The Leisure Hour Christiane Hadamitzky ...... 63
How to Save a Society: The National Joint Committee’s Emigration Selection Process of 1939 Kerrie Holloway ...... 69
Hiding in Plain Sight: Stolen Children, Reputation and Humanitarian Intervention in Postwar Germany (1945-1949) Katherine Rossy ...... 75
The Hero as Celebrity in Contemporary British Media Kristina Sperlich ...... 81
Impressum ...... 87
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Editors’ Preface
According to dictionary definitions, the word theatrical scene), or in the institutional handling “reputation” refers to the general opinion about of ethically challenging situations, such as hu- someone and something, and it can be used manitarian intervention during and after the up- more narrowly with reference to honour and heavals caused by the Second World War. All distinction. With both meanings, it is of obvious these examples demonstrate the importance of relevance to the research of the SFB 948 and opinions about others in social and political life, its focus on Heroes, Heroisations and Hero and the mechanisms through which opinions are isms. As Geoffrey Cubitt and Allen Warren’s created, disseminated, regulated, reflected and collection of articles (2000) demonstrates for a debated, by various agents and in various media. range of historical examples, the social effect Whether heroic or not, reputations can have iveness of the heroic depends crucially on the significant symbolic capital and serious social reputations that are constructed, both socially consequences, especially where they are long- and medially, around heroic figures and their lived or even monumentalised. This becomes achievements . One can easily complement their prominent where reputations are seriously de- observations with examples from the cultural bated, such as le ridicule in seventeenth-century field: Honour and fame are central concepts in France, or ‘true’ honour and heroism in Victorian classical and medieval epics; an early modern Britain. The present cultural moment, by con- play like Shakespeare’s Coriolanus projects trast, seems to be marked by a tendency towards its titular war-hero’s sense of honour against the commodification and total mediatisation of the superficial veneration of the mass and the reputation, and its apparent degradation in the image fabrication of politicians, and a twenty-first form of shallow celebrity – a short-lived, fashion- century television product, the BBC’s Sherlock, able fame that is seemingly detached from social reflects upon the significance of modern media for values and attainable by everybody who is will- the hero status of its protagonist, while also mock- ing to make a spectacle of him- or herself. ing the excesses of contemporary fan culture . The essays in this issue can only address Since reputation is so central to ideas of the a few facets of a large conceptual field. Taken heroic, this E-Journal seems a suitable place for together, however, they highlight a number of a record of the 2015 colloquium for doctoral stu- research trajectories and help to locate heroic dents of Queen Mary University of London and reputations in the wider context of opinions and the Humanities Graduate School of the Univer their social effectiveness. We would like to thank sity of Freiburg, which was held in cooperation our authors for revising their papers for publica- with the SFB 948 and discussed a range of his- tion, and Ronald Asch and Christian Kühner for torically and culturally variable concepts connect their framing comments . ed with reputation(s) and the processes through Last but not least, we would like to thank Dr. which reputations are made, remade and some- Ulrike Zimmermann, Daniel Hefflebower, Alena times unmade. Several papers published here Bauer and Magdalena Gybas for their help with are directly concerned with issues of heroic getting this issue ready for publication. reputation and neighbouring concepts such as Virginia Davis is Professor of Medieval History honour, fame, glory and celebrity. Others ad- at Queen Mary University of London. dress the significance of reputations for specific Barbara Korte is Professor of English Literature social roles (such as that of the late medieval at the University of Freiburg. envoy), for remembrance and commemoration (as in the case of Marat), in politically sensitive situations (such as the dynastic shift in England Works Cited caused by the Glorious Revolution), in specific social settings (such as the seventeenth-century Cubitt, Geoffrey, and Allen Warren, eds. Heroic Reputations French court and the eighteenth-century French and Exemplary Lives. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2000. helden. heroes. héros. 6
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Ronald G. Asch 7
Honour: An Idea Which Has Lost Its Purchasing Power in the Modern World?
In April 1967, two French members of parlia- as members of the military class, noblemen or ment met for a fateful encounter . One of them politicians, have a particular honour which they was Gaston Defferre, a Protestant and socialist need to defend, if needs be by force of arms if from Southern France who had served for more they do not want to become social outcasts, is than thirty years as mayor of Marseille . The totally alien to modern society . The same holds other was René Ribière, a conservative polit true for the idea that women, if they lose their ician and supporter of de Gaulle, who had been honour, for instance in an erotic affair, have little verbally attacked by Defferre during a debate choice but to commit suicide. True enough there with the words “shut up you stupid beast!” – a are certain communities where men still see it as phrase which could not easily be classified as their task to take revenge on outsiders who dare normal parliamentary language even in the to approach or insult the women of the commu- French Chamber. Ribière took offence and chal- nity and who do not hesitate to kill the women lenged Defferre to a duel with swords. In France themselves if they step out of line . there existed a long and venerable tradition of However, outside such very special commu- parliamentary duels going back to the early nine- nities, what men and women appear to seek teenth century 1. Admittedly, from the later nine- today is not honour but rather prestige and, teenth century onwards, the number of men ac- more than anything, some kind of celebrity sta- tually killed in such duels declined markedly, and tus . Many seem to feel that it is worthwhile to supporters of the more traditional deadly duels pay almost any price to become famous and among the military class and the old aristocracy attract attention in the media, and they risk ridi saw the fights between deputies and/or journal- cule and even social disdain instead of being ists as mere play-acting and a slightly ridiculous satisfied with some kind of honourable existence imitation of their own traditions 2. However, since in the shade. In that sense infamy is preferable Ribière insisted on swords instead of pistols, the to obscurity. The search for a moment of fame, chance that one of the two participants would be the attempt to become a celebrity at least for a seriously wounded was real enough . In the end single moment as a sort of one-minute wonder, Defferre, who was more experienced in this sort has become a sort of obsession in our societies, of fight, got the upper hand. He wounded his op- and entire television programmes cater for this ponent, and after a few more minutes the duel obsession and nothing else. The notion of celeb- was abandoned. Honour had been satisfied. rity, which first came to the fore in the eighteenth Interestingly, Ribière’s second in this memorable century, as Antoine Lilti (2014) has recently em- encounter was a man who became fond in later phasised, is tied to a notion of prestige which is years of wearing flamboyant red coats and mak- short-lived. Rousseau was perhaps the first per- ing stupid gestures every time his daughter gave sonality who tried to achieve, in his Confessions, a public speech – Jean-Marie le Pen.3 the kind of celebrity status that is characteristic Today, in particular in Germany, it would be of the present day: The here and now is more inconceivable that politicians challenge each important than posterity, and modern celebrities other to a duel, even though the founder of the try to create the impression that their admirers German Social Democratic Party, Ferdinand La- gain access to their most intimate experiences salle, died in a duel in the 1860s (but he had and their private lives, whereas the hero with challenged his opponent not for political reasons a claim to everlasting fame in more traditional but because he had been refused the hand of societies is seen more as a distant figure larger the woman he loved by her father). The idea that than life – somebody we can admire but not be men, and in particular certain kinds of men, such friends with or on intimate terms . That is an im- portant difference.
helden. heroes. héros. Ronald G. Asch
8 The fact that fame and celebrity have become a position which gave one a chance to promote more important today than honour is not to say one’s image relying not only on the written word that a sense of honour and shame has totally and on laudatory sermons, but also through disappeared from our culture. Businessmen who works of art – including a monumental tomb go bust do still from time to time commit suicide after one’s death . What people sought was, as I – although they rarely work in the financial indus- have already pointed out, not so much or not ex- try, where these matters are taken much more clusively celebrity in the here and now, but glory lightly, as one is glad to observe. In France, a and fame for a coming age, a fame from which local mayor and member of the senate who was their descendants, their dynasty should benefit accused of having arranged weddings between as much as their own memory . This idea that rich Chinese couples eager to be wed in France real fame has to be something which will sur- for cash recently committed suicide with his hunt- vive in the future has largely disappeared, being ing rifle, very much in style one would say. After too much bound up with the values of a society this shocking event the President of the French where the individual subordinates him- or herself senate accused the media but indirectly also to greater corporate entities or communities: be the public prosecutors of having put pressure it the family, the church, or a social group in the on the mayor without taking account of his hon- sense of an estate rather than a class or society our (“sans considération pour l’honneur”) . Thus as a whole . the notion of honour has not disappeared from In fact, one can certainly say that societies public life as completely as one might expect, where notions of honour and shame are of para at least in France 4. In fact some sociologists be- mount importance are those where social sta- lieve that France is still to some extent a soci- tus is largely defined in terms of membership ety of orders, not of classes. Because serving to social groups which are constituted not just or obeying somebody else is seen as a loss of by criteria such as income and power but also dignity and honour, relations between employers by legal privileges and a common lifestyle with and employees are so fraught with tensions in a strong normative component (cf. Weber 534- France . Each social group is defending not just 538). Belonging to this group conveys a particu- its material interests but its specific honour, and lar dignity or claim to honour on a person, but social esteem and credit depend only to a limit one can also forfeit this claim if one fails to live ed extent on wealth and power. The ability to up to the shared values of the group, at least in demonstrate one’s superiority by mastering cer- public.5 Conflicts over status symbols and prece tain codes of social behaviour by being familiar dence are so important because their outcome with the latest novel or certain classics has re- determines a person’s place within a given sta- mained of essential importance in French soci tus group and can, if things go wrong, ultimate- ety (cf. d’Iribarne 56-93; cf. Bourdieu). ly also endanger his or her membership to the France may be a special case but even out- group as such . In some way the cultural system side France there is one accusation which drives of values which gives stability to a society is those who are on the receiving side quite fre- constantly reproduced and renegotiated in such quently into suicide even today: the accusation conflicts or in ostentatious symbolic displays of of sexual abuse where adolescents or, even claims to honour and prestige 6. Such symbolic worse, young children are concerned. But is it, in contests are of crucial importance for societies this case, a sense of shame which drives the po- in which membership in certain status groups tential perpetrators into suicide even if they may entails a special claim to a specific dignity and in reality be innocent, or is it the enormous social honour. The reputation somebody enjoys, the pressure which they face should they be put on person’s honour, is not just a social capital which trial and be exposed in the media? can be transformed into power and authority if There is no doubt that the changing media needs be. It gives him or her credit among their landscape has transformed deeply our notions equals, their clients or a wider public, and to pre- not just of honour and shame, but also of fame serve this honour is part of the daily struggle for and celebrity. In the age of the internet an image social survival. Thus to talk about honour and can spread within minutes from one corner of reputation within the context of a medieval or the world to the next . In the Middle Ages and the early modern society is quite a different matter early modern period, on the other hand, celebrity than talking about fame and celebrity within the and social prestige were often much more a local context of a society which is based on the as- or regional phenomenon. In order to be famous sumption that everybody is in legal terms equal nationwide or all over Europe one normally had and that a claim to dignity is a fundamental and to be a member of the topmost elite, a monarch, non-negotiable right every human being enjoys. a prince of the church or a saint, and needed
helden. heroes. héros. Honour in the Modern World
Nevertheless, as we pointed out in our call for Works Cited 9 papers for this colloquium, the quest for prestige and for a positive public reputation is an impor- Bourdieu, Pierre. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judge- tant factor in determining individual behaviour in ment of Taste. Transl. by Richard Nice. London: Routledge, all societies, regardless of whether they are more 2010 . traditional or not, or whether they are “western” D’Iribarne, Philippe. La logique de l’honneur: Gestion des en- or belong to some other culture. terprises et traditions nationales. Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1989 . Ronald G. Asch is Professor of Early Modern Drévillon, Hervé, and Diego Venturino, eds. Penser et History at the University of Freiburg and a mem- vivre l’honneur à l’époque moderne. Rennes: PU, 2011. ber of the Collaborative Research Centre 948. Geifes, Stefan. Das Duell in Frankreich 1789-1830: Zum Wandel von Diskurs und Praxis in Revolution, Kaiserreich 1 See Schnee (2015). und Restauration. (Pariser Historische Studien; 102). Mu- nich: Oldenbourg, 2013. 2 On the history of the duel see Geifes (2013) . Huet, Sophie. “Le Sénat sous le choc après le suicide de On Le Pen’s recent conflict with his daughter see: 18 3 Jean Germain” . Le Figaro 7 April 2015. 4 September 2015 August 2015
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Eternal Fame?
Honour and Prestige in Historical Perspective
With the rise of cultural history in the last dec- Horizontal honour, in this model, is a right to re- ades, historians have turned their attention to spect enjoyed among one’s peers; these peers the norms and values of past societies as ob- form an “honor group” which Stewart defines as jects of analysis in their own right. Unlike more “a set of people who follow the same code of traditional historiographical subjects – persons, honor and who recognize each other as doing places, or laws – phenomena like love, friend- so” (Stewart 54). Vertical honour, by contrast, is ship, or feelings are much more elusive at first defined by Stewart as “the right to special respect glance . Their historical analysis presupposes in- enjoyed by those who are superior, whether by tensive methodological reflection. It has become virtue of their abilities, their rank, their services apparent that studies on such subjects have to to the community, their sex, their kin relationship, take into account historical semantics, the his- their office, or anything else” (Stewart 59). Stew- tory of words and their meanings, which then of art’s model, then, already points to the fact that course has to be linked to the social and cultural honour is of great importance in societies which context of the society in question . Honour, the enshrine the principles of hierarchy and inequal- theme of this collection of essays, clearly is such ity in their social (and often even legal) order – a subject. In analysing it, one has first to bear in a fact that makes honour an important topic in mind that the meaning of a notion like honour can the context of pre-modern European societies. evolve considerably over time. Second, it needs Other authors, especially in the French his to be taken into account that cultural norms or toriographical tradition, have highlighted the values like honour are not legal or scholarly con- difference between honour and reputation.2 cepts, and that they thus do not have an ‘official’ Moreover, as Ronald G . Asch (2005) points out, definition; they are concepts of everyday life and honour, especially in the nobility, had a lot to are thus inherently polysemic, often referring to do with rank and status, and also with conflicts different phenomena by the same word, and this among individual members of the elite about even within a given society at a given time. Se- their respective rank 3. It seems important to add mantic differences between different languages one more aspect to the conceptual discussions have to be reckoned with as well; they represent about honour: the difference between, on the an additional level of complexity . The essays one hand, honour as a sense of personal dignity, presented here do, of course, not add up to a and prestige on the other – especially in its more history of honour in the West . Many other places exalted forms like glory and fame . and periods within the history of Europe (and In medieval and early modern Europe, hon- North America) could be added and would fur- our permeated society; each social group – with ther complicate the picture. Nor can this essay the notable exception of social outcasts, such as be a history of the European concept of honour executioners, who were thought to be without in a nutshell . It will rather, much more modestly, honour – had their own form of honour. An indi- suggest some elements in the long-term evolu- vidual’s personal honour was thus shaped by the tion of ideas about honour in Europe. social group to which he or she belonged. Hon- Honour is not an entirely new subject of re- our was, moreover, a clearly gendered concept . search in history and the social sciences . Among Female honour was – more or less independent- relevant studies, Frank Henderson Stewart’s ly of social status – tied to chastity, which, at monograph Honor (1994) stands out due to its least as a norm, meant abstinence before mar- systematic and cross-cultural approach to the riage and lifelong fidelity after marriage. Male phenomenon of honour .1 Taking into account the honour was more diversified according to status. fact that honour is a multi-faceted phenomenon, For a craftsman’s and a merchant’s honour, hon- Stewart proposes a dichotomy between “hori- esty in business was a core value; for noblemen, zontal” and “vertical” honour (Stewart 54-64). bravery and courage were essential.4 Loss of helden. heroes. héros. Christian Kühner
12 honour brought shame; codes of honour also The society of estates which formed in Europe regulated quite clearly what had to be done to since the Middle Ages gave rise to a very spe- restore honour. Here, of course, the warrior-like cific concept of honour in the sense of personal nobles of the pre-modern West provide the most dignity. As mentioned above, each group had striking examples . The feud and later the duel their own, specific honour, and what was hon- are classic examples of mechanisms which ourable for members of one group was not ne could restore honour . The duel, in particular, cessarily honourable for those of another. Noble demonstrated courage (as one faced the danger honour, for example, required that nobles refrain of death) and the unwillingness to take insults 5. from manual labour, which they saw as a me- It was difficult to refuse a duel if one was chal- nial task – but which was an honourable task lenged; in this case, the offender who refused to for peasants and craftsmen. Valour in combat provide satisfaction to the offended lost his own was very honourable for nobles – whereas cler- honour. The offended, in turn, was under social ics were expected to refrain from carrying and pressure to challenge his offender; this, how using arms . The patrician elites of the city of ever, was only the case if the offender was of a Nördlingen which Katharina Jeckel describes in social status high enough to matter. A nobleman her essay present an interesting case . In many would not challenge a commoner to a duel if he imperial cities of the late medieval Holy Roman had offended him – and would prove by this very Empire, the merchant elite rose to power, thus gesture that the commoner was so much below approaching a status comparable to the nobility.6 him that he was simply unable to offend him, no However, as Jeckel’s essay shows, their concept matter what he said . The whole system of duel of honour remained a civilian one . Even though rules, then, was intricately linked both to social Jeronimus von Bopfingen had served as a mer- hierarchy and to aristocratic masculinity . cenary, he was obviously first and foremost a ci- Whereas defending one’s honour was an ob- vilian counsellor and envoy, and did not derive ligation, not an option, prestige was not some- his high status within Nördlingen’s urban society thing medieval and early modern Europeans from military exploits . were obliged to seek. For the mass of the popu With the beginning of the early modern lation, the peasants, striving for glory or fame period, the traditional order of honour and pres- would have been an outlandish wish, and it tige became more and more precarious. In the would probably have been seen by both their society of estates, one’s place in the social hier- peers and the social elites as reprehensible van- archy was determined to a large extent by birth; ity . If there was a social group which could feel this place, in turn, determined which specific a certain pressure of expectation to seek glory, code of honour one had to follow . Prestige, es- this was the nobility, more precisely, aristocratic pecially in its exalted forms like fame and glory, men. However, the quest for glory was by no was reserved for those at the very top of society, means as compulsory for a nobleman as de- kings and aristocrats . One might argue that the fending his honour. A nobleman who preferred artists of the Italian Renaissance were the first living peacefully on his lands instead of seeking to deviate from this model . For a large part of glory during military campaigns would not have the Middle Ages, artists did not sign their works . acquired a heroic reputation, but he would not Leonardo da Vinci and Michelangelo, by con- have lost his honour . trast, were famous already during their lifetime; These considerations are of particular import this reputation then contributed to turning them ance because when one speaks of honour (or into larger-than-life figures of the European trad Ehre, honneur, onore) today, the concept is still ition in the eyes of posterity. Shifting tendencies heavily shaped by its medieval and early modern regarding who had access to fame and glory, meanings . Many societies of classical antiquity and how reputation was shaped, however, were were organised quite differently from those of not random . It was the invention of the printing the medieval and early modern West, and it press in the fifteenth century which began to re- would be interesting to compare their respective structure the flow of information in Europe. As notions of honour. In this issue, Martin Dorka printing technology matured, books gradually Moreno analyses an ancient society which had became more affordable for larger parts of the some striking parallels with the feudal societies population; periodic publications also began to of later centuries. Just like pre-modern Western emerge, resulting in the birth of the newspaper. European nobles, the aristocrats of the Homeric Nicole Packhaeuser shows how the emerging epics were a warrior elite. Prestige was first and modern public sphere changed the mechanisms foremost acquired through deeds of martial val- of creating a reputation – and, if one knew how our . In the Greek myths, glory and fame were for to influence them, offered new possibilities to kings or even demi-gods. shape it. William of Orange obviously was aware
helden. heroes. héros. Eternal Fame? Honour and Prestige in Historical Perspective of this situation, and pursued a “public relations” was a commoner; the aristocrats of Versailles 13 strategy avant la lettre . The emerging world of who lived a hundred years earlier would prob- newspapers meant, however, that the reputation ably not have understood how he could dare to of public figures was now prone to short-term aspire to glory in the first place. changes – probably much more than in earlier Christiane Hadamitzky describes a nine- centuries, where, in the absence of newspapers, teenth-century context which shows how trad visual forms of communication like monuments itional norms of honour and heroism were falling and paintings allowed for the creation of more apart in a post-French Revolution world. One permanent images of rulers . could no longer pretend that accidents of birth Nevertheless, there were still elites which were a sufficient reason to reserve prestige to had inherited codes of honour from their medi the upper classes; however, it would have been eval ancestors but now lived under changing cir- absurd for middle-class Victorians to aspire to be cumstances . As Kelly Minelli points out, ridicu- knights in shining armour . The model of heroism lousness became a danger to one’s reputation in advocated by Chambers’s Journal was instead the world of the French court of the seventeenth one which admonished readers to be heroes of century. It was in a manner of speaking a blind everyday life and precisely not to seek fame and spot in traditional codes of honour: A nobleman glory, but to take pride in moral – one might also who was fooled by another could not really chal- say: honourable – conduct in their daily lives. lenge his opponent for this, as it was his own Both Kerrie Holloway and Katherine Rossy candidness that had led him into the trap . In the analyse cases in which honour in a traditional case of open mockery, one might assume that sense seems not to be a category that structures there was a fine line between a joke and an in- social interaction . In the case of intellectuals who sult, which would indeed have constituted a rea- had fled from Spain at the end of the Civil War, son to ask for satisfaction – be it through a duel and of German parents who had adopted children (which was illegal, but nevertheless practiced by forcibly separated from their families in countries the nobles) or by invoking a high aristocrat as a occupied by Nazi Germany, it was reputation mediator. Even if the embarrassment of ridicu that was important, not honour. Arguably, trad lousness could force noblemen to leave court for itional concepts of honour, which presuppose some time, they obviously could return after a ideas about social order and a clearly defined while, when court gossip had found the next sub- role of each group in the whole of society, were ject . An outright insult or the act of not accept- ill-placed to make sense of the crisis situation ing a duel challenge would most probably not in a refugee camp or in a destroyed, occupied have been forgotten so quickly, if at all. Ridicu country. Moreover, in the case of the Spanish lousness may have damaged a reputation, but it republicans, many were intellectuals – a group obviously did not destroy a nobleman’s honour that owed its origin and identity to modernity beyond repair, as an insult did if one did not ask and so did not have a traditional code of honour . for satisfaction . Kristina Sperlich’s essay may at first glance The eighteenth century saw a continual seem to contradict the idea that it is modern soci- growth and development of the fledgling mod- ety with its plurality of social roles, individualised ern public sphere. Anaïs Pedron analyses a careers and non-traditional professions7 which situation in which the contradictions between made it more and more difficult to maintain trad traditional norms and the modern public sphere itional codes of honour. Johnson Beharry seems reached a paroxysm: What to do if a person from to be a very traditional hero: a soldier awarded a group which traditionally was thought to have with a highly prestigious medal for his bravery. no honour (in this case, an actress) acquired But perhaps the apparent similarities disguise fame? Hippolyte Clairon obviously was already profound dissimilarities. First of all, Beharry was a celebrity in the modern sense of the word – a not, during his active service, a military lead- social role which has its roots in the eighteenth er; nor did he have an aristocratic or other elite century, as Antoine Lilti (2014) has pointed out . background. Second, his heroic deed was to The obvious conclusion from a modern point of save the life of fellow soldiers rather than con- view – getting rid of the idea of ‘dishonourable’ quering a city or winning a battle. While an early professions altogether – was only drawn by the modern society would certainly have approved of French Revolution . Beharry’s brave behaviour, his story would prob- It is in this revolution that Jean-Paul Marat ably not have been displayed very prominently tried to acquire glory, as Nigel Ritchie shows. The – military glory was reserved, first and foremost, mere idea that glory could now be achieved by a to kings and aristocratic generals conquering journalist instead of a warrior or general indicates enemy lands and humiliating the enemies in the rapid change of values . Marat, moreover, battle. The fact that the Victoria Cross is a
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14 mid-nineteenth-century creation, as Sperlich Christian Kühner studied at the University of points out, is telling in itself: It was only then that Freiburg and at the Sorbonne and graduated with the need was felt to give official recognition in the a bi-national PhD from the University of Freiburg form of an award to simple soldiers from the mid- and the École des hautes études en sciences dle or working classes, and not only to officers sociales (EHESS). As a postdoc, he spent one from the nobility. The modernity of Beharry’s academic year each at the European University case rests thus not only in his media presence Institute in Florence, at Stanford University and which, as Sperlich convincingly argues, makes at the University of Cambridge, before returning him both a hero and a celebrity; the nature of his to Freiburg in 2013, where he teaches as a lec- heroism is modern itself . turer in early modern European history . In the long run, then, it seems that the mani- fest loss of importance that the concept of hon- 1 For a German-language overview see Speitkamp (2010). our has undergone has a lot to do with social 2 I owe the terminological distinction between ‛honour’ and transformations, especially with the end of the ‛reputation’ to Hervé Drévillon. For the notions of honneur and réputation in early modern Europe see Drévillon/Ven society of orders and, one might add, the end turino (2011) . of tightly-knit organised social groups such as 3 On honour in sixteenth-century Europe see Jouanna guilds. The sociologist Georg Simmel (1890) (1968). Conflicts about honour in medieval and early modern argued that modern humans find themselves at European societies are analysed in Schreiner/Schwerhoff the intersection of many “social circles”; in other (1995) . words, modern society gives rise to a multitude of 4 On aristocratic honour in early modern Europe see Asch social situations with different expectations of be- (2005); for Britain and especially Ireland, Kane (2010), and haviour – at home, at work, among friends, or on for France, Neuschel (1989). public transport. Many of these social situations 5 On the duel see Cavina (2005) and the collections by are specifically modern, and traditional codes of Ludwig (2012) and Schultz (1996). For early modern Eng- land, see Peltonen (2003), and for early modern France honour could not be of much help to navigate Brioist/Drévillon/Serna (2002) and Billacois (1986). For revo them . Moreover, since the French Revolution, lutionary and post-revolutionary France, see Geifes (2013), the idea that there was a natural, hierarchical Guillet (2008), Jeanneney (2004) . For imperial Germany, see order of society determined by birth did certainly Bringmann (1997), and for nineteenth- and twentieth-century Germany, Frevert (1995). For early modern and nineteenth- not die from one day to the next – but it existed century Bavaria, see Walter (2002), and on early modern henceforth on borrowed time because it could no Spain Chauchadis (1997). longer claim to be self-evident. If an individual 6 For the development of the patrician class and their rise could change his or her social position, then the to power see, for example, Freitag (42011) . obvious connection between a person’s origin, 7 Sociological research has explored these characteristics estate or profession and honour was broken. of modern societies in great detail; one may cite in particular Reputation, a more malleable concept – less Luhmann, Die Gesellschaft der Gesellschaft (1998); Nas sehi, Geschlossenheit und Offenheit (2003) (Studien zur prescriptive, more individual – became a more Theorie der modernen Gesellschaft 1); idem, Gesellschaft suitable category to structure social interactions. der Gegenwarten. (2011) (Studien zur Theorie der modernen In parallel, the idea vanished that fame and Gesellschaft 2) . glory were reserved for the elite . The modern public sphere gave rise to celebrities; compared to traditional heroes, the modern celebrity role has less prescriptive elements. A celebrity’s Works Cited reputation can even be a problematic one – something traditional heroism, with its strong Asch, Ronald G. “‘Honour in all parts of Europe will be ever moral underpinnings, did not allow for . like itself’: Ehre, adlige Standeskultur und Staatsbildung in England und Frankreich im späten 16 . und im 17 . Jahrhun- So, if present-day Western societies no longer dert .” Staatsbildung als kultureller Prozess: Strukturwandel operate with the ideas of “keeping”, “losing” or und Legitimation von Herrschaft in der Frühen Neuzeit . “defending” one’s honour, then analysing the Eds. Ronald G. Asch, and Dagmar Freist. Cologne: Böh- concepts of honour of pre-modern societies be- lau, 2005: 353-379. comes a task for historical studies. Understand- Billacois, François. Le duel dans la société française des XVIe-XVIIe siècles: Essai de psychosociologie historique . ing what people in a given past society referred Ed. de l’École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales. to when they spoke of “honour” provides insights Paris: 1986 . into a key element of their system of norms and Bringmann, Tobias C. Reichstag und Zweikampf: Die Duell- values and allows for a better understanding of frage als innenpolitischer Konflikt des deutschen Kaiser- social roles and interactions in that society . reichs 1871-1918. Freiburg: Hochschulverlag, 1997.
helden. heroes. héros. Eternal Fame? Honour and Prestige in Historical Perspective
Brioist, Pascal, et al. Croiser le fer: Violence et culture Ludwig, Ulrike, Barbara Krug-Richter, and Gerd Schwerhoff, 15 de l’épée dans la France moderne (XVIe-XVIIIe siècle) . eds . Das Duell: Ehrenkämpfe vom Mittelalter bis zur Mo- Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 2002. derne. Constance: UVK Verlagsgesellschaft, 2012. Cavina, Marco . Il sangue dell’onore: Storia del duello . Rome: Luhmann, Niklas. Die Gesellschaft der Gesellschaft . Frank- GLF Editori Laterza, 2005 . furt a. M.: Suhrkamp, 1998. Chauchadis, Claude . La loi du duel: Le code du point d’hon- Nassehi, Armin. Geschlossenheit und Offenheit . Frankfurt neur dans l’Espagne des XVIe-XVIIe siècles. Toulouse: PU a. M.: Suhrkamp, 2003. du Mirail, 1997 . ---. Gesellschaft der Gegenwarten. Berlin: Suhrkamp, 2011. Drévillon, Hervé, and Diego Venturino, eds. Penser et vivre Neuschel, Kristen B. Word of Honor: Interpreting Noble Cul- l’honneur à l’époque moderne. Rennes: PU, 2011. ture in Early Modern France. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1989. Freitag, Matthias . Kleine Regensburger Stadtgeschichte . Peltonen, Markku . The Duel in Early Modern England: Regensburg: Pustet, 42011 . Civility, Politeness and Honour. Cambridge: UP, 2003. Frevert, Ute. Ehrenmänner: Das Duell in der bürgerlichen Ge- Schreiner, Klaus, and Gerd Schwerhoff, eds. Verletzte Ehre: sellschaft. Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch-Verlag, 1995. Ehrkonflikte in Gesellschaften des Mittelalters und der Frü- Geifes, Stefan. Das Duell in Frankreich 1789-1830: Zum hen Neuzeit. Cologne: Böhlau, 1995. Wandel von Diskurs und Praxis in Revolution, Kaiserreich Schultz, Uwe, ed. Das Duell: Der tödliche Kampf um die und Restauration. Munich: Oldenbourg, 2013. Ehre. Frankfurt a. M.: Insel-Verlag, 1996. Guillet, François. La mort en face: Histoire du duel de la Simmel, Georg. Über sociale Differenzierung: Sociologische Révolution à nos jours. Paris: Aubier, 2008. und psychologische Untersuchungen. Leipzig: Duncker & Jeanneney, Jean-Noël. Le duel. Une passion française Humblot, 1890. (1789-1914). Paris: Éd. du Seuil, 2004. Speitkamp, Winfried. Ohrfeige, Duell und Ehrenmord: Eine Jouanna, Arlette . “Recherches sur la notion d’honneur au Geschichte der Ehre. Stuttgart: Reclam, 2010. XVIe siècle.” Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine Stewart, Frank Henderson. Honor. Chicago: UP, 1994. 15 (1968): 597-623. Walter, Wolfgang . Das Duell in Bayern: Ein Beitrag zur baye- Kane, Brendan. The Politics and Culture of Honour in Britain rischen Strafrechtsgeschichte . Frankfurt a . M .: Lang, 2002 . and Ireland, 1541-1641. Cambridge: UP, 2010. Lilti, Antoine . Figures publiques: L’invention de la célébrité (1750-1850) . Paris: Fayard, 2014 .
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helden. heroes. héros. 10.6094/helden.heroes.heros./2016/QMR/04
Martin Dorka Moreno 17
Achilles, Patroklos and Herakles
Conceptions of kλέος on the So-Called Sosias Cup1
Greek Heroes and Literary Concepts While Scodel’s systematisation is relatively of Honour, Glory and Fame straightforward and works with clear-cut catego- ries, James M. Redfield’s assessment of the se- mantic field of honour/glory/fame suggests that In ancient Greek poetry, several terms differ- especially kλέος and κûδος are flickering, even entiate the semantic field of honour, glory, and more differentiated classifications of qualities. fame: tιμή, time: ‘worship, esteem, honour’; Redfield’s concise remarks deserve to be cited κûδος, kudos: ‘glory, renown, charismatic splen- in full: dor’; and kλέος, kléos: ‘glory, fame, that which is heard’, or, according to Gregory Nagy, ‘the poem […] kleos is something the heroes prize or song that conveys glory, fame, that which is and strive for . There is […] a curious reci- heard’ [my emphasis] 2. What their translations procity between the bard and his heroes. only slightly suggest is that the terms mediate The bard sings of events which have a between different, oscillating aspects of the con- kleos; without the heroes he would have cepts of honour, glory and fame .3 nothing to sing about. At the same time, Ruth Scodel, in her book Epic Facework: the bard confers on his heroes a kleos, without which they would have no exist Self-presentation and Social Interaction in Ho- ence in the later world of the bardic au- mer (2008), argues that the Homeric society is dience . […] Kleos means, among other fundamentally concerned with the idea of tιμή things, “news”, as when Telemachus asks and that the Homeric heroes interrelate to and Eumaeus, “What’s the news from town?” interact with each other by the means of an eco- (xvi .461) . One can hear the kleos of a nomic system of honour of which τιμή, κûδος, particular event (XI .21, xxiii .137) . Kleos is kλέος and “face”, in the sense of social appear- “what men say,” and a thing has a kleos if ance, are essential constituents (cf. Scodel it is talked about. Thus, an expedition or 1-32). To systematise, Scodel defines κûδος and a war has a kleos (XI .227, XIII .364) […], kλέος as subcategories of tιμή: kλέος, as a ze- and an object may have kleos . Poseidon ro-sum system, is not dividable, and nobody can complains that the kleos of the Greek wall in the plain of Troy will extend “as far share the hero’s kλέος except those who are in a as the dawn is scattered” (VII .451) . The very close relationship to him, such as father and kleos of Nestor’s shield “reaches heaven” son. κûδος, in turn, “is an all-or-nothing-property (VIII .192) . […] a warrior acquires kleos – opponents cannot have it simultaneously, for when he wins on the battlefield especially whoever has it wins”; a whole group, however, famous armor (XVII .131) . […] Like human can share it (Scodel 26). In addition, Scodel ar- things, human places also have a kleos . gues that αἰδώς, (‘reverence, awe, respect for […] A man has a kleos which is his reputa- the feeling or opinion of others or for one’s own tion […] . Thus a man may have the kleos conscience, and so shame and self-respect’), is of a warrior (XVII.143), a bowman (V.172), strongly associated with tιμή because it intern a spearman and counsellor (xvi.241-42). alises the latter. To extend on Scodel’s idea, […] Kleos can be earned on the battlefield (V.3, XVIII.121), especially by some great these concepts are similar to a habitus, they are act […] . internalised patterns “that generate […] typical As a quality or possession kleos stands in thoughts, perceptions, and actions […]”, and, relation and contrast to two other terms: thus, in the case of the Homeric heroes, repre- kudos and timē . […] Kudos is a kind of sent a distinct form of their heroism (Bourdieu luster or mana which belongs to the suc- 143) 4. Worship, esteem, and honour are inextric cessful . Kudos is specifically personal; a ably connected to reverence and shame.5 man may be kudos to others – a success-
helden. heroes. héros. Martin Dorka Moreno
18 ful hero ornaments his city (XXII .435) […] good and great, | who was raised in fertile – but a man does not win kudos for ano- Thrace the mother of sheep. | Kissēs in ther . Kleos, by contrast, is won by the war- his own house raised him when he was rior both for himself and his father (VI.446, little. | Kissēs was his mother’s father, VIII .285) . Kudos belongs only to the living; father to Theano, the one with the fair kleos also to the dead . Kudos is frequently cheeks . | When he [= Iphidamas] reached a gift from a god; kleos is won by the man the stage of adolescence, which brings himself or granted by the folk. Kudos be- luminous glory, | he [= Kissēs] wanted to longs only to men, kleos also to women . keep him at home and to give him his own Kudos is always positive; success brings daughter in marriage, | but as soon as kudos, failure merely penthos, “sorrow” he [= Iphidamas] had married, he left the (IV.416-17). […] The successful man feels bride chamber and went off seeking the that he matters more to others, and this kleos of the Achaeans | along with twelve feeling is his kudos, […] . Kleos, however, curved ships that followed him .6 is in the keeping of others; a man’s kleos consists of what others say about him. And in Iliad 10, 410-416, Achilles himself ex- Since they may speak of his failures as plains his attitude towards his kλέος: well as of his success, failure also has a kleos – negative kleos, duskleia (II .115 = My mother Thetis, goddess with silver IX .22) . steps, tells me that I carry the burden of Timē is bestowed to a man by others, but two different fated ways [kēres] leading to a man’s timē is a valuation of him, while the final moment [telos] of death . If I stay his kleos is a description . Timē means here and fight at the walls of the city of the “honor” and also “status,” especially the Trojans, then my safe homecoming [nos- status of the king (VI .193, IX .616, XX181) tos] will be destroyed for me, but I will have […]. Obviously men’s timē fluctuated, and a glory [kleos] that is imperishable [aphthi- a man who had kudos would also have a ton]. Whereas if I go back home, returning greater timē (XVI.84). But kudos is an ab- to the dear land of my forefathers, then it solute quality, like health or strength, while is my glory [kleos], genuine [esthlon] as it timē is always relative: it is a measure of is, that will be destroyed for me, but my life men’s standing in relation to one another force [aiōn] will then last me a long time, (I .278, XXIV .57) . and the final moment [telos] of death will 7 […] Kleos is thus a specific type of social not be swift in catching up with me. identity . […] His [a man’s] story is in a certain sense himself – or one version of Adhering to these words and arguing along himself – and, since his story can survive Nagy’s lines, one might say that Homeric he- his personal existence and survive his roes not only value and strive for, but are fanat- enactment of a social role, his story is from ically invested in the concept of kλέος, of kλέος one point of view the most real version of ἄφθιτον, to be precise, and are fully aware of the himself . […] Thus the kleos of the hero is fact – at least in the case of self-reflecting Achil- to some extent a compensation to him for les – that they must die to get it: “Achilles the his own destruction. (Redfield 32-34) hero gets included in the Iliad by dying a warrior’s death . The consolation prize for his death is the This paper will focus on the kλέος of Homeric kleos of the Iliad” (Nagy, Greek Hero 29),8 which heroes as roughly defined in the last paragraph makes him imperishable, which gives him kλέος of my quotation of Redfield’s discussion and de- ἄφθιτον, and has thus an “immortalizing power” velop an idea on how this kλέος could be con- (Nagy, Greek Hero 31). This obsession is not ceived of visually, and how it could be visually only the driving force for Achilles, a ‘macro-hero’ opposed to and related to other (non-Homeric) of the Iliad, but it can also be found in the narra- conceptions of it. As has become apparent, tive of ‘micro-heroes’ such as Iphidamas, whom kλέος is in itself a complex concept and needs we hear about only in Iliad 11. 218-228. The he- to be narrowed down further for the purpose of roes’ kλέος ἄφθιτον is, thus, dependent on the my inquiry . It is therefore necessary to ask which poet who relates their story to the world . That form of kλέος the Homeric heroes are primarily is why, following Nagy, I have given the transla- concerned with . tion ‘the poem or song that conveys glory, fame, In Iliad 11, 218-228 we learn of the fate of one that which is heard’ for kλέος; extending on Red- Iphidamas: field’s suggested reciprocity between bard and Tell me now you Muses dwelling on Olym- hero one might add, again with Nagy, that kλέος pus, | who was the first to come up and refers “to both the medium and the message of face Agamemnon, | either among the Tro- the glory of heroes […]”, which makes kλέος “the jans or among their famous allies? | It was primary medium for communicating the concept Iphidamas son of Antenor, a man both of the hero” (Nagy, Greek Hero 25-27).
helden. heroes. héros. kλέος on the Sosias Cup
These introductory remarks were meant to pave equipped with a suit of armour and helmet, but 19 the way for my subsequent interpretation of the without combat weapons, is tending to a wound imagery of the so-called Sosias Cup. I do not suffered by Patroklos, on the left, on his left intend to force visual culture into a subordinate upper arm (fig. 1). The wound was caused by position vis-à-vis literary culture: The literary an arrow which is shown in the lower left of the concepts of honour/glory/fame, especially of the image . Patroklos has turned his head away, sup- Homeric kλέος ἄφθιτον as a form of social iden- posedly in pain and gritting his white-coloured tity discussed above, however, might be instruct teeth: the pain literally seems to set his teeth on ive for an analysis of how images speak about edge. He has taken off his helmet, his body ar- these concepts . mour is loosened on the left shoulder; the epau- let is folded up, so that the wound can be prop- erly dressed . He sits on a round shield on which a tripod is depicted, tightening his right leg while Achilles, Patroklos, and Herakles on stretching the left all the way to the rounded line the Sosias Cup that forms the right border of the image. This poise leads to a prominent display of Patroklos’ The so-called Sosias Cup, an Attic red-figure genitals . The depiction is fascinating for its rich drinking-cup, is a κύλιξ, kylix, a cup with a broad, detail: lines of various strength differentiate the relatively shallow body raised on a stem from a warriors’ faces and bodies. Different ornaments round, often moulded foot with two horizontal and patterns are used to emphasise their suits symmetrical handles on each side . It was found of armour and transparent (!) garments: A closer in Vulci, Italy, in the Necropolis of Camposcala look at the latter reveals that the painter also and thus in a funerary context 9. The cup, how- subtly depicted Achilles’ genital area. The whole ever, was imported from Athens, where it was scene is elevated above floral ornaments and a made roughly around the turn of the sixth to the trapezoid beam. – Achilles is tending to his com- fifth century BC. The almost flat interior circle panion Patroklos’ wound: the scene is singular on the interior base of the cup, as well as the in the visual arts and has no literary precursor 12. outside surface between the two handles, were The outside surface of the cup on each side used as a surface for painted decoration . of the handles is decorated with a wide array of The kylix in question is attributed to the so- figures, and again almost all of them are identi- called Sosias Painter. An inscription on the stem fied by inscriptions fig.( 2 and fig. 3) .13 Beneath gives away the name of the potter: ΣΟΣΙΑΣ one of the handles a round disc is depicted, ΕΠΟΙΕΣΕΝ (sosias epoíesen, ‘Sosias made which shows the head of Selene, the goddess [it]’), and since we cannot be sure that the potter of the moon . On one side, from right to left, Her- Sosias, who made the cup, was also the painter, akles is accompanied by Athena, Artemis and scholarship has – as in many cases – resorted to Hermes . An inscription right next to his head the solution to call the painter the Sosias-Paint- reads Zεû φíλε, Zeu phíle, ‘dear Zeus’. Herak- er, i.e. the painter that painted the cup made by les is greeting Zeus. An unidentifiable goddess Sosias.10 The kylix is about 10 cm high. The in- and Hestia sit facing in the opposite direction of ner, circular picture has a diameter of 17 5. cm; Herakles, as do all other figures on this side, ex- the diameter of the whole cup is 32 cm . cepting Hermes, who has turned his head back In principle, three contexts for the usage of to Herakles. This scene is closed off by two of such a drinking-cup are possible: first and fore- the Horae, goddesses of the seasons . On the most, the symposion, a social gathering of men other side, which is only partially preserved, we where wine would be consumed; second, a fu- see Dionysos with an unidentifiable goddess as nerary context, in which it would have played a well as Ares and Aphrodite, and directly facing role in the burial festivities, and, lastly, such a Hera and Zeus on the very left, Amphitrite and cup could have functioned as a votive in a sanc- Poseidon . All the gods and Herakles, except for tuary where it would have been dedicated to a Hermes, are shifting their attention to Hera and certain deity (cf . Junker, Symposiongeschirr oder Zeus, who, in turn, shift their attention in the di- Totengefäße). The first and second contexts of rection of Herakles . The topic depicted here is usage are relevant for the Sosias Cup: It was Herakles’ introduction to Olympos in the pres- found in a funerary context (in Italy), but its form ence of the gods;14 in honour of Herakles’ arrival and function invariably suggest that it was made they are pouring libations out of shallow cups, (in Athens) with the intention of serving as a drink- so-called Phialae . ing-cup and so, preferably, in a sympotic context. The Sosias Cup and its imagery have not Inside the flat interior a circular image shows been the subject of intense scholarly debate; the two Homeric heroes Achilles and Patroklos – especially differentiated approaches to link its in- their names are given by inscriptions11 – involved side and outside imagery are not precisely a dime in a conspicuous situation: Achilles, on the right, a dozen 15. Klaus Junker, however, in two recent helden. heroes. héros. Martin Dorka Moreno
20 thorough discussions, has argued that the in- dying a warrior’s death . Instead, one might ar- ner picture evidently and explicitly speaks about gue, an imagery that so explicitly shows them friendship and humanity in times of crisis as well vulnerable and in a near-death situation, implicit as about an ideal and unconditional military dedi ly tries to hint at their kλέος ἄφθιτον, the poem cation of the two warriors Patroklos and Achilles or song of their glory and fame which will make in times of war, while implicitly, and precisely by them imperishable by the means of “the immor- only swiftly touching upon the mortality, or ra talizing power” of kλέος (Nagy, Greek Hero 31; ther the vulnerability of the two heroes, visually as cited above). To this end, then, the imagery anticipating their deaths 16. The injury of Patro would speak explicitly about a positive outcome klos, Junker argues, suggests his and Achilles’ to a precarious situation, while implicitly positive- deaths by ostensibly evoking a genuinely posi ly anticipating the heroes’ immortality in song tive situation, which then, by the means of a vis which they can only achieve by dying.22 The op- ual rhetoric of irony, evokes exactly the negative position between positive momentary outcome opposite .17 The image, in conclusion, opposes and negative ending breaks down because the military excellence with a near-death experience, latter is simply not part of the concept of heroes and by extension of the latter, with death itself.18 such as Achilles and Patroklos, nor is it part This interpretation, with which I am in accord of others, such as freshly married Iphidamas . ance, leads Junker to conclude that the image Death itself is not the heroes’ concern but rather conveys a differentiated idea of mankind by dying the right way; this is what Nagy significant- extrapolating an appellative message that has ly calls “the need for heroes to script their own at its core the notion or moral ethic directed at death” (Nagy, Greek Hero 32-33; cf. Shapiro, young Athenian men, who, as the historical con- Hêrôs Theos, 1983) . text in late Archaic times suggests, must have Consequently, there might not be a positive been familiar with the threat of war or war-like versus negative opposition between the imagery situations: that they should not go to war with of the inner circular image and the decoration out being fully aware of the fatal consequences on the outside surface, as proposed by Junker, that decision may entail . Achilles and Patroklos, but – more generally speaking – a comparison Junker states, two of the most accomplished between two forms of, or oscillating concepts of and praised heroes of the Iliad, are shown as ‘glory, fame, that which is heard’, kλέος, and the un-heroic, vulnerable, in need of protection, and ways of obtaining it (Nagy, Greek Hero 27; as are, thus, meant to serve as exempla according cited above). This hypothesis is strengthened by ly 19. The imagery of the outside, which Junker the fact that the imagery of the outside surface discusses only swiftly, opposes this anticipated of the cup unambiguously speaks about a hero’s fatal and negative outcome with the positive end kλέος, since it relates Herakles’ introduction to of a strenuous life, exemplified by Herakles, who Olympos . And Herakles’ name “means he who was granted immortality by the gods.20 has the kleos of Hera” (Nagy, Greek Hero 33) . Herakles, son of Zeus and Alkmene, was like the latter, his mother, a mortal. His labours, through which he gets his kλέος, singularise Two Types of (Getting) kλέος him as a hero who has to go to his limits while being under constraint to do so. Herakles’ deeds I do not intend to contradict Junker’s basic inter are challenges given to him by an external order, pretation, but would like to extend it by offering namely by Eurystheus, the mythological king of a different perspective on precisely what the ap- Mycenae and Tiryns. They are not self-imposed. pellative messages of the imagery of the Sosias Herakles earns his kλέος through the comple- Cup – if one wants to strongly conceptualise tion of his labours, which would never have the images of Greek vases in that way, as op- been performed if Hera, by intervention, had posed to think of them as Interpretationsange- not made Herakles an unseasonal, incidental bote, offers for interpretation, in which appella- hero by being born after rather than before his tive messages could have played a role in as far cousin Eurystheus, precisely the mythological as they provided the basis for negotiation and king under whose orders Herakles has to perform discussion – may have been more prominently his labours. So, Herakles owes his kλέος to his concerned with .21 labours, which he, however, had to perform out By the virtue of the attitudes of the Homeric of this unseasonal incident caused by Hera, and heroes, their specific form of heroism, and their his name attests to that . Hera’s name, in turn, ref- obsession with the concept of kλέος and kλέος erences her function as the goddess of seasons: ἄφθιτον as evidenced in the Iliad, Achilles and She is in charge of making everything happen on Patroklos are hardly suitable figures to commu- time, happen in a timely way (Nagy, Greek Hero nicate cautionary tales about the possibility of 42-46). Herakles’ kλέος, which is unambiguously
helden. heroes. héros. kλέος on the Sosias Cup evoked in the image of the so-called Sosias Cup, 21 is thus distinctively different from Achilles’ and 1 This paper has benefitted from comments by the partici Patroklos’ kλέος ἄφθιτον, or the kλέος ἄφθιτον pants of the Freiburg colloquium. In addition Barbara Korte, Ralf von den Hoff, Alexander Heinemann, Martin Kovacs, of the warrior heroes of the Homeric Iliad in Antonia Rüth, Andrew Stewart, and Maribel Dorka Moreno general . Herakles does not consciously decide have provided substantial help by discussing my thoughts to die, and his death is not in the same sense with me . This paper, however, remains a sketch in many the prerequisite for his kλέος, for his inclusion ways . I intend to engage in a more detailed study on the imagery of the so-called Sosias Cup, and on the concepts of in song and poetry, which in Greek song culture honour/glory/fame and how they were visually conceived of has an immortalising power, and his apothe in Attic vase painting, in the near future . osis and introduction to Olympos are rather 2 The translations are taken from the Lidell-Scott-Jones unforeseeable benefits from his strenuous life. Greek-English Lexicon: 20 July 2015
helden. heroes. héros. Martin Dorka Moreno
22 γαῖαν, ὤλετό μοι κλέος ἐσθλόν, ἐπὶ δηρὸν δέ μοι αἰὼν the latter “loosening the limbs” of the victim, a term which ἔσσεται, οὐδέ κέ μ᾽ ὦκα τέλος θανάτοιο κιχείη.(Nagy Greek signifies nothing else than the atony of the dead body. In Il. Hero, 27) . 16 . 314, for example, we learn of how Menealos kills one Thoas: “First the valiant son of Menoetius smote the thigh 8 Nagy, Greek Hero, 29 . One might argue, however, that of Areilycus with a cast of his sharp spear at the moment kλέος is not a “consolation prize”, as Nagy states, since it when he turned to flee, and drave the bronze clean through; does not evoke a negative sentiment, but a positive one to [310] and the spear brake the bone, and he fell on his face begin with. on the ground . And warlike Menelaus thrust and smote 9 Berlin, Antikensammlung Inv. Nr. F 2278. – Beazley ARV2 Thoas on the breast, where it was left bare beside the shield, 21, 1. 1620: Sosias-Painter; Beazley Para 323; CVA Ber- and loosed his limbs.” A digital search in the Iliad on http:// lin (2) Taf. 49-51; LIMC I (1981) Nr. 468* 115 s. v. Achilleus www .hup .harvard .edu yields seven more results for the col- (A. Kossatz-Deissmann). – Selective bibliography: Himmel- location: Il . 4 . 465; 7 . 5; 11 . 240; 11 . 260; 16 . 16; 16 . 310; mann, Götterversammlung; Simon 102 Taf. 117; Pinney 135; 21 . 405 . Patroklos’ poise, although the phrase is not direct- Lowenstam 184-185; Wehgartner; Junker, Pseudo-Homeri- ly associated with his death, might – as has been intuited ca 2-8; Junker, Mythenbilder 13-27, passim; Hedreen 45-47; inter alia by Simon – allude to him losing the control over Steinhart 6-7 fig. 3; Shapiro,Olympian Gods, 410-412. For a his limbs in a similar, anticipating manner. Second, the in- full photographical documentation of the Cup and a more ex- ner, circular image is considered a watershed in the tech- tensive bibliography: 10 July 2015
helden. heroes. héros. kλέος on the Sosias Cup
Works Cited Junker, Klaus. “Symposiongeschirr oder Totengefäße? Über- 23 legungen zur Funktion attischer Vasen des 6 . und 5 . Jahr- hunderts v . Chr .” Antike Kunst 45 (2002): 3-25. Beazley, John D. Attic Black-Figure Vase-Painters . Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956 . ---. Pseudo-Homerica. Kunst und Epos im spätarchaischen Athen . 141 . Winckelmannsprogramm der Archäologischen ---. Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters. Oxford: Clarendon Gesellschaft zu Berlin. Berlin: Verlag Walter de Gruyter, Press, 1963 . 2003 . ---. Paralipomena: Additions to Attic Black-Figure Vase-Paint- ---. Griechische Mythenbilder: Eine Einführung in ihre Inter- ers and to Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters. Oxford: Claren- pretation. Stuttgart: J. B. Metzler, 2005. don Press, 1971 . King, Catherine C . Achilles: Paradigms of the War Hero Benedict, Ruth. The Chrysantemum and the Sword: Patterns from Homer to the Middle Ages. Berkeley: U of California of Japanese Culture. Boston: Mifflin, 1946. P, 1987 . Bourdieu, Pierre. Zur Soziologie der symbolischen Formen. Kirk, Geoffrey S. The Nature of Greek Myths. Harmonds Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1974. worth: Penguin Books, 1978. Burkert, Walter. “Mythos – Begriff, Struktur, Funktionen.” Lowenstam, Stephen. “The Uses of Vase-Depictions in Hom Mythen in mythenloser Gesellschaft: Das Paradigma eric Studies”, Transactions American Philological Associ Roms. Ed. Fritz Graf. Stuttgart: Teubner, 1991: 1-24. ation 122 (1992): 165-198. ---. “Antiker Mythos – Begriff und Funktion.”Antike Mythen in Nagy, Gregory. The Best of the Achaeans: Concepts of the der europäischen Tradition. Ed. Heinz Hofmann. Tübingen: Archaic Greek Poetry. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1979. Attempto-Verlag, 1999: 11-26. ---. The Ancient Greek Hero in 24 Hours. Harvard: UP, 2013. Buxton, Richard G.A. Imaginary Greece: The Contexts of Mythology. Cambridge: UP, 1994. Pinney Ferrari, Gloria. “Achilles Lord of Scythia.” Ancient Greek Art and Iconography . Ed . Warren G . Moon . Wiscon- Brinkmann, Vinzenz. “Der Tod des Helden auf dem Scheiter- sin: UP, 1983: 127-146. haufen und seine Himmelfahrt zu den Göttern.” Herakles – Herkules. Ed. Raimund Wünsche. Munich: Staatliche An- Pucci, Pietro . The Song of the Sirens: Essays on Homer. tikensammlungen und Glyptothek, 2003: 282-286. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 1998. --- “Unter Göttern.” Herakles – Herkules . Ed . Raimund Wün- Redfield, James M. Nature and Culture in the Iliad: The Tra sche. Munich: Staatliche Antikensammlungen und Glypto- gedy of Hector. Chicago: UP, 1975. thek, 2003: 306-311. Scodel, Ruth. Epic Facework: Self-Presentation and Social Dodds, Eric R. The Greeks and the Irrational. Berkeley: U of Interaction in Homer. Swansea: Classical Press of Wales, California P, 1951 . 2008 . Dowden, Ken. The Uses of Greek Mythology . London: Rout- Shapiro, H. Allan. “‘Hêroôs Theos’: The Death and Apothe- ledge, 1992 . osis of Herakles .” The Classical World 77.1 (1983): 7-18. Greifenhagen, Adolf . Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum, CVA ---. “Olympian Gods at Home and Abroad.” A Companion Deutschland, Berlin, Antiquarium, Band 2 . Munich: C . H . to Greek Art. Volume 2. Eds. Tyler Jo Smith and Dimitris Beck, 1962. Plantzos. London: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012: 399-413. Hedreen, Guy. “Achilles beyond the Iliad.” Heroes: Mortals Simon, Erika. Die griechischen Vasen. Munich: Hirmer, 1976 . and Myth in Ancient Greece. Ed. Sabine Albersmeier. New Steinhart, Matthias. “The Razor’s Edge: Heroes in Danger in Haven: Yale UP, 2009: 39-48. Early Fifth-Century Attic Vase Red-Figure Vase-Painting.” Heinemann, Alexander. “Ungleiche Festgenossen: Spät An Archaeology of Representations. Ed. Dimitrios Yatro archaische Gelagegemeinschaften im Medium der Va- manolakis. Athens: Institute du Livre, 2009: 1-24. senmalerei .” Rollenbilder in der athenischen Demokratie: von den Hoff, Ralf, et al. “Helden – Heroisierungen – Hero- Medien, Gruppen, Raume im politischen und sozialen Sys- ismen: Transformationen und Konjunkturen von der Anti- tem. Eds . Christian Mann, Mathias Haake, and Ralf von ke bis zur Moderne: Konzeptionelle Ausgangspunkte des den Hoff. Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag, 2009: 35-70. Sonderforschungsbereichs 948”, helden. heroes. héros. E- Himmelmann, Nikolaus. “Die Götterversammlung der Journal zu Kulturen des Heroischen 1.1 (2013): 7-14. DOI Sosias-Schale”, Marburger Winckelmann-Programm 1960 . 10.6094/helden.heroes.heros./2013/01/03. Marburg: Verlag des kunstgeschichtlichen Seminars, 1960: Wehgartner, Irma. “59: Schale (Typus B).“ Euphronios der 41-48. Maler. Ausstellungskatalog, Antikenmuseum Berlin, Staat ---. Der ausruhende Herakles. Nordrhein-Westfälische Aka- liche Museen Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Milan: Fabbri edito- demie der Wissenschaften und der Künste, Vorträge G ri, 1991: 244-249. 420. Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2009.
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24
fig. 1: So-Called Sosias Cup, Interior: Achilles (on the right) tending to a wound suffered by Patroklos (on the left). (Photo: Bibi Saint-Pol. 2 August 2015
helden. heroes. héros. kλέος on the Sosias Cup
25
fig. 2: So-Called Sosias Cup, Exterior: Herakles’ introduction to Olympos in the presence of the gods. (After Furtwängler, Adolf. Griechische Vasenmalerei: Auswahl hervorragender Vasenbilder 3. Munich: Bruckmann,1932. Pl. 123).
fig. 3: So-Called Sosias Cup, Exterior: Herakles’ introduction to Olympos in the presence of the gods. (After Furtwängler, Adolf. Griechische Vasenmalerei: Auswahl hervorragender Vasenbilder 3. Munich: Bruckmann,1932. Pl. 123).
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Katharina Jeckel 27
The Envoy’s Honour and Reputation in Fifteenth-Century Urban Diplomacy
The purpose of this paper is to provide a new In particular, Nördlingen had a great annual mar- perspective on embassies and political commu- ket of supra-regional importance – a trade fair nication in imperial cities in the fifteenth century. (cf. Kießling 84-87, 107). This provided the basis It will focus on two different sources for an en- for the town’s political development. During the voy’s motivation to perform his duty: an internal- 1260s a new political and social structure arose ised sense of honour and a reputation which was when, along with the commune, a permanent assigned by others. First I will introduce Nördlin- council was formed . It consisted of twelve coun- gen, the city which I am using as my case study, cilmen who all belonged to the trading elite. In and its council . With the help of an example, the early fourteenth century, the guilds became the second part positions my project in relation much more powerful so that the council had to to previous scholarship . The third part explains be reformed. Under the umbrella of the newly how the common good was one possible motiv established Great Council, two sub-councils ating factor for an envoy to accomplish his duty were established: the original council, hence- conscientiously, and finally I will describe how forth known as the Old Council, and the newly the envoys were seen as experts and how this founded Guild’s Council (cf. Bátori 89-90). enhanced their reputation . The Old Council replaced two of its mem- bers each year. Therefore, while a great part of its members still came from the upper class for a long time, the boundaries between the upper Nördlingen: City and Council class and the guildsmen were permeable and, by the fifteenth century at the latest, several for- The city of Nördlingen, its foreign affairs and its mer master craftsmen gained access to the Old envoys, can serve as a model for smaller German Council (cf. ibid.). However, it must be pointed imperial towns: With 6,000 to 8,000 inhabitants, out that the lower and poorer craftsmen were fifteenth-century Nördlingen was average-sized not the ones to benefit from this new situation; and, based on its own political networks, can be in fact, the rich craftsmen gained the majority in seen as a sub-centre in the network of the south- the Old Council as well as in the Guild’s Council ern German imperial cities (cf. Bátori 86; Frieß). (cf. Brenner 58-59). Because of the shared inter In addition, the written records, the council files, ests of these two interconnected groups, for- and accounts are well preserved in the archives eign affairs were discussed in both councils. In and provide the researcher with rich source ma- practice, however, envoys were exclusively dis- terial . patched by the Old Council (cf. Bátori 89). These Nördlingen first appears in a ninth-century envoys were considered experts in foreign af- charter. It officially became an imperial town in fairs and essential for the town’s communication 1235, which means that it answered directly to and information politics . Envoys represented the the Emperor. Nevertheless, throughout its his council at various political forums and were held tory, Nördlingen always had to fight for its auton- responsible for their own diplomatic missions (cf. omy because it was surrounded by princedoms Jörg 52-53). The envoys acted as a link between who sought to integrate it into their dominions . their council and their missions’ addressees, One result of this permanent struggle was a such as the German Emperor or the Swabian Al- heightened sense of self-esteem within the gov- liance of Towns . Furthermore, they were agents ernment (cf. Kudorfer 135-140). Nördlingen’s within this communication process and used this councilmen were active members of the Swa position to further their own political ambitions bian Alliance of Towns, and they frequently acted within the town’s political structure . as the alliance’s spokespersons . Its economic importance added to the town’s self-confidence. helden. heroes. héros. Katharina Jeckel
28 Jeronimus von Bopfingen: who had the relevant news and first-hand infor- Puppet or Expert? mation, and he himself decided how to proceed on his mission. As will be shown in the following section, there were two major motivations for The interpretation of the role of the envoy out- the envoys to act so independently: on the one lined above is different from that usually present- hand their obligation to act in accordance with ed in the traditional literature . In order to clarify the common good, and on the other hand their my argument and position it within extant re- status as experts . search on late-medieval urban envoys, I will use an example: On 17 November 1440 the envoy Jeronimus von Bopfingen wrote a letter to his councilmen colleagues . In this letter he appears Common Spirit and the Envoy’s troubled and confused. In the war between Earl Professional Honour Johann of Oettingen and the Swabian Alliance of Towns, he was not only the envoy of Nördlin- The council and citizenry expected the envoy to gen but also an advisor to the commanding of- be committed to the common good of his home ficers. The war had started cumbersomely and city. The envoys made great efforts to preserve made the mercenaries resentful . Even when the honour and well-being of their council and the Alliance’s forces were able to carry some of city, and to maintain its safety, legal capacity and the enemy’s positions, this did not change the economic capability (cf. Rogge 46-47; Rublack atmosphere of battle fatigue. Nördlingen’s mer- 30-31). Furthering their own reputation through cenaries were no longer willing to continue the their service was merely a welcome side- fight.1 At first glance, Jeronimus appeared help- effect. Even though there are no autobiographic less. The commanding officers insisted upon al documents which would give us information continuing the war; the mercenaries insisted about the personal attitude of an envoy, there on dropping out. In order to buy himself some are indications that improving one’s own reputa- time, Jeronimus told the commanding officers tion was not the exclusive motive for his efforts. that he was not authorised to proceed and that The social system of Nördlingen had mechan he had to talk to his council first. Consequent- isms to ensure that the envoys had an internal- ly he wrote the letter mentioned above in which ised sense of honour . As in most other imperial he explained his woes to the council and asked towns, Nördlingen’s citizens swore the Burgher’s for further instruction . It appears that he want- Oath once a year, on Monday before Whitsun, ed to deny all accountability. He warned his the so-called Schwörtag. The oath (established colleagues that abandoning the Alliance would in 1450) emphasised loyalty, friendship, unity cast a damning light on Nördlingen for which he and peace 6. In addition, the mayors and coun- did not want to take responsibility.2 According to cilmen vowed a separate oath in which the this reading, it is perhaps not surprising that the mayors committed themselves firmly to the com- older research tradition, strongly influenced by the mon good,7 and the councilmen swore to be loyal ideas of Prussian diplomacy, considered small- and to make fair, conscientious judgements 8. town envoys to be puppets of the Council.3 The council regulations of 1480 even start with a Contrary to the findings of this older research theological justification of the council’s authority, literature and drawing on the most recent ap- which adds gravity to the responsibility of act- proaches,4 I consider envoys as reputable ex- ing honourably.9 The periodic renewal of these perts for foreign affairs and will offer an alterna- oaths helped to ensure stability within the city tive interpretation of the situation . and served as a mechanism of integration that Jeronimus von Bopfingen had no other furthered the affiliation between city and council. choice but to ask for official instruction. Since Furthermore, the oath-takers were encouraged the campaign had been a disaster from the very to internalise the moral concepts of the oaths beginning, it was not easy to retain Nördlingen’s through their annual repetition . mercenaries, which was necessary if Jeronimus The envoys’ second motivation was his ex- wanted to save his honour with regard to his pertise and know-how. My thesis focuses not on function as advisor to the commanding officers. diplomacy from the perspective of progress but Writing his letter actually meant buying time. on diplomacy as an evolving and consolidating Jeronimus was aware of rumours that other culture of expertise and thus on its experienced cities were about to withdraw their mercenaries.5 agents, the envoys. But what is an expert? Frank Accordingly his letter was more a warning about Rexroth describes the expert as a type, a social the low morale of the Alliance and less of a call model, one who – in a situation of communi- for help . Jeronimus was experienced in dealing cation – distinguishes himself or herself from with very different interest groups and under- others by having the relevant knowledge at hand stood the power of self-staging. He was the one (cf . Rexroth 22) 10. I apply this understanding of
helden. heroes. héros. The Envoy’s Honour and Reputation in Fifteenth-Century Urban Diplomacy expertise and expert knowledge to my theoretic also strongly affected by the merchants and 29 al approach to diplomacy and develop it further craftsmen . They gained their reputation from a within the context of my case study . There ap- more practical knowledge of economic struc- pear to be three conditions for an expert culture tures and trade connections 12. At the beginning within Nördlingen’s council and embassy: of the fifteenth century, this knowledge was per- sonal as well. However, it blended gradually into (1) It is possible to counteract ignorance the expertise of the upper-class councilmen and and incompetence by consulting some- transformed into an expert knowledge with re- one who knows better how to solve a specific problem; someone who carries a gard to the council . special knowledge or competence in this Third, even though being an envoy was not a specific well-defined case (cf. ibid.; Berger profession during the fifteenth century, there are and Luckmann 47) . noticeable traces of institutionalisation. In the (2) This special knowledge or competence first third of the fifteenth century envoys acquired has to have a relevance that goes beyond their skills mostly by trial and error – not the most any particular or current matter . To expand efficient way of training. However, by the last on this: A person may maintain social, third of the century the council had established, family or business networks in other cities albeit not formally, a kind of proto-apprentice- and he may also carry special knowledge ship. More specifically, an embassy consisted of or know-how; however, this person would at least one experienced envoy and a relative- not be considered an expert in foreign af- ly inexperienced one . The senior envoy passed fairs . In contrast an alderman with a guilds his knowledge on to the junior envoy, who thus council or a merchant background who learned the most important rules and procedures fostered these relationships as a coun- cilman, would be called an expert in this of diplomacy and adopted the correct habitus (cf. 13 specific field (cf. Rexroth 23-24). Rexroth 22-24). He could build up his person- al network of contacts, take part in negotiations (3) Experts depend on institutions . Know- ledge is transmitted in institutions where it and, in short, experience the progress of a dip- is also stabilised and consolidated. lomatic mission. Beyond that he could contribute his own knowledge to the council’s accumulated All three conditions can be illustrated by the situ- expertise . ation in Nördlingen: First, the Council of Nördlin- gen had already experienced first-hand that not all councilmen were equally qualified to be envoys . The result was that the pool of envoys Concluding Remark was drastically reduced in number during the fif- teenth century . It also led to the emergence of To come full circle, the envoy Jeronimus is indeed specialists, for instance, envoys who were ex- a good example for the development described. clusively responsible for missions to the Imperial He was a respected elite council member and Court or missions to the Alliance 11. These spe- a noted, long-term envoy who acted honourably cialised envoys gradually learned how to han- on behalf of his council and home city. His repu- dle different conventions and customs of their tation was based on his expert knowledge, which purview and were able to steer clear of potential derived from two sources . First, his knowledge embarrassing faux-pas . was handed down in a family that counted many Second, a councilman’s and envoy’s repu- councilmen, envoys and several mayors among tation involved possessing the necessary skills its ranks. Second, Jeronimus was a former mer- and knowledge in the field of foreign affairs, and cenary in the Hussite Wars (1419-1434/39), in the case of council members from the elite, where he gained considerable practical experi- this had been handed down in their families for ence in foreign affairs and a high standing. At generations (Kintzinger, Wissen 25-30; Borgolte first he represented the council at various pol 948). Therefore, at least at the beginning of the itical forums, such as the Emperor’s Court or fifteenth century, this type of councilman had the Alliance of Towns where he distinguished a noticeable advantage in terms of knowledge himself by acting prudently in Nördlingen’s inter compared to the councilman from the guilds . ests . Later in his career, however, the council en- Nevertheless, regarding the council’s ability to trusted him almost exclusively with embassies to integrate inexperienced councilmen or men with the Court of the Emperor, and he became one different prior knowledge, it can be assumed that of Nördlingen’s first expert envoys. During this this specialist knowledge became independent latter part of his career he was often accompa- of the individual; that is to say it became more nied by younger and inexperienced councilmen generally accessible to the Old Council’s mem- whom we find at the Emperor’s Court in the sec- 14 bers. The specialist knowledge was not only ond half of the fifteenth century. Jeronimus had influenced by the upper-class councilmen, but trained and established his successors. helden. heroes. héros. Katharina Jeckel
30 Katharina Jeckel is the Academic Coordina Works Cited tor of the Graduate School Humanities and a member of the Department of History at Bátori, Ingrid. “Ratsräson und Bürgersinn: Zur Führungs the University of Freiburg. She is currently schicht der Reichsstadt Nördlingen im 15. und 16. Jahrhun- working on a thesis on fifteenth century diplo dert .” Politics and Reformations: Communities, Polities, Na- tions, and Empires: Essays in Honor of Thomas A. Brady, macy in Nördlingen, supervised by Prof. Jr. Eds. Christopher Ocker et al. Leiden: Brill, 2007: 85-119. Dr. Birgit Studt and Prof. Dr. Felix Heinzer. Berger, Peter L., and Thomas Luckmann. Die gesellschaft- liche Konstruktion der Wirklichkeit. Eine Theorie der Wis- 1 StadtA Nördlingen. Missiven 1440 fol. 40. senssoziologie. Mit einer Einleitung zur deutschen Aus- 2 Ibid. gabe von Helmuth Plessner. Transl. by Monika Plessner. Frankfurt a. M.: Fischer Taschenbuch-Verlag, 222009 . 3 Typical representatives of the older research tradition are Menzel and Mandel . Borgolte, Michael. “Experten der Fremde. Gesandte in inter kulturellen Beziehungen des frühen und hohen Mittelalters.” An extensive research survey of older and recent litera 4 Le relazioni internazionali nell’alto medioevo. Spoleto, 8–12 ture is found in Liening 130-132, note 4-5, and Jörg and aprile 2010. Settimane di studio della Fondazione Centro Jucker 22-30. Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo 58. Spoleto: Fondazione 5 StadtA Nördlingen. Missive 1440 fol. 436-437. Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo, 2011: 945-992. 6 Cf . “trew und fraintschaft […] ainigkait frids“, Müller 552 Brenner, Bernhard. “Gab es Patrizier auch in Nördlingen [Nördlinger Ordnungsbuch II, fol. 42a]. und Donauwörth? Zur Ausprägung bürgerlicher Führungs- gruppen in Reichsstädten während des Spätmittelalters 7 Cf . “was ain gemain nutz und notdurft antrift strenglich und der beginnenden Frühneuzeit.” Stadt und Land in der und vestiglich zuohandthaben”, ibid. 155 [Ratsordnung B 8, Geschichte Ostschwabens. Ed. Rolf Kießling. Augsburger fol . 2a] . Beiträge zur Landesgeschichte Bayerisch-Schwabens 10. 8 Cf. “getrüwer ratgeb […] redlich urteil zuo geben […] Augsburg: Wißner-Verlag, 2005: 29-70. nach ewrer besten verstentnus”, ibid. 165 [Ratsordnung B Bruchhäuser, Hanns-Peter. Kaufmannsbildung im Mittelalter: 44, fol . 8a] . Determinanten des Curriculums deutscher Kaufleute im 9 “Wann wir in der hailigen Schrift finden, das aller gewalt Spiegel der Formalisierung von Qualifizierungsprozessen . von Gott dem herren von oben herab ist, und das die ding, Cologne: Böhlau, 1989. die von Gott sin, gar wol geordnet sind, us dem mügen wir Denzel, Markus A. “Professionalisierung und sozialer Auf- verstan, wer zu gewalt erwelt wirt, das der den gewalt soll stieg bei oberdeutschen Kaufleuten und Faktoren im 16. ordentlich gepruchen”, ibid. 154 [Ratsordnung B 1, fol. 1a]. Jahrhundert .” Sozialer Aufstieg: Funktionseliten im Spät- 10 This is a definition that is used in the context of the Re- mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit. Ed. Günther Schulz. search Training Group “Expert Cultures from the Twelfth to Büdinger Forschungen zur Sozialgeschichte. Deutsche the Eighteenth Century” in which Prof. Dr. Frank Rexroth ex- Führungsschichten in der Neuzeit 25. Munich: De Gruyter plores the expert as an agent of knowledge. 19 November Oldenbourg, 2002: 413-442. 2015
Müller, Karl Otto, Ed . Nördlinger Stadtrechte des Mittelalters. Kießling, Rolf . Die Stadt und ihr Land: Umlandpolitik, Bürger- 2. Munich: Verlag der Kommission für Bayerische Landes- besitz und Wirtschaftsgefüge in Ostschwaben vom 14. bis geschichte, 1933 . ins 16. Jahrhundert. Städteforschung. Reihe A: Darstellun- gen 29. Cologne: Böhlau, 1989. StadtA Nördlingen. Missive 1440 fol. 40, 1440 XI 17. StadtA Nördlingen. Missive 1440 fol. 436f., 1440 VIII 20. StadtA Nördlingen. Missive 1449 fol. 38, 1449 VI 22.
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Kintzinger, Martin. “Scholaster und Schulmeister: Funktions- 31 felder der Wissensvermittlung im späten Mittelalter .” Ge- lehrte im Reich: Zur Sozial- und Wirkungsgeschichte aka demischer Eliten des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts . Eds . Rainer C. Schwinges and Markus Wriedt. Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung. Beiheft 18. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1996: 349-374. ---. Wissen wird Macht: Bildung im Mittelalter. Ostfildern: Thorbecke, 22007 . Kudorfer, Dieter. Nördlingen. Historischer Atlas von Bay- ern. Schwaben. 1, 8. Munich: Kommission für Bayerische Landesgeschichte, 1974 . Liening, Simon. “Überlegungen zum Gesandtschaftswesen der Stadt Straßburg zu Beginn des 15. Jahrhunderts.” Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins 162. NF 123 (2014): 129-148. Mandel, Gudrun . Studien zur ‘Aussenpolitik’ der Reichs städte im Spätmittelalter: Nach den deutschen Reichstag akten von Wenzel bis Friedrich III. Masch. Universität Heidelberg, 1951. Menzel, Viktor . Deutsches Gesandtschaftswesen im Mittel alter. Hannover: Hahn, 1892 . Rexroth, Frank. “Systemvertrauen und Expertenskepsis: Die Utopie vom maßgeschneiderten Wissen in den Kulturen des 12. bis 16. Jahrhunderts.” Wissen, maßgeschneidert: Experten und Expertenkulturen im Europa der Vormo derne. Eds. Björn Reich et al. Historische Zeitschrift. Bei- hefte. NF 57. Munich: Oldenbourg, 2012: 12-44. Rogge, Jörg. Für den Gemeinen Nutzen: Politisches Han- deln und Politikverständnis von Rat und Bürgerschaft in Augsburg im Spätmittelalter. Studia Augustana 6. Tübin- gen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1996. Rublack, Hans-Christoph. Eine bürgerliche Reformation: Nördlingen. Quellen und Forschungen zur Reformations- geschichte 51 . Gütersloh: Mohn, 1982 .
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Nicole Packhaeuser 33
“The visible publick head of the Protestant interest in the World”
The Reputation of William III as Mirrored in Roger Morrice’s The Entring Book
On 5 November 1688 William of Orange, elected and national politics . He was one of the most Stadtholder of the United Provinces of the Neth- connected and informed Intelligencers who fre- erlands, landed at Torbay in Devon causing the quented Westminster and Whitehall and took Catholic king, James II, to leave his throne and part in representing the interests of London’s escape to France . A few months later, the Con- moderate nonconformists at court . However, vention Parliament declared the throne vacant he is strikingly hard to track down in historical and offered William and his wife Mary the crown records .4 In spite of this anonymity, his detailed as joint monarchs . This series of events is called and frequent records provide insight into the pol ‘The Glorious Revolution’ 1. To many Protestants itical culture of Restoration Britain. The Entring in England this meant the safety of their life, lib- Book is also a valuable source for analysing the erties and religion, which had been all seemingly making of reputations . invaded by James, who had tried to elevate the Given the abundance of names, events state of Catholics, who were excluded from civil and topics of the Entring Book one can choose and political participation . To achieve this aim, amongst many examples of how reputation, James used measures that contradicted what honour and celebrity were created at the courts was by many seen as rightful: He ignored par- of Charles II and James II . Morrice recorded the liamentary statutes, manipulated the choice of rise and fall of royal favourites and influential members of parliament and appointed Catholics politicians as well as the decreasing reputation to his Privy Council. His politics seemed to fulfil of King James himself, who challenged the loy the fears of those who, in the late 1670s, had alty of his subjects at court, church and in parlia- tried to exclude James from succession . This ment . My paper is focused on Morrice’s percep- resulted in the turbulent events of the so-called tion of William of Orange. It will be argued that to Exclusion Crisis, which caused the division of Morrice William became the symbol of an ideal the political landscape into Whigs and Tories . ‘godly’ monarch who would safeguard the re- The twin threat of popery and arbitrary govern- formed protestant religion, value the life and ment, meaning the destruction of the Protestant estates of British subjects and be the champion religion, the invading of the laws of England as of morality and religious decency . Moreover, I well as arbitrary rule without parliament were will show how William himself worked to create evoked by the Whigs to show the dangers of a the image of being an instrument of God, and to Catholic king 2. What reinforced these fears was what extent this image is reflected in Morrice’s the miserable state of the French Huguenots Entring Book . William’s reputation as mirrored who suffered under the religious policies of Louis in this book will be discussed as an example of XIV, who was seen as the personification of an how strongly religion and politics in early modern absolute tyrant. To many Englishmen, European Britain were intertwined.5 Protestantism was in a state of danger – a fear which structured the narrative of the Puritan min- ister Roger Morrice, who in his extensive Entring Book described political and religious events Creating Reputation: William’s Self- from 1678 to 1691 . Image as Safeguard of Protestantism Being part of a Presbyterian network of in- fluential Puritan politicians and nonconform- William had a distinctive reputation in Britain and ist ministers in London, Morrice kept a kind of continental Europe . An important element of his political diary or newsletter, the Entring Book, public image was his antagonism to the French which brings to life the events between the Ex- king who, in 1672, had attacked the United clusion Crisis and the Glorious Revolution 3. In Provinces . William had resisted the French un- almost a million words, Morrice recorded urban til the Peace of Nijmegen in 1678. Confronted helden. heroes. héros. Nicole Packhaeuser
34 with French ambitions to expansion and Louis’ between James and William. Morrice judged him threats to attack Dutch land in 1682, William de- an able “Statesman” who had made clear Wil- voted himself to opposing France. He described liam’s “resolution to stand in opposition to Popery the French king as a threat to the continental and the designes of France […] and to promote balance of power and to the security of every and maintain the true reformed Protestant Reli- independent state (cf . Claydon, William III 11) . gion.” (EB Q134) William used agents at court As a Protestant, he was moreover concerned like van Dijkvelt to foster his political programme. about the intolerance of Louis against reformed They met with important courtiers and distribut- Christianity. News about the French king’s pro- ed information which shaped the image which ceedings against Huguenots swept the country men like Morrice had of William . In May 1687 and shocked British Protestants, who measured van Dijkvelt turned to Morrice to gain information the conduct of their own Roman Catholic king about the non-conformists’ position concerning a by Louis’s persecution of his Protestant sub- demise of James and the succession of William . jects 6. William envisaged himself as a safeguard Based on his trust on van Dijkvelt who informed of Protestantism against French – and thereby him about William’s intentions, Morrice declared Catholic – cruelty and intolerance (cf. Claydon, his support to the Dutch (cf. EB Q125). This William III 12) . shows how personal encounters and networks These topics were highly relevant to Morrice . as well as access to information at court shaped He regularly reported French cruelties against William’s reputation in Morrice’s perception of the Huguenots in his Entring Book and closely political and religious events .8 observed William’s negotiations with other states in Europe engaged in a war with France by the end of the 1680s . More than once Morrice iden- tified William as “the visible publick head of the Supporting Reputation: Protestant Interest in the World” who would fight The Personnel of Propaganda the Catholic threat in Europe (EB Q173). Yet Morrice was far from being naïve and did not fall Moreover, William had established an Orange uncritically for William’s propagandistic image as publicity office in The Hague. His propaganda an unselfish protestant redeemer. When Morrice was well-organised, benefitted from a network of first heard of William’s plans to invade England political informants and the unrivalled power of he was quite aware of his national and European the Dutch printing industry (cf. Claydon, William interests . He quoted William’s promise “that his III 29). In his book on the Glorious Revolution predominant and prevalent ends was not carnall and its European background, John Carswell nor selfish”, but stated in October 1687: “The identifies William’s well-concerted propaganda, States and the Prince judge it their own true Pol rather than conspiracy or espionage, as his chief iticall interest for the support of themselves to weapon in political conflict, both in domestic and keepe England out of the power of France and international affairs: “He used propaganda like a Popery for they would be left very weak if England stiletto, waiting for the opponent’s error, and then should be overrun by either.” (EB Q173) Morrice exploiting it by striking swiftly at a vulnerable was well aware of the specific national and Euro- point.” (Carswell 27) William employed intel pean interest William had in invading England 7. ligence agents, English diplomatists and pas- sionate Huguenots such as Peter du Moulin, or Scots with covenanting background like William Castares, who informed and influenced William’s Gaining Information: The Mechanisms interests in Britain. His propaganda was based of News and Propaganda at Court on a sincere international Protestantism, the prot estant interest or simply the interest which had But how did Morrice gain information about to be secured from Catholic counter-reformation William and his plans? How was the image of (cf. Carswell 25-29). A key person in Orangist William as a champion of the Protestant religion propaganda in the 1680s was the Scottish-born transported to Britain? Since the early 1670s, Anglican cleric and future bishop of Salisbury, William had consulted with leading Englishmen Gilbert Burnet, who was outlawed by James in and cultivated a party of supporters within the 1687 and became a close person of trust to Wil- English elite (cf . Claydon, William III 9) . Amongst liam and his wife Mary . Morrice frequently wrote these were influential Presbyterian members of about him. Burnet advised William not to cope Parliament with whom Morrice was closely con- with James’s efforts to repeal the Test Act which nected . An important agent of William at James’s barred Catholics from civil and political offices. court was Everard van Weede van Dijkvelt, one He furthermore published several pamphlets of William’s principal favourites and a mediator against James’ religious policies and advised
helden. heroes. héros. The Reputation of William III as Mirrored in Roger Morrice’s The Entring Book
Williamite polemicists with his knowledge of and in others cruelly tormented or Persecuted .” 35 English politics 9. He took a leading part in the He further analyses that “besides the Encour- production of William’s Declaration of Reasons, agement the […] Papists have from their Suc- which stated the motives of William’s invasion cess, they are now more numerous, better united in 1688 and which was a key piece of Orangist and are more entirely governed by the Jesuits.” propaganda before and after his invasion.10 (EB Q233) In Morrice’s eyes the reformation was in ever growing danger of being extirpated by the villainy of Rome and France. Instead, se- curing and further reforming Protestantism was The Mechanisms of News especially important to him and his Presbyterian and Information Beyond Court fellows . They devoted themselves to a decent and pious way of life, a devout daily religious However, it is important to take a short look at the practice and strove for godly rule in Britain (cf. broader context of communication and exchange Goldie, Morrice and the Puritan Whigs 148-151). of information in the Stuart era which was an im- This antagonism between reformed Protestant- portant factor for Morrice’s perception of William . ism and Popery derived from the distinct histo- Besides being at court, Morrice gained access riographical approach that characterizes John to foreign information by letters and newsletters. Foxe’s Acts and Monuments (1563) – a book For the period of the Entring Book there were which Morrice admired 14. It is a Protestant his- practically no printed newspapers, except the tory and martyrology recording the sufferings of governmental London Gazette, which was pub- Protestants under the Catholic Church with par- lished under royal scrutiny and censorship 11. ticular emphasis on England and Scotland. The Censors tried to ensure, for example, that noth- ideal of a godly prince was an integral element of ing was printed about the French Huguenots. Yet this kind of early-protestant narrative: He would Morrice relied on letters and newsletters: “Every save the nation from the usurpation of Rome post brings us an account of further unheard of and work to complete the task of reformation 15. cruelties in France” (EB P502), and “letters gen- Gilbert Burnet, William’s chief propagandist in erally report this” (EB P532). These letters were England, also used this mid-Tudor narrative semi-public or written deliberately as letters of for his History of the Reformation and created public news, often by merchants who brought the vision of a prince who has been brought to news from abroad to London. They were read power by God’s providence to serve as divine in- out loud at the Royal Exchange, at Westminster strument to promote the cause of true Christian Hall or coffee houses, thereby informing a wider ity 16. Reformed princes would free themselves public (cf. Goldie, Morrice and Puritan Whigs from papacy, assert their own sovereignty and 110-112, 116-123).12 The Entring Book reveals set their people free from Rome’s obstructions such mechanisms of the acquirement and dis- to godliness and the gospel (cf . Goldie, Morrice semination of news and information .13 It displays and the Puritan Whigs 286-287).17 Following this the strong international communication system interpretation, one can understand why Mor- which enabled Morrice – and surely not just rice and some leading Presbyterians were quite him – to mentally participate in events abroad. amenable to the reputation which William had Closely observing William’s negotiations and ac- created . They favoured William as an alternative tions on the continent, Morrice therefore defined monarch to James . him as “the visible publick head of the Protestant Morrice was further convinced of William’s Interest in the World” . capacities on the basis of stories that were cir- culated at court. In December 1688 Morrice re- corded an anecdote which cited William saying that he aimed at “advancing the Glory of God, Religion and Reputation: and the promoting of the Protestant Religion, to- William III as Godly Prince gether with our Laws and Liberties, and therein he could appeal to the Great God, and desired To Morrice, Roman Catholicism was a tyranny he might prosper according to the Sincerity of and a usurpation . Furthermore, as Head of the his heart in that particular Case.” (EB Q367) Church of England, the Catholic King James He described William’s personal qualification would not be able to protect the true reformed accordingly: “it is evident that he constantly Protestantism in Britain – a vision that was mir- discountenanceth Atheisme[,] Infidelity and the rored in Morrice’s observations on Europe as Ridiculing of Religion with that Severity that it well: “And as thus the Protestants are universal- never openly appeares before him.” In his re- ly weakened, so they are in most places utterly tirements William “used to go to his closet and suppressed[,] in some others utterly destroyed, spend much time in Prayer[,] some times his
helden. heroes. héros. Nicole Packhaeuser
36 Zeal was such that unobservedly he lifted up his to uphold a specific image of William shaped the Voice and was heard, and his Gentlemen have way William was perceived by Morrice. More after he was come out of his closet found many over, the talk of the streets and the information tears dropped upon his table, as one told me as circulating at emerging public spaces were im- must know the truth thereof.” (EB Q367) These portant sources . Morrice integrated them into passages again reveal the mechanism of mak- his vision of William . The Entring Book portrays ing reputation: the transaction of anecdotes, the a world in which a huge amount of news was sharing of estimations and the exchange of infor- available – news that shaped the way people mation through personal contact and ‘hear-say’ perceived events and that could, as in Morrice’s were important constituents of how the image of case, shape the way reputations were created William as devout, godly prince was transported and received. This opportunity was seized by at court . Moreover, the personal piety which Wil- William, who managed a self-organised propa liam showed off satisfied Morrice’s ideal of de- ganda machine with which he transported his voutness and strengthened his hope that William political and religious message into Europe . He might morally reform the country . employed able polemicists and benefited from It was exactly this religious reform programme supporters whose agendas coincided with Wil- which was being promoted by William and Mary liam’s political interests . Through the advice of after the Revolution. Throughout his reign, Wil well-informed propagandists such as Burnet liam’s propaganda rested on the narrative of he managed to use the current British fear of having saved Britain from religious and moral popery and arbitrary government and to insert it decline. It was supported by the propaganda into his scheme of self-representation. Address- work of Gilbert Burnet, who emphatically tried to ing a specific interest group helped to strengthen portray William’s invasion as a providential deliv his reputation and to turn it into action . He suc- erance, brought to England by Protestant winds cessfully presented himself as a redeemer from and the will of God .18 William promoted him clerk a Catholic threat and made use of the mid-Tudor of the closet, thus making him the key figure of ideal of the godly prince and moral reformer. Yet royal patronage . The propaganda strategy re- William could not have been so successful with- volved around fast-days, thanksgivings, royal out an ideological platform on which his propa proclamations and days of national humiliation ganda could flourish. Morrice’s own mind-set (cf . Claydon, William III 100-110). These were and hopes corresponded with William’s self-rep- means of presenting William as a serving father resentation, and this is why Morrice accepted to the Church of England and a patron of the ref this image . It mirrored Morrice’s own political ormation of manners and morals . To transport and religious aims . The Entring Book, Morrice’s this message, Burnet advised William to recruit perception of William as well as the latter’s clerical helpers who William might consider for self-representation were highly embedded in re- preferment. He understood the political import ligious structures and underscore the persistent ance and polemical abilities of preachers and importance of religion for the political culture of sermons that would spread the ‘godly’ image of early modern Britain. William to a broader public.19 The recommended Nicole Packhaeuser was recently awarded her ministers were leading clerics of the city of Lon- Master’s degree at the University of Freiburg. Her don and ministers with whom Morrice was well Master thesis was supervised by Prof. Dr. Ro acquainted (cf . Claydon, William III 90-96). nald Asch and focused on the political-religious history of the Restoration in Early Modern Britain. This article at hand is part of her Master thesis . Conclusions 1 For the Glorious Revolution, see for example Harris, Revolution: The Great Crisis of the British Monarchy, 1685- Having and making reputation was an import 1720 . ant task to William of Orange, who through his 2 See for a contemporary account Marvell, The Growth of doubtful position as a foreign ruler invading a for- Popery and Arbitrary Government, 1677 . eign country had to seek for a convincing narra- 3 Cf. the edition by Goldie et al. Quotes from Morrice’s tive to justify his actions . The paper has concen- Entring Book (EB) are cited by manuscript volume and page, trated on the specific image transported through the three volumes being P, Q and R. Morrice’s Entring Book and William’s self-rep- 4 For biographical information on Morrice see Goldie, resentation . The means of personal contact and “Morrice, Roger (1628/9-1702)”, Oxford Dictionary of Nation- oral communication were striking features of al Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online ed., May 20 2011. 19 August 2015
helden. heroes. héros. The Reputation of William III as Mirrored in Roger Morrice’s The Entring Book
6 See Gwynn, Roger Morrice and the Huguenot Refugees . Dooley, Brendan, and Sabrina A. Baron, eds. The Politics of 37 Information in Early Modern Europe . London: Routledge, 7 See for the international context of the Glorious Revolu- 2001 . tion Israel, The Anglo-Dutch Moment . Firth, Katherine . The Apocalyptic Tradition in Reformed Brit- 8 For politics and patronage at court cf. MacCubin and ain, 1530-1645. Oxford: UP, 1979. Hamilton-Phillips, The Age of William III and Mary II . Fox, Adam . Oral and Literate Culture in England, 1500-1700. 9 See for example Burnet, Reasons against the Repealing Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2001 . the Acts and A Letter . Foxe, John . Acts and Monuments . London, 1563 . 10 Cf . Greig in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography . Goldie, Mark . Roger Morrice and the Puritan Whigs: The En- 11 See Handover, A History of the London Gazette . tring Book of Roger Morrice 1677-1691 . Volume 1 . Wood- 12 For the coffee-houses see also Pincus, Coffeehouses bridge: The Boydell Press, 2007. and Restoration Political Culture. ---. “Morrice, Roger (1628/9-1702).” Oxford Dictionary of Na- 13 See furthermore Dooley and Baron, eds. The Politics of tional Biography. May 2011. 19 August 2015
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Kelly Minelli 39
“Le ridicule déshonore plus que le déshonneur”
The Impact of Ridiculousness on Honour and Reputation at the French Court of Louis XIV
Introduction how it was purposefully used by noblemen to outmanoeuvre their opponents and rivals in the Honour and reputation are essential concepts courtly struggle over power . The arguments will for understanding early modern societies .1 In the be illustrated by examples from the memoirs of seventeenth century, various notions of honour Louis de Rouvroy, Duke of Saint-Simon (1675- and reputation were co-existing: Each estate, 1755), the notorious and keen observer of the 2 gender and professional guild had their own, French court during the reign of Louis XIV . which resulted in them standing in competition and conflict with each other (cf. Asch, Honour 367) . Honour played an important role in forming The Importance of Honour at the the social structure of the estate-based society. French Court under Louis XIV By bestowing honour on or stripping somebody of their honour, a person or even a whole group could be either integrated or excluded from soci- When Louis XIV began his personal reign in ety or their estate . Furthermore, the social hier- 1661, the political centralisation process, which archy as well as the order of rank between mem- had been started under Richelieu, was coming to bers of the same social group were determined an end. Earlier historical research on absolutism by conflicts over claims of honour and reputation assumed that the monarch’s absolute claim and (cf. Backmann 16). Every person possessed an monopoly on power, the French standing army individual honour, which depended on their own and the process of bureaucratisation meant deeds and behaviour, and the specific honour by a decrease in nobility’s power and importance which their estate distinguished itself from other (cf . Asch, Europäischer Adel 255-256). Norbert groups of society (cf . Garnier 526) . Among these Elias even stated that nobility transformed into different concepts, the nobility’s perception of a ‘domesticated’ estate, whose sole purpose 3 honour was one of the most prominent since it was to serve the King at his court . These earlier was determined by a wide repertoire of symbols, assumptions are now viewed more critically; in behavioural norms and forms of self-portrayal particular Elias’s view on the ‘domesticated’ elite (cf. Schreiner 15), which played an essential has been refuted in the light of newer research role in noblemen’s competition over power and which shows that Louis XIV depended on the influence at court. As complex as the nobility’s high-ranking noble families and respected their concept of honour was, as easily could it be claims for prestige, honour and status to ensure 4 damaged: by military failure (in the case of men), a successful reign . It cannot be denied, how- a promiscuous lifestyle (in the case of women), ever, that in the course of cultural and political insults and – as I will show – ridiculousness or, change, the function of the court became more using the French source term, le ridicule . important . It was the place where the King and This essay is divided into two parts: First I the magnates (the high-ranking, most powerful will give a brief overview of the importance and aristocrats) were residing; the place where the function which honour and reputation had for major sources of power of the centralised state noblemen at the court of Louis XIV. They needed were held. To participate in the reign, noblemen an honourable reputation if they wished to take had to be granted access to the King or the high part in political decisions concerning not only the nobility, so that they could influence them to a reign of the country but also their own person- certain extent or at least get them to take their al status and privileges . In the second part I will concerns into consideration . Since it was rather examine the impact of ridiculousness on honour difficult for a low-ranking member of the nobility and reputation, the damage it could inflict, and to get in direct contact with the people in power, even if Versailles was theoretically open to every helden. heroes. héros. Kelly Minelli
40 aristocrat, it was necessary for him to have capital. This severely limited his sphere of influ- ‘friends’ who could vouch for him and defend his ence within the noble society (cf. Backmann 15). interests . Taking part in power and the exercise Due to the fact that without ties to other noble- of political influence were enabled by social net- men and their families political influence was al- works, patronage and clientelism 5 . Moreover, most impossible to gain, especially for members within the royal patronage system one could of the lower aristocratic ranks, losing one’s hon- receive tangible signs of favour such as posts, our prevented a successful noble career.6 Hon- land, pensions and participation in tax farming our could be damaged in many possible ways. (cf . Asch, Euopäischer Adel 219-220). One especially feared at court was le ridicule, Since the seventeenth century, therefore, in ridiculousness, for it was an implicit, vague and France, the King’s court was the place where a subtle concept.7 nobleman’s success and career were decided: the nobility competed for the monarch’s and the magnates’ favour and friendships, which did not only promise material and financial advantages, The Impact of Ridiculousness and but were also the most efficient way to take part Laughter on Honour and Reputation in political power. The same was true for noble men’s claims of status, rank and honour . To en- The concept of ridicule was of utter importance force these claims, the King’s and the court’s in seventeenth-century France. It indicated approval was necessary. Thus a nobleman’s something which triggered laughter, and could influence and social networks at court became refer to a person’s behaviour, clothing or speech increasingly important, while the support from pattern (cf. Bertrand 264-265). It provided a le- his clients in the provinces steadily lost its rele- gitimate reason to laugh at someone . The term vance. Therefore, if noblemen wanted to protest un ridicule named a man who deserved to be against a decision, withdrawing to their country laughed at. The concept was well-established in estate and staying away from court, as they had the seventeenth century and did not need to be done in former centuries, was no longer an op- defined or theorised any more (cf. Bertrand 231). tion. If they wanted influence in any form, aristo- Conduct books, which steadily gained popularity crats had to be present at court – by staying or at at the end of the seventeenth and the beginning least travelling there from time to time. Absence of the eighteenth century, such as Morvan de from court meant risking a permanent loss of in- Bellegarde’s bestseller Réflexions sur le ridicule fluence and, in the worst case, a threat tothe et les moyens de l’éviter, did not provide a full family’s rank in the hierarchy of nobility (cf. Asch, explanation of the concept any more . Instead Europäischer Adel 219-220). they only offered examples of incorrect behav- But what enabled a member of the lower- iour which could lead to ridiculousness . Most im- ranking nobility or an insignificant nobleman portantly, the books gave advice on how to pre- from the provinces to gain the necessary sup- vent faux-pas (cf. Braungart 166). But why was port and social networks at court? A nobleman’s being ridicule a problem, and why was it feared keys to ‘friends’, patrons and social support were enough to cause a boom of conduct books and his honour and his reputation . Honour in seven- court manuals meant to prevent it? Ridiculous- teenth-century France was part of what Bourdieu ness was viewed as a threat to decorum: Be- called “symbolic capital”, a ‘currency’ which coming ridiculous meant infringing on the norms could be accumulated, reduced and converted of meetness, and as such the decency and taste into economic or social capital (cf. Schreiner 11). which were regarded as qualities of the honnête Nobility’s demands concerning status and privil homme – the new ideal of (noble) behaviour eges were linked to individual and group-specif- which played an important role in the representa- ic honour, thus bringing a nobleman deference, tion of noble identity (cf. Braungart 116; see also respect and social recognition (cf. ibid. 5). The Höfer). Therefore ridicule was an offence against symbolic capital, becoming an important re- the aristocratic honour . source in nobility’s competition over power and The literary scholar Georg Braungart has influence, provided commissions, pensions and argued that at the end of the seventeenth cen- also embedment in social networks, which were tury the idea of ridicule became a norm, a valid essential for a nobleman’s career at the court truth and a recognised principle which did not and his family’s position in the hierarchy of no- need any proof, explanation or justification (cf. bility (cf. ibid. 11). Dishonour resulted in just the Braungart 231). As such it even grew into a sub- opposite and isolated a nobleman. As a sanc- ject of moral discussion and was used as a stra- tion, it barred him from taking part in political de- tegic argument in debates. Connected to wrong- cisions since it reduced his symbolic capital and ness, unreasonableness or even foolishness, it therefore the ‘currency’ for economic and social provided an easy way to invalidate arguments,
helden. heroes. héros. The Impact of Ridiculousness on Honour and Reputation at the French Court of Louis XIV theses or the whole work of a person, and be- ridiculous and honourless person oneself. Since 41 came a popular method to discredit an author a courtly career and political influence were im- (cf. Bertrand 269, 272-273). possible without ‘friends’ and social networks, The possibilities of becoming ridiculous in the young nobleman had no choice but to end seventeenth-century France were manifold: The his stay at the King’s court . complex conventions of the French court with its Ridiculousness was perceived as a devi elaborate ceremonial, changing fashions and so- ation of communicative rules and cultural norms cial networks, shaped by intrigues and schemes, which formed the aristocratic honour . A viola- offered more than one opportunity for faux-pas tion of these norms was inevitably answered by and blunders. In principle, two ways of becoming peers with stigmatization and social exclusion ridicule can be differentiated: first, because of in- (cf. Braungart 230). This was even worse when correct behaviour (the faux-pas), and second, members of another estate were present at the by being embarrassed by a rival over power and time of the violation, because patterns of courtly influence. behaviour had the function to make clear distinc- The court of the King formed one of the tions between the various social groups of the most important places where honour and repu early modern estate-based society. Low-ranked tation were built and received. It was import aristocrats, nobles from the provinces, members ant for the nobility to know and follow courtly of the noblesse de robe or even the bourgeoisie norms and behavioural codes since a faux-pas (the so-called parvenus), who tried to imitate the or a blunder could brand a person as ridicule. lifestyle and behaviour of higher nobility, were As La Rochefoucauld would put it: “Le ridicule often viewed as ridiculous – not only in theatre déshonore plus que le déshonneur .” (La Roche (for example in the famous plays of Molière (see foucauld 65) Saint-Simon’s memoirs report the Jurt 57)), but also in conduct books, which rec- example of a young nobleman, freshly intro- ommended that every person should act accord- duced at court, who damaged his career by his ing to their social rank and position in society (cf . own ridiculous behaviour. The author introduces Bellegarde 218-219, 364, 367). The same was the incident with the following words: “Je ne puis true for eccentric behaviour of higher-ranked pas passer sous silence une aventure fort ridi- nobles or ridiculous actions which went against cule qui arriva au même homme à tous les deux the predominant ideals of noble behaviour (cf. [bals].” (Saint-Simon, Volume 1 97) At a ball at Bertrand 276, 277, 279). ‘Social dissenters’ were Marly a young nobleman was dancing so badly not well received at court, because a ridiculous that the whole court started laughing . Even the faux-pas embarrassed not only the perpetra- King could barely restrain himself. The young tor but also his whole estate. This forced the nobleman excused himself, explaining his bad other members of the group to ostentatiously performance with the King’s presence and the keep their distance from this unworthy noble- fact that it made him nervous and he promised man. A nobleman who became ridiculous was doing better next time. So at the next ball the socially dead (cf. Braungart 230). court members were looking forward to his per- Ridicule did not only have considerable nega formance but it was even worse, which made tive consequences for the nobleman causing the the court burst into laughter and this time even faux-pas, but also for the representation of so- the King joined in . After this incident the young cial order . This risk of ridiculousness was espe- nobleman left court immediately and did not re- cially significant at large public ceremonies. The turn for a long time: “Chacun, et le Roi même, subversive character of laughter, which normally rioit de tout son coeur, et la plupart en éclats, en followed after a faux-pas, signified a threat for telle sorte que je ne crois pas que personne ait the representation and legitimation of the royal jamais rien essuyé de semblable. Aussi dispa- display and rightful claim of power, which were rut-il incontinent après, et ne se remontra-t-il de provided by the ceremonial. The ridiculousness longtemps.” (Saint-Simon, Volume 1 97) The ri- of a blunder in the ritual (and the laughter it trig- diculousness of his behaviour tainted the young gered) gave the impression of questioning the nobleman’s reputation and honour too much for King’s self-portrayal and display of authority. The him to stay. His symbolic capital was reduced to ridiculous person looked as if he did not take the nothing, thus leaving him without a resource he ceremonial, and thus the King’s legitimation, ser could exchange for economic capital or social iously and the laughter contradicted the rever- support from other court members. His courtly ence which was owed to the King (cf. Schörle career was finished before it even started. The 148-150, 152).8 episode evokes the impression that his ridicu- Saint-Simon experienced such an incident lousness was somehow contagious. Nobody himself when he was sent as an ambassador to wanted to deal with someone whose honour was Spain in 1721/2. During his visit at the Spanish tainted by ridiculousness, in fear of becoming a court, he had an audience with the Princess of
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42 Asturias. Saint-Simon greeted the Princess with aristocratic ranking order . One development of the deference required for such an occasion, but the seventeenth century illustrates this problem: the Princess, instead of giving an appropriate When competing elites started to imitate the answer, only let out a loud burp. Saint-Simon ways of living of the venerable noblesse d’épée, and the other court members present in the certain ‘hybrid forms’ of noble lifestyle emerged, Princess’ chamber tried to hold their laughter. shaped by both aristocratic and bourgeois elem However, when the Princess burped for a sec- ents, as can be observed for the noblesse de ond and, even louder, for a third time, they could robe and other urban elites (cf. Asch, Europä not restrain themselves anymore. Everyone fled ischer Adel 157) 9. Even if attention was still paid from the room as quickly as possible, trying not to the separation of estates – at court as well to laugh in front of the young Princess . Only as in the salons (cf. Lilti 148-158) – the amount when they had reached nearby rooms did they of situations where different social estates and let their laughter out loud: groups came in contact and sometimes even mixed increased, for example in marriages be- […] moi en fuite avec tout ce qui m’ac- tween members of the noblesse d’épée and the compagnoit, avec des éclats de rire noblesse de robe (cf . Asch, Staatsbildung 328; d’autant plus grands qu’ils forcèrent les barrières que chacun avoit tâché d’y see also Asch, Europäischer Adel 43). Not only mettre . Toute la gravité espagnole fut did the risks of misbehaviour and disrespectful déconcertée; tout fut dérangé; nulle ré- conduct rise with the number of occasions, but vérence; chacun pâmant de rire se sau- the old elites also often had a critical (and per- va comme il put, sans que la princesse haps slightly worried) view on these develop en perdit son sérieux, […] On s’arrêta ments. For this reason, courtly behaviour, fash- dans la pièce suivante pour rire tout à ion and speech patterns became a dominant son aise, et s’étonner après plus libre- method to distinguish oneself from the lower- ment. (Saint-Simon, Volume 40 215-216) ranking noblemen, the nobility from the prov- inces and, of course, the noblesse de robe.10 The fact that the court members suppressed In this context, le ridicule constituted a hidden their laughter while still being in the Princess’s mechanism of power, used by the higher nobility presence and that they fled to nearby rooms in- to consolidate their status and rank in the aris- dicates how inappropriate a loud laughter would tocratic hierarchy or at least to make it clearly have been in this situation and context. They visible. Since there were no written rules con- would have laughed at a noblewoman from the cerning the right conduct at court and the latest highest aristocratic rank, so that all due defer- fashion trends concerning clothes, hairstyle and ence would have been lost, and in the case of language, it was nearly impossible for outsiders Saint-Simon, it also would had been a grave to be ‘up to date’ – even with the help of con- diplomatic mistake and an insult to the Spanish duct books and court manuals. Since fashions crown . The political tensions at audiences with were constantly changing, a nobleman had to be foreign ambassadors were always high, and permanently present at court or – and this was appropriate ceremonials and demonstrations of continually stressed by the high nobility – had to deference were extremely important for prevent- be born into the right ‘circles’ to avoid ridiculous- ing a political éclat – especially in the case of the ness through unfashionable appearance and strict Spanish court ceremonial, where showing blunders.11 The correct courtly behaviour, which emotions was deemed unworthy for the royal was thought to show itself in a natural grâce, a family because it opposed the royal dignity (cf. certain ease, nonchalance and elegance, could Schörle 150-151). Since their laughter would only be obtained through birth and by being have destroyed the royal representation of the brought up within the specific ‘circles’ of higher Princess and because they could not restrain nobility. The right behaviour patterns and con- themselves despite their effort, Saint-Simon and duct codes were then adopted from childhood, the other nobles had no choice but to turn away and because of their experience, members of from the Princess . Leaving the ceremony was the court nobility could easily adapt to chang- more easily excusable than displaying emotions ing fashions . Contemporaries assumed that the and especially the unworthy laughter (cf. ibid.). manners of lower nobility and the noblesse de The example from Saint-Simon’s memoirs robe, who had to learn the correct behaviour describes a situation in a foreign country and through conduct books, would always be recog- between two parties from different nations. In nisably marked by a certain stiffness of behav- such cases the representation of the nobility’s iour that clearly distinguished them from the ‘nat- hierarchy was particularly crucial, and the sub- ural’ elegance of the court nobility (cf. Chartier versive character of laughter and ridiculous faux- 23; see also Asch, Europäischer Adel 157, 221) . pas represented a precarious threat. But within This stiffness and ‘desperate’ attempts to copy French society, laughter and ridiculousness also the higher nobility’s grâce and sense of fashion constituted a threat to the social order and the
helden. heroes. héros. The Impact of Ridiculousness on Honour and Reputation at the French Court of Louis XIV could only result in ridiculousness, especially be- efforts of social discipline and preservation of the 43 cause it was regarded as highly insolent to adopt inner peace and order. Moreover, it offered the a lifestyle clearly above one’s own position and nobility a sphere separate from the King’s au- rank in society. Therefore, not being familiar with thority to bargain their demands for honour and the cultural norms, fashions and rules of the prestige, which went against the King’s image court and committing faux-pas, and ‘trying too as an absolute monarch reigning over a well- hard’ to adapt were both deemed ridiculous. ordered and ‘domesticated’ nobility. Therefore Of course the idea of nobility’s natural, con- the duel was officially prohibited under Louis XIV genital elegance and taste did not necessarily (although it continued to exist ‘in secret’) 12. In- correlate with reality . For members of nobility not stead, the embarrassment of opponents through constantly present at court it was hard to avoid ridicule formed a perfect method to continue the ridiculousness, but even the court nobility was struggle for honour and prestige without going not free from the risk of ridicule . Considering the against the state’s law and the King’s orders . It damage it could do to honour and reputation went along with the ideal of the honnête homme, and the consequences for a nobleman’s courtly who fought with words and not with weapons, career, the fear of ridiculousness created high thus following the rules of decency and respect- pressure on the noblemen staying at court, for ing the given hierarchy . cing them to constantly watch not only their sur- Nonetheless a nobleman had to be careful roundings and the other court members but also when ridiculing his opponent . Incorrect usage their own behaviour and appearance (cf. Revel or an excess of mockery could easily go against 197-198). This situation was intensified by the the rules of decorum and disturb the courtly fact that ridicule was a popular method at court peace. To prevent such a disturbance one could to harm one’s rivals . use the method of the persiflage, which consist- Le ridicule constituted a good instrument in ed in delivering an honorific speech but with an nobility’s struggle for power and influence. It pro- irony that was apparent to everyone in the audi vided a possibility to get rid of a rival by reducing ence, except the person who was praised (cf . his symbolic capital and thus isolating him from Lilti 280). An example is found in Saint-Simon’s court society. It was an easy way of outman memoirs, an incident which the author describes oeuvring one’s opponents and reducing their in- as “une satire continuelle de la vanité du prélat fluence by separating them from their social net- [Monsieur de Noyon], qui le tournoit pleinement works . Furthermore, mockery and jokes could en ridicule” (Saint-Simon, Volume 2 194) .The help a nobleman’s career, since – as someone bishop of Noyon, François de Clermont-Tonnere who provided occasion for laughter and amuse- (1629-1701), was known for his vanity.13 When a ment – he became an interesting and entertain- position at the Académie française became va- ing person welcomed at court (cf. Bellegarde cant, the King decided to tease him and made 375; see also Strosetzki 105). This could create him get elected into the academy without the the possibility of being invited by higher circles of bishop even being nominated or, according to court, and a good opportunity to establish con- Saint-Simon, possessing the necessary qualifi- tact with the social superiors . cations . The King also declared that he would Embarrassing one’s opponent also went be very pleased if a lot of people were to come along with the ideal of the honnête homme . to the ceremony and festivities which were held This behaviour pattern encouraged a peace- for the bishop’s admission. Of course a large ful attitude that respected social harmony and number of court members attended the cere was meant to please the other court members mony. An honorific speech was held by the Abbé (cf. Strosetzki 104; see also Bertrand 280-281 Caumartin, the chairman of the Académie, who, and Asch, Honour 374) . The heroic ideal of the in order to provide amusement for the crowd, warrior, who gained his reputation by individual and to win the King’s favour, prepared a high- military victories and achievements, was slowly ly ironic speech that imitated the bishop’s very beginning to lose its predominate position under own pompous style and language . Caumartin’s the reign of Louis XIV . The honnête homme sup- speech was a success: the audience was thrilled ported a more nonviolent form of representation and the bishop did not realise the irony – on the and self-portrayal (cf. Bertrand 280-281; see also contrary, at every given opportunity he continued Asch, Honour 374) . This also had an impact on to tell the story of the King’s favour and his glam- the way honour was claimed by nobility. Before orous ceremony, until one of his opponents told the reign of Louis XIV, the duel was a common him the truth. After that, he was so embarrassed practice of negotiating and defending a noble that he left the court and Paris: “s’en alla passer man’s honour. But the duel, which left at least sa honte dans son diocèse, où il demeura long- one person dead and was of a revengeful na- temps .” (Saint-Simon, Volume 2 201) He only ture, could not be brought in line with the state’s forgave Abbé Caumartin on his deathbed.
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44 The persiflage was only one way of mockery. absolutely hated the colour grey and nobody had The use of obvious jokes and traps to embar- been wearing it for years. He ordered Tessé to rass another court member was very common at immediately remove his hat and everyone, es- court. The risk of being ridiculed by a rival was pecially Lauzan, laughed at their hearts’ content . omnipresent, so that conduct books did not only Tessé, even if he was highly embarrassed and recommend ways to prevent ridiculous behav- upset, could only stand there silently and endure iour but also gave advice for the correct reaction his disgrace: when someone became the victim of mockery and laughter . This was necessary since a wrong Et à l’instant, le bon duc [Lauzan] à pous- ser de rire et s’éclipser . “Lauzan s’est reaction to an embarrassment could make the moqué de vous, répondit le Roi un peu situation even worse. The problem lay in the vivement; croyez-moi, envoyez tout à near impossibility of a defence. Embarrassment l’heure ce chapeau-là au général des by jokes and mockery, when well used, was in Prémontrés .” Jamais je ne vis homme line with the ideal of the honnête homme and, plus confondu que Tessé: il demeura les contrary to direct insults, functioned within the yeux baissés et regardant ce chapeau cultural norms of the court. A nobleman could avec une tristesse et une honte qui rendit hardly defend himself against mockery espe- la scène parfait. Aucun des spectateurs cially when the whole court started laughing . It ne se contaignit le rire, ni des plus fami- became even worse when the King joined in. liers avec le Roi d’en dire un mot. (Saint- Going against the courtly consensus was impos- Simon, Volume 5 363-364) sible. The laughing court apparently approved of He could not even take revenge on Lauzan, who the jokes and embarrassment, which provided was well known at the court for playing mean amusement and entertainment. The best way pranks, and everyone told Tessé he had to blame of countering such an embarrassment, or at himself for not knowing Lauzan’s character and least to reduce the damage done to one’s hon- for falling so easily for his trap: our, was to join the laughter. Becoming angry or visibly upset just showed that the mockery was Enfin Tessé reprit assez ses sens pour deserved and that the insulted did not share the s’en aller; mais toute la cour lui en dit sa King’s and the court’s opinion (cf. Bertrand 137- pensée, et lui demanda s’il ne connoissoit 138; see also Schörle 81 and Bellegarde 206). point encore M . de Lauzan, qui en rioit Once more an example can be found in the mem- sous cape quand on lui en parloit . Avec tout cela, Tessé n’osa s’en fâcher, et la oirs of Saint-Simon: The King gave the order to cose, quoique en peu forte, demeura en make the military troops look splendorous, and plaisanterie, dont Tessé fut longtemps so every officer tried his best to make his soldiers tourmenté et bien honteux. (Saint-Simon, and himself look pompous in order to impress Volume 5 363-364) the King. In the military camp at Compiègne, 60,000 soldiers were garrisoned, and the Count Tessé’s powerlessness in regard of his embar- of Tessé, René III de Froullay (1650-1725), who rassment and loss of honour shows the danger was in charge of the dragoons, was trying his which lay within le ridicule: Becoming ridicule best to gain the favour of the King and equip his was especially harmful because one could not troops well. When the King visited Campiègne, act against it. Unlike a direct offence, for which the Duke of Lauzan, Antonin Nompar de Cau- a nobleman might claim satisfaction from his mont, Marquis de Puyguilhem (1632-1723), rival to restore his honour, the loss of honour by asked the Count of Tessé what hat he would ridiculousness could not be compensated – es- be wearing when he would present himself and pecially if the embarrassment amused the crowd his soldiers to the King . Tessé replied that he in- and the King. Even if a nobleman did go against tended to wear a simple bonnet, but Lauzan told the consensus, there was no satisfaction such him that it would be absolutely necessary for the as in duels, and therefore honour could not be Colonel General of the dragoons to wear a grey restored. A mocked nobleman could only endure hat, since it was the privilege of the general to the ridiculousness and hope that the damage to do so. Since the position of the Colonel General his reputation and honour was not too great . of the dragoons was originally created for Lau- The examples from the memoirs of Saint- zan, who had held this position for many years, Simon have shown that when using the method Tessé trusted him on this matter and was very of ridiculing one’s rivals, noblemen were bound grateful for his advice . He immediately ordered to certain rules that had to be followed. Most a huge grey hat with a large feather from Paris . importantly, it was wise to only mock people of When the King arrived at Campiègne, the Count lower or more or less similar ranks . Conduct of Tessé was wearing his newly purchased gar- books did not recommend making fun of social ment to impress him. Unfortunately the King superiors and even warned against doing so,
helden. heroes. héros. The Impact of Ridiculousness on Honour and Reputation at the French Court of Louis XIV since angering them could be dangerous. They the speech was undue. Even if the bishop’s hon- 45 normally possessed more economic and social our was highly damaged and he left the court in capital and could easily take revenge and harm shame, he still complained to the King about the the mocker’s career and family (cf. Schörle 73- incident . This led the King to take actions against 75). Additionally, the higher nobility held more Caumartin; since he had not respected the hier than just symbolic capital. Of course their hon- archy of the nobility and even made it look as our and reputation could also be damaged by if the King was entirely responsible for the ridiculousness and embarrassment, but they bishop’s loss of honour (the King wanted to tease owned enough other resources to partly make the bishop, but not to this extent), Caumartin up for the loss . The contrary was true for middle was banned from court and only the intervention and especially lower-ranked noblemen: In their of his brother prevented that he received a lettre case, ridiculousness presented a great dan- de cachet. The method of bringing one’s oppon ger because honour and reputation were often ent into ridicule was a good means to destroy their most important and sometimes even their his symbolic capital and reducing his chances only resource in the competition for power and to build his career, but it was also quite danger- influence. It was therefore important for them ous. Used in the wrong way, it could backfire and not to make a fool of themselves by committing damage one’s own career . a faux-pas or by falling prey to higher-ranked noblemen, who often made fun of lower ranked court members solely for their own amusement. These noblemen could also be made fun of by Conclusion even higher-ranked individuals, for example by members of the King’s family (and we can find At a court where political power and influence such instances in our source14), but the conse- was exercised through social networks, ‘friends’, quences were not as severe . patronage and clientelism, the symbolic capital Revenge was not the only reason to avoid of a nobleman was decisive for his success. As the embarrassment of higher-ranked court an essential part of symbolic capital, honour and members. Mockery had to adhere to the rules reputation constituted an important resource in of hierarchy, because questioning the order of the nobility’s competition and struggle for power the court would cast the King in an unfavour and influence at court. But this honour and repu able light (cf. Bertrand 137). It was vital for the tation could easily be stained by le ridicule. Since royal image and representation to reign over a the concept of ridiculousness was relatively well-ordered aristocracy which gained its honour vague, not determined by strict rules and above and privileges only from him . The legitimation of all decided by constantly changing fashions, the nobility’s position in society depended on the even a rising number of conduct books and court King; serving and obeying the King was its task. manuals at the end of the seventeenth century Although historical research does not longer val- could not solve the problem. Members of the idate the view of a completely submitted and ‘do- lower-ranking nobility, noblemen from the prov- mesticated’ nobility under the reign of Louis XIV, inces, the noblesse de robe and other bourgeois it still assumes that it was important for Louis elites had to rely on these books, since they were XIV’s reign to give the impression of an abso- – contrary to the high court nobility which was lute ruler who was the sole holder of political born and raised in the courtly environment – not power. Disturbing the hierarchy of the nobility by used to the courtly rules, norms and moral code . embarrassing a member who was clearly stand- They often ran the risk of committing a faux-pas ing above oneself meant destroying the image and becoming ridiculous due to their own in of the King’s absolute reign over a well-ordered, appropriate behaviour. Once a person’s honour subordinated nobility. For this reason embar- was tainted by ridiculousness, it was hard to stay rassments mostly took place in more private en- at court, since nobody wanted to deal with some- vironments – places not accessible to everyone one who was believed to be ridiculous in fear of like the King’s tent at the camp of Campiègne becoming ridiculous themselves. Without a so- or Marly, a smaller castle which the King used cial network and support a successful career at as a secluded retreat and where only the higher court was not possible, so an honour damaged members of nobility where permitted. Therefore, by ridiculousness could be fatal to a nobleman’s the example of Caumartin and his ironic speech rank in the hierarchy of nobility. High-ranking on the bishop of Noyon was highly problematic. aristocrats used the notion of ridiculousness to As a matter of fact, it was well received by the distinguish themselves from the lower nobility audience, but the King was not amused. Cau- and especially from the bourgeois elites, reduc- martin was ranked lower than the bishop, there ing their influence at court. Even if members of was a huge crowd present at the ceremony and the lower aristocratic ranks and the bourgeois
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46 elites tried to adapt to the courtly environment, Therefore they constitute an important source for historical their behaviour and appearance were regarded research concerning this period. Nonetheless they are not unproblematic. On the one hand Saint-Simon wanted to live by high nobility as ‘stiff’, a futile attempt to imitate up to a certain literary standard and wrote an entertaining their own ‘congenital’ grâce and nonchalance – oeuvre. His writing is clearly influenced by his temper and which was perceived as insolent and ridiculous . his emotions, which makes it quite subjective. On the other Since ridiculousness presented such a great hand his report is strongly marked by his life experience and convictions: Saint-Simon was a duc et pair but nonetheless danger to a nobleman’s honour and reputation, it he did not possess any remarkable amount of power or in- became a well-used weapon at court. Three as- fluence. He idealised the reign of Louis XIII, the time when pects made ridicule an effective method to harm his father had made his fortune, and he had a critical view on one’s rivals and opponents: First, it went along Louis XIV, whom he accused of depriving the nobility of its power and rightful position . His negative view on Louis XIV with the courtly ideal of the honnête homme, was strengthened by his hate for the King’s illegitimate chil- which consisted in pleasing others by making dren and his resentment for the noblesse de robe . He was them laugh and amusing them . Making jokes trying hard to gain some influence at court, but neither he nor and mocking someone, if well used, could help his son were able to make a successful career (cf. Dessert; see also Truc 264-266). Saint-Simon’s appraising and bitter a nobleman to fulfil this behavioural ideal and be view on the French court and Louis XIV had a notable influ- well received at court. Second, since ridiculing ence on earlier historical research, as for example the works someone was appropriate within the courtly be- of Norbert Elias (cf. Asch, Hof 119) . havioural code, it could also be brought in line 3 On Elias’s theses see Elias, Höfische Gesellschaft and with the King’s orders . Part of Louis XIV’s image Elias, Prozess, and on the problematic aspects of his theses of the absolute monarch was the reign over a see Asch, Hof, and also the recent study by Horowski. well-ordered and ‘domesticated’ nobility. Since 4 The term ‘absolutism’ is used with caution in recent his- torical research (especially in Germany), since it constitutes duels – the traditional way by which aristocrats a theoretical construct which cannot be applied completely to fought over honour and social prestige – were the historical reality and which cannot describe the complex forbidden, because they not only presented a ity of different historical developments with all their contradic- threat to the courtly peace but also gave the tions. The reign of Louis XIV is considered more ambivalent by newer historical research, since the King, when assigning nobility a sphere to bargain their demands for important posts at his court, respected the claims and the honour and prestige outside of the monarch’s position of the leading noble families. Moreover he hesitated authority, ridiculing an opponent was a (new) to restrict the nobility’s fundamental privileges (such as tax method in the nobility’s competition for honour exemption), since wealthy noblemen often lent money to the crown. Furthermore, the military offered thenoblesse d’épée and prestige which respected the King’s orders a promising career opportunity and approval of its rank and and laws . Third, ridiculing a rival was a very ef- position (cf . Asch, Europäischer Adel 255-260). On the reign fective way to stain his honour, since there was of Louis XIV see also Chaline and Collins . hardly any possibility of defence or a chance to 5 The meaning and importance of friendship, patronage gain satisfaction to restore the damaged honour . and clientelism was intensively researched within the Gradu- As the examples from Saint-Simon’s memoirs iertenkolleg 1288: “Freunde, Gönner, Getreue” at the Albert- Ludwigs-University Freiburg. have shown, ridiculousness presented a threat to honour and reputation, which noblemen at 6 The amount of accumulated social and symbolic capital did not have an effect on the damage which could be done court tried to avoid at all cost . to a person’s honour . Even ‘wealthy’ people could lose all of Kelly Minelli is a future PhD candidate at the their honour at once, if the attack on their honour was suc- Collaborative Research Center 948 (University cessful. The loss was therefore not a stealthy process but a sudden occurrence (cf. Schreiner 11). of Freiburg). Her doctoral research will be super- vised by Prof. Dr. Ronald G. Asch and will focus 7 The word ridicule is a very complex term which under- went significant change over the centuries and cannot be on heroic models in German and French military fully described in this brief essay. An overview of the se- ego-documents from 1756-1815. mantic change is provided by Bertrand. On the meaning of ridiculousness in French literature see also the early work of Schalk. For better legibility I will also use the English transla- tion ‘ridiculousness’ . 1 Honour and reputation often have similar meanings . In On the meaning of rituals, ceremonies and symbolic this essay I understand reputation as a person’s ‘good repu- 8 communications see Stollberg-Rilinger. tation’, which consisted in being known for having some sort of remarkable or extraordinary skills, good character traits 9 During the early modern period until the late eighteenth and qualities, or just being capable and trustworthy on the century, social climbers imitated the lifestyle and self-fashion assigned task . Therefore it is close to the concept of ‘glory’ . of nobility. An example of this process are the magnificent A ‘bad reputation’ constituted in just the opposite. Honour will buildings which remind one of nobility’s castles and country be understood – and I will explain it in detail in this essay – as estates. Such ‘processes of assimilation’ of the noble life- part of a nobleman’s symbolic capital, a sort of reassurance style helped nobility to preserve its cultural leadership (cf. and resource essential for the courtly competition for power Asch, Einführung 320-321). and influence. On the notions of honour and reputation see also 10 The corporal habitus played an important role in this mat- Ronald Asch’s and Christian Kühner’s essays in this issue . ter . Contemporaries assumed that the social and cultural su- 2 Saint-Simon’s memoirs consist of forty-three volumes. periority of nobility manifested itself through a graceful pos- They represent a very detailed report of the court life under ture and elegant movements (cf . Asch, Europäischer Adel Louis XIV and during the regency of the Duke of Orléans. 143, 145-146).
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11 On the importance of fashion and clothes in French soci- Bertrand, Dominique. Dire le rire à l’âge classique: 47 ety see Roche . Représenter pour mieux contrôler. Aix-en-Provence: Publi- cations de l’Université de Provence, 1995. 12 On duels under the reign of Louis XIV see Asch, Hon- our 373, and Asch, Hof 129 . For a more general view on Braungart, Georg. “Le ridicule: Sozialästhetische Normie- the development of duels in the early modern period see rung und moralische Sanktionierung zwischen höfischer Brioist. The decrease of ‘public’ duels with several partici- und bürgerlicher Gesellschaft – Kontinuitäten und Umwer- pants was due to nobility’s changed ethos. The change of the tungen .” Semiotik, Rhetorik und Soziologie des Lachens: ethos was partly due to the influence of the Catholic reform Vergleichende Studien zum Funktionswandel des Lachens which propagated a new, less violent and less heroic noble vom Mittelalter zur Gegenwart . Eds . Lothar Fietz et al . ideal (cf . Asch, Honour 373-374, see also Asch, Ständische Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1996: 228-238. Stellung 31) . Another factor also played an important part in Brioist, Pascal, et al. Croiser le fer: Violence et culture de these developments: Louis XIV’s politics stabilised the social l’épée dans la France moderne (XVIe-XVIIIe siècle) . order and respected the privileges of the noblesse d’épée. Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 2002. Even the claims of prestige of noble families which had fallen from political grace were preserved to a certain extent (cf . Chaline, Olivier . Le règne de Louis XIV . Paris: Flammarion, Asch, Honour 374) . 2005 . 13 Vanity was generally seen as a trait which led to ridicu- Chartier, Roger . “Civilité .” Handbuch politisch-sozialer lousness. Bellegarde even dedicates a whole chapter (“De Grundbegriffe in Frankreich 1680-1820 . Eds . Roger Charti- la sotte vanité”) to it in his conduct book. A short overview of er and Thomas Schleich. Volume 4. Munich: Oldenbourg, the significance of vanity and the development of the literary 1986: 7-50. figure vanitas is given by Lothar Fietz. Collins, James . The State in Early Modern France . Cam- 14 See, for example, a joke played by the Prince of Condé to bridge: UP, 2009. the Marshal of Luxembourg at a ball at Marly which ridiculed Dessert, Daniel. “Préface.” Saint-Simon: Louis XIV et sa the Marshal in front of the whole court, or the example of the cour. Bruxelles: Complexe, 1994. VII-XXI. Princess of Harcourt, who was constantly mocked and ridi- culed by the Duke of Burgundy and his wife (cf. Saint-Simon, Elias, Norbert. Die Höfische Gesellschaft: Untersuchungen Volume 7 57-60; see also Saint-Simon, Volume 10 371-374). zur Soziologie des Königtums und der höfischen Aristokra- tie. Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp, 2002. ---. Über den Prozess der Zivilisation 1: Wandlungen des Verhaltens in den weltlichen Oberschichten des Abendlan- des. Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp, 2010. Works Cited ---. Über den Prozess der Zivilisation 2: Wandlungen der Ge- sellschaft, Entwurf zu einer Theorie der Zivilisation . Frank- Asch, Ronald G. “Einführung: Adel in der Neuzeit.” furt a. M.: Suhrkamp, 2010. Geschichte und Gesellschaft 33.3 (2007): 317-325. Fietz, Lothar. “Von der Sündhaftigkeit zur Lächerlichkeit der ---. Europäischer Adel in der Frühen Neuzeit. Cologne: Vanitas.” Semiotik, Rhetorik und Soziologie des Lachens: Böhlau, 2008. Vergleichende Studien zum Funktionswandel des Lachens ---. “Hof, Adel und Monarchie: Norbert Eliasʼ Höfische Ge- vom Mittelalter zur Gegenwart . Eds . Lothar Fietz et al . sellschaft im Lichte der neueren Forschung .” Höfische Ge- Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1996: 189-202. sellschaft und Zivilisationsprozess: Norbert Eliasʼ Werk in Garnier, Claudia. “Injurien und Satisfaktion: Zum Stellenwert kulturwissenschaftlicher Perspektive . Ed . Claudia Opitz . rituellen Handelns in Ehrkonflikten des spätmittelalterlichen Cologne: Böhlau, 2005: 119-142. und frühneuzeitlichen Adels .” Zeitschrift für historische ---. “‘Honour in all parts of Europe will be ever like itself’: Forschung: Vierteljahresschrift zur Erforschung des Spät- Ehre, adlige Standeskultur und Staatsbildung in Eng- mittelalters und der Frühen Neuzeit 29.4 (2002): 525-561. land und Frankreich im späten 16 . und 17 . Jahrhundert: Höfer, Anette, and Rolf Reichardt. “Honnête homme, Honnê- Disziplinierung oder Aushandeln von Statusansprüchen?” teté, Honnêtes gens.” Handbuch politisch-sozialer Grund- Staatsbildung als kultureller Prozess: Strukturwandel und begriffe in Frankreich 1680-1820. Eds . Roger Chartier and Legitimation von Herrschaft in der Frühen Neuzeit . Eds . Thomas Schleich. Volume 7. Munich: Oldenbourg, 1986: Ronald G. Asch and Dagmar Freist. Cologne: Böhlau, 8-67. 2005: 353-379. Horowski, Leonhard . Die Belagerung des Thrones: Macht- ---. “Staatsbildung und adlige Führungsschichten in der strukturen und Karrieremechanismen am Hof von Frank- Frühen Neuzeit: Auf dem Weg zur Auflösung der ständi- reich 1661-1789. Ostfildern: Thorbecke, 2012. schen Identität des Adels?” Geschichte und Gesellschaft 33.3 (2007): 375-397. Jurt, Joseph . “Le rire et la société dans des textes littéraires de Molière à Flaubert.” Revue des Sciences Sociales 43 . ---. “Ständische Stellung und Selbstverständnis des Adels im (2010): 56-61. 17 . und 18 . Jahrhundert .” Der europäische Adel im Ancien Régime: Von der Krise der ständischen Monarchien bis zur Kühner, Christian . Politische Freundschaft bei Hofe: Reprä Revolution (ca. 1600–1789) . Ed . Ronald G . Asch . Cologne: sentation und Praxis einer sozialen Beziehung im franzö- Böhlau, 2001. 3-45. sischen Adel des 17. Jahrhunderts. Göttingen: V&R uni- press, 2013 . Backmann, Sibylle, and Hans-Jörg Künast. “Einführung.” Ehrkonzepte in der Frühen Neuzeit: Identitäten und Ab- La Rochefoucauld, François de. Réflexions ou sentences et grenzung. Eds. Sibylle Backmann et al. Berlin: Akademie- maximes morales: Quatrième édition. Lyon: Pierre Compa- Verlag, 1998: 13-23. gnon & Robert Taillandier, 1685. Bellegarde, Morvan de. Réflexions sur le ridicule, et sur les Lilti, Antoine . Le monde des salons: Sociabilité et mondanité moyens de l’éviter: Où sont représentez les differens carac- à Paris au XVIIIᵉ siècle . Paris: Fayard, 2005 . tères & les mœurs des personnes de ce siècle . La Haye: Revel, Jacques . “Les usages de la civilité .” Historie de la Guillaume de Voys, 1729 . vie privée. Eds. Philippe Ariès and Georges Duby. Paris: Seuil, 1986: 169-209.
helden. heroes. héros. Kelly Minelli
48 Roche, Daniel. La culture des apparences: Une histoire du vêtement (XVIIᵉ-XVIIIᵉ siècle) . Paris: Fayard, 1991 . Saint-Simon, Louis de Rouvroy de. Mémoires de Saint- Simon. Nouvelle édition collationnée sur le manuscrit auto- graphe, augmentée des additions de Saint-Simon au Jour- nal de Dangeau, Volume 1-43. Paris: Hachette, 1879-1928. Schalk, Fritz. Das Lächerliche in der französischen Literatur des Ancien Régime . Cologne: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1954 . Schörle, Eckart. Die Verhöflichung des Lachens: Lachge- schichte im 18. Jahrhundert. Bielefeld: Aisthesis, 2007. Schreiner, Klaus, and Gerd Schwerhoff. “Verletzte Ehre: Überlegungen zu einem Forschungskonzept”. Verletzte Ehre: Ehrkonflikte in Gesellschaften des Mittelalters und der Frühen Neuzeit. Eds. Klaus Schreiner and Gerd Scher- hoff. Cologne: Böhlau, 1995: 1-28. Stollberg-Rilinger, Barbara, ed. Alles nur symbolisch? Bilanz und Perspektiven der Erforschung symbolischer Kommuni- kation. Cologne: Böhlau, 2005. Strosetzki, Christoph. Konversation: Ein Kapitel gesellschaft- licher und literarischer Pragmatik in Frankreich des 17. Jahrhunderts . Frankfurt a . M .: Lang, 1978 . Truc, Gonzague. “Saint-Simon im Spiegel der Kritik. (Zur Rezeptionsgeschichte der Memoiren von Saint-Simon)”. Die Memoiren des Herzogs von Saint-Simon. Vierter Band 1715-1723. Ed. Sigrid von Massenbach. Frankfurt a. M.: Ullstein, 1977: 262-290.
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Anaïs Pedron 49
“Une contradiction trop absurde”
An Actress’s Fame and the Fight for Civil Rights in 1760s France 1
This paper presents a case study of the theatri- Setting the Stage: The Context of the cal scene in eighteenth-century France to show Eighteenth-Century Theatre how reputations can be actively employed in at- tempts to effect social change. The most famous There is no doubt that actors in eighteenth-cen- Parisian theatres then (and in the whole history tury France had a precarious reputation . Their of France) were the Comédie-Française and the behaviour (and especially that of female per- Comédie-Italienne. Their actors were ‘the king’s formers) was carefully scrutinised and aroused actors’ since Louis XIV had turned the two the- comment and criticism . Actresses were also atres and the Opéra into royal companies . The often considered (with good reason or not) to Comédie-Française was created in 1680 by a be courtesans. Actors shocked people not only royal ordinance of Louis XIV merging the only because of their profession (which was based two Parisian troupes at the time, that of the Hôtel on pretence, after all), but also because of inci- Guénégaud and that of the Hôtel de Bourgogne. dents of actual misconduct . Indeed, actors were All the performers were then under the supervi- accused of being outspoken and having loose sion of the First Gentlemen of the Bedchamber, morals . It is just as undisputed that these actors who was also the one responsible for the choice were discriminated against. Not only could they of the actors for the plays if the author was not attend services, but their marriages were not dead. The Comédie-Française was a symbol of validated and their children were officially illegit- good taste and had some help from the Crown imate . This was a unique situation in European and, most important, a monopoly on plays by history, and never before nor after have perform- French authors such as Molière and Racine. ers been so badly treated by society. Indeed, Being a member of the Comédie-Française was there was no bull or official papal regulation con- very prestigious and a way for actors to secure demning theatre, nor any law that defined actors a salary and a pension when they had retired . as infamous . In fact, the 1560s États Généraux Moreover, it was gender-neutral until the end of affirmed quite the opposite (cf. Blanc 418). So, the eighteenth century . Women had an equal where did the discrimination of French actors involvement and the same executive power as come from? men through the general assembly of the troupe. Even if theatre was getting more respectable However, performers of the Comédie-Française, and accepted by society,4 the reputation of per- the Comédie-Italienne and provincial theatres formers remained a problem. Indeed, the norm of did not enjoy civil and religious rights 2. Actors theatrical dialogue and performance was of ex- were automatically excommunicated from the cessive prudery and forbade allusion to adultery French Catholic Church. Unless the performers and prostitution, or any kind of public endear- retired from the stage and renounced their for ment like kissing (cf . McManners 3) . Performers, mer profession, the Church forbade its repre- and especially actresses, were scrutinized and sentatives from administering any of the Holy criticised for their supposed loose morals . At the Sacraments to them. This paper will explore end of the seventeenth century, following the ex- the civil and religious status of the performers treme piety of the last years of Louis XIV’s reign, under the Old Regime and the changes that bishops – among them Louis Antoine, cardinal occurred throughout the century, with a special de Noailles5 – succeeded in putting comedians focus on the actress Hyppolite Clairon of the on the list of public sinners. Thus the religious Comédie-Française,3 who campaigned in the ostracism of performers became the norm. And 1760s for performers to be granted civil rights. although the intolerance towards actors was I will argue that the actress used her fame in an mainly ecclesiastical, they also were prejudiced attempt to give her profession the respectability civilly and socially . Actors did not have civil rights of citizenship at a time where being an actor was or even duties; they could not be witnesses in a considered shameful . helden. heroes. héros. Anaïs Pedron
50 law court nor could they hold a municipal office & par conséquent, l’Infamie qu’on attache à mon (cf . McManners 9) . They could not inherit prop- état, me fait vous prier de jeter les yeux sur les erty, nor could they bequeath it. “Their lives were Mémoires ci-joints.” (Clairon and Huerne de la governed by the whims of four royal officers and Mothe xv) Clairon seems to be the supplicant, noblemen, the Gentlemen of the King’s Cham- seeking the help of a lawyer to resolve her issue . ber. These men, rather than the King’s judges At that time, however, Clairon was the greatest and magistrates, were the only court of appeal and the most celebrated actress of the French for all personal and professional disputes affect- stage, while Huerne was an obscure lawyer in ing the troupe’s members.” (Ravel 75) his fifties. Moreover, Clairon sent him a memo However, the eighteenth century saw the randum that gave him information about the rise of leading actresses, who were among the actors and what she was asking him to do . Her aim, most celebrated women of their society. Claire- with the help of the lawyer, was to prove to the au- Josèphe Léris, known as Mademoiselle (Hip- thorities that not only was the systematic excom- polyte) Clairon, was the most talented, famous munication of actors unfair but that it was illegal. and admired actress of the second half of the Clairon started this memorandum by remind- eighteenth century (fig. )1 . ing Huerne that all actors came from Roman In the 1760s, her presence in a play was Catholic families, were baptised and that they enough to guarantee its success (cf. Lilti 43-44, believed in a religion that made them despicable note 10) . Clairon was aware of her talent and to their own nation only because of their profes- her fame, which gave her a stronger influence sion. She then argued, disingenuously, that this with the monarchy and its agents than her fellow excommunication was the reason for the mis- actors. Her fame was the result of her talent, but conduct of actors so that, if “la peine de l’Excom- it also made her (like all other actresses) an ob- munication cesse, l’infamie tombe sur le champ; ject of desire for the public, including high-ranked & cette Société rétablie dans les Mystères de la men . Clairon knew how to take advantage of her Religion, fera fleurir le bon exemple & la bonne reputation and more than once declared herself conduite.” (ibid. xix-xx) By linking the moral and the spokesperson of the actors . For instance, societal issue of actors’ misconduct with excom- she headed a delegation of seven members of munication, Mademoiselle Clairon cleverly pre- her troupe to the Contrôleur général to ask for sented a solid argument: that granting actors the the annual subsidy from the Crown which had same rights as all other French citizens would fallen in arrears . Within minutes of explaining the make them aware of their misbehaviour, would troupe’s deplorable financial state, according to make them lead a more honest life and, conse- her memoirs, she received a note ordering im- quently, would allow them to become virtuous mediate payment: role models for the nation, encouraging modesty and good behaviour among the French people. Le ministre m’aperçut, éloigna la foule Huerne’s answer to the actress was reassuring: qui l’entourait, et vint me demander ce qui m’amenait. Ma réponse fut: – Le dé- Si jusqu’à présent vous avez parlé inutile- sespoir, monseigneur, où nous réduisent ment aux Ministres de l’Eglise, parlez à la nos besoins et vos refus. – Je serais Loi, parlez à ses Ministres, ils ne peuvent bien fâché, me dit-il, que vous eussiez à que vous répondre favorablement; parce vous plaindre de moi: montez au bureau que la Loi & ses Ministres sont garants d’Amelin; dites-lui de tenir tout prêt pour des droits que vous reclamez. (ibid. xxxii) me faire signer: vous serez payé demain . (Clairon 192-194) The lawyer accepted the case and in 1761 pub- lished a pamphlet, preceded by Clairon’s memo- randum, which probably exceeded the actress’s expectations . Here he was very harsh on the Clairon and Huerne’s Pamphlet: Church and its ministers, condemning their arbi- A Clumsy Attempt to Give Actors trary reasons for excommunication . He asserted Rights that the injustice of the actor’s excommunication was so important that people should choose be- In the first half of the 1760s, Clairon used her tween following the Church or being a French fame in a campaign against the ecclesiastical citizen . Indeed, even if issues of citizenship and and civil restrictions imposed upon individuals belief are traditionally not connected, Huerne in the acting profession . In 1761, she wrote a believes that “dans notre France on a uni ces letter to the lawyer François-Charles Huerne deux substances; de sorte que les Ministres de de La Mothe, asking him to examine the laws l’Eglise se sont imaginés avoir droit sur le Citoy- about the excommunication of the actors: “La en, parce que l’Eglise a un pouvoir sur le Fidèle” juste douleur que me cause l’Excommunication, (ibid. 13).
helden. heroes. héros. An Actress’s Fame and the Fight for Civil Rights in 1760s France
According to Huerne, there was no religious from the order of the barristers. Instead of get- 51 law demanding the excommunication of actors 6. ting the actors the support of the literati and the Even in Italy, the Church and its ministers never French people, Huerne’s pamphlet had aroused asked for the systematic excommunication of violent criticism and opposition from the Church, performers . The famous philosopher Voltaire,7 the writers and the philosophers . At the same admirer and friend of Clairon was conscious of time, however, Huerne managed to catch the at- the cause: he wrote a memorandum asking for tention, and to some extent the support, of some civil and religious rights for the actors; to prove influential ministers and thinkers of his time, not his point, he collected proofs of the tolerance of least through Clairon’s initiative . After he was the Church in Italy (cf . McManners 5) . Huerne sacked, Clairon used her high-ranking connec- further pointed out that the Comédie-Française tions to help Huerne: the Duc de Choiseul, Minis- was created following the wish of the king in ter of War and of Foreign Affairs and great admir- 1680 and that its creation and the way it func- er of the actress, created a sinecure for Huerne tioned were registered in Parliament, and that in his ministry with an annual salary of three actors had the same rights and privileges as thousand eight hundred livres (cf . Ravel 79) . other citizens. In all the decrees made by the king for the Comédie-Française, Huerne noted, the actors were considered as citizens . Conse- quently, Huerne proposed a project of law that Le Siège de Calais and would limit the Church’s power over the citizens the Actors’ Strike (cf. Clairon and Huerne de la Mothe 30-32). In- deed, excommunication could only be effective Even if she lost a battle thanks to Huerne’s in- under the constraint of the civil law . Even more, eptitude, Clairon was not defeated . In 1762, the this civil law would not only depend on the will of curé of Saint-Gervais planned a funeral service the king, but would be framed by and for the citi- for the playwright Crébillon at 6 pm. This meant zens’ rights . It is interesting to notice that Huerne that actors would not have been able to attend does not mention actors in the law project; the the service since theatre performances started terms he uses are generic . Thus every French at 5 or 5 .30 pm . person would be impacted by such a law: not Mlle Clairon’s riposte was to sponsor a only the Catholic French – who already enjoyed requiem, evading the archbishop’s juris- the status of citizens – but also actors, Protest diction by holding it in the church of Saint- ants and Jews . Jean-de-Latran in the precinct of the Tem- However, Huerne’s pamphlet did not have ple, under the patronage of the Order of any positive impact . Ecclesiastical authorities Malta . The whole theatrical world turned were offended by his assertions and disres up and the celebrant, disciplined by his pectful tone . Indeed, Huerne had neglected an ordinary, was consoled by a present of sil- earlier Church legislation which clearly set a pre ver . (McManners 5) cedent for excommunication . The response from contemporaries was therefore bad: Friedrich In April 1765, Clairon and the whole Comédie- Melchior, Baron von Grimm wrote “le mémoire Française were involved in an even more im- de Huerne est d’un imbécile, et si cruellement portant and dramatic quarrel. During the three fait et si mal écrit, qu’il n’est pas possible d’en weeks of the Easter break, the troupe decided to soutenir la lecture .” (Maugras 259) Even sup- expel the veteran player Louis Blouin, known as porters of the actors’ cause were unconvinced Dubois (1706-1775), whose activities had sup- 9 and harshly criticised the text, like Voltaire, who posedly disgraced the company . Mademoiselle wondered in a letter to d’Argental “comment lire Dubois, the actor’s daughter, used her person- sans se fâcher le detestable style du detestable al influence to convince the Gentlemen of the avocet qui a fait un mémoire si illible?” (Voltaire King’s Chamber to force the actors to reinstate 10 185) .8 Even Clairon did not hide her disappoint- her father in the troupe . The order arrived at ment . As she later wrote in in her memoirs: the theatre on the day of the reopening of the theatre after the Easter break when the actors il m’offrit ses services, je les acceptai; were expected to stage the highly anticipated mais au lieu de s’instruire avec moi, de me play Le Siège de Calais .11 This play, first staged consulter sur la forme, l’étendue et la te- on 13 February 1765 at the Comédie-Française, neur de l’ouvrage que je désirais, pressé, had been a major success for the troupe. As je crois, par le besoin d’argent, il fit impri- Nick Roddick explains, “it is relevant to note that mer son pauvre mémoire, et je le lus alors the actor’s performances were unanimously ap- pour la première fois. (Clairon 194-195) plauded, with Mlle Clairon and Molé – two of the On 21 April 1761, Huerne’s pamphlet was con- actors most involved in the subsequent dispute demned to be lacerated and burned by a legal – receiving special public acclaim.” (Roddick 46) official. At the same time, Huerne was expelled However, in order to express their dissatisfaction helden. heroes. héros. Anaïs Pedron
52 and dissent, the actors gave excuses and did not people their entertainment. She was quickly show up on stage when the theatre re-opened forgotten and replaced on the stage and in the after Easter. The public was so infuriated that public’s minds. However, if French society and they almost destroyed the theatre . The theatre political elites in the 1760s were not yet ready remained closed the day after . As a reaction, to grant actors civil rights, the French Revolu- the Gentlemen of the King’s Chamber and the tion made such change possible. On 21 Decem Lieutenant of Police decided to send Clairon and ber 1789, Pierre Brunet de Latuque asked the four of the troupe’s leading men (Le Kain, Molé, National Assembly to give all non-Catholics Brizard and Dauberval) to prison, where they re- civil rights. The Comte Stanislas de Clermont- mained for almost four weeks. Clairon went back Tonnerre forwarded the proposition and added home sooner, due to her poor health, but she ref all the professions previously excommunicated, used to perform and lobbied for the rights of the including the formerly disreputable actors and Comédie-Française. Moreover, it is interesting to executioners. On 24 December 1789, Protest notice that Belloy supported the actors’ fight and, ants and all professions were finally awarded the thus, withdrew his play on 25 April .12 same civil rights (cf. Hunt 146-147). By mid-June, Clairon still refused to go back Anaïs Pedron is a second year part-time PhD on the stage and was willing to retire with a pen- candidate at Queen Mary University of London. sion. Since she was the most talented and fam Her thesis is titled Women of the Theatre and ous member of the Comédie-Française at that the Question of Rights in Paris, 1750-1800 and time, “the Gentlemen offered her a number of is supervised by Prof. Colin Jones. incentives [ . . ]: direct payment from the Royal treasury, total control over the roles she played 1 In his letter of 1 May 1765, Voltaire wrote to Mademoi- and the number of times she was required to per- selle Clairon: “c’est une contradiction trop absurde d’être au form per year, and an end of her accountability Fort-L’Evêque si on ne joue pas, et d’être excommunié par to her superiors” (Ravel 82). Clairon stubbornly l’évêque si on joue.” (Voltaire, Volume XXIX 76) refused these offers. Instead, confident of her 2 The only exceptions were the dancers and singers of the fame, she staked her career and her future on Opera who were exempted because they were members of an Academy under Royal patronage (cf . McManners) . the belief that the French monarchy would prefer 3 Born in 1723, Clairon debuted in 1743 at the Comédie- to keep her on stage rather than maintain the Française and soon became one of the leading actresses of excommunication on actors. She left the troupe the French theatre . with an open-ended leave, probably always in- 4 There was a rise of private theatres at the court and in the tending to come back on stage, triumphant as city, the government encouraged the provinces to build the- an actress and as the saviour of the soul of the atres (23 new ones from 1750 to 1773). See McManners 3. actors . However, after almost one year, Louis 5 Louis Antoine, Cardinal de Noailles (1651-1729), Arch- XV declared in February 1766 that “the decrees bishop of Paris from 1695 to 1729. made during the time of Louis XIII sufficient- 6 “Though they were sometimes loosely described as ex- ly protected the troupe, and that he would not communicate, strictly speaking this was incorrect, for no one alter a situation which his ancestors had found could be put under such a sentence in France without the sanction of the secular law .” (McManners 1) adequate” (Ravel 83) . This decision ended Clairon’s career for good. Offended and humili- 7 François Marie Arouet, known as Voltaire (1694-1778) was a French writer and philosopher, famous for his fight ated, she asked for her unconditional retirement . against religious fanaticism . The Gentlemen of the Chamber signed the order 8 Letter of 27 April 1761 (cf . Voltaire 185) . a few weeks later, on 23 April 1766, and Clairon 13 9 Dubois had been treated for venereal diseases but ref never came back to a public stage. used to pay his surgeon . The actors did not sanction the dis- Despite her will and her strong leverage (her ease, nor the treatment, but the dishonesty of the actor and refusal to play and therefore to satisfy the public), the lawsuit intended against him . They paid the surgeon and Mademoiselle Clairon’s attempts to give actors decided to expel him from the troupe . full citizenship was a failure . Thanks to her repu- 10 As a pensionnaire of the Comédie (and not sociétaire) tation, she managed to get educated, influential she had a personal relationship with the duc de Fronsac, one of the Gentilhommes de la Chambre. and motivated men in her cause, but she failed to convince the only agent who could have turned 11 Le Siège de Calais was a very popular patriotic play . The five-act tragedy is based on a historical event: the siege of into effect what she desired: the king. Clairon Calais in 1347 by Edward III of England. It emphasises the thus sacrificed her fame, her career and her live- heroism of the burghers of Calais and their mayor, Eustache lihood to the cause of liberating her profession de Saint-Pierre, who offered to be sacrificed to save the city from official persecution. Her trespassing of gen- and its citizens . der, social and religious boundaries ended her 12 “a gesture whose sincerity should not be belittled, since it deprived him of the best source of income he would ever career and significantly altered her reputation. know” (Roddick 5) . She was no longer considered a talented actress 13 However, Clairon did play in some private theatres, for and an object of desire, but more as a trouble example at court in 1770, where she played in Hypermnestre maker challenging authorities and denying by Lemierre.
helden. heroes. héros. An Actress’s Fame and the Fight for Civil Rights in 1760s France
Works Cited Maugras, Gaston . Les Comédiens Hors-La-Loi. Paris: 53 C . Lévy, 1887 .
Blanc, André. Histoire de la Comédie-Française: de Molière McManners, John . Abbés and Actresses: The Church and à Talma . Paris: Perrin, 2007 . the Theatrical Profession in Eighteenth-Century France . Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986 . Clairon, Hyppolite . Mémoires d’Hyppolite Clairon, et ré- flexions sur l’art dramatique: publiés par elle-même . Paris: Ravel, Jeffrey S. “Actress to Activist: Mlle Clairon in the Public F. Buisson, 1798. Sphere of the 1760s.” Theatre Survey 35.1 (1994): 73–86. Clairon, Hyppolite, and François Charles Huerne de la Roddick, Nick. “From Siege to Lock-out: An Actors’ Strike at Mothe . Libertes de la France, contre le pouvoir arbitraire de the Comédie-Française in 1765.” Theatre Research Inter- l’excommunication. Amsterdam: N.p., 1761. national (New Series) 4.1 (1978): 45–58. Hunt, Lynn . Inventing Human Rights: A History. New York: Voltaire . The Complete Works of Voltaire. Ed . Theodore W. W. Norton, 2007. Besterman. Banbury, Oxfordshire: The Voltaire Foundation, 1972 . Lilti, Antoine . Figures publiques: L’invention de la célébrité (1750-1850) . Paris: Fayard, 2014 .
fig. 1: Claire-Josèphe Léris, known as Mademoiselle (Hippolyte) Clairon (Bibliothèque nationale de France, Gallica. 7 December 2015
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Nigel Ritchie 55
“I will leave a name and yours will perish”
How Jean-Paul Marat’s “amour de la gloire” Drove His Bid for Posterity1
“Aux grands hommes la patrie This article is an exploration of how Marat’s reconnaissante” “amour de la gloire” underpinned a lifelong drive for public recognition. First, it will contextualise the phrase within its wider eighteenth-century On 21 September 1794, the remains of the as- setting of the cult of grands hommes, tracing its sassinated journalist-politician Jean-Paul Marat evolution from martial ideal to civic aspiration . In were brought to the Pantheon in a 30-feet-high particular, it will highlight the pervasive influence hearse followed by thousands of representatives of classical ideals of heroic virtue and self-sacri- from the nation’s armies, institutions and political fice on the young Marat. Then, using examples bodies. To the soothing strains of an especial- drawn from Marat’s pre-revolutionary career and ly composed hymn designed to evoke immor- the Revolution’s early years, it will show how this tality, Marat’s decomposing body was solemnly idea underpinned Marat’s industry, worldview escorted in beneath the inscription “Aux grands and publication strategies, often nourishing his hommes, la patrie reconnaissante”.2 His panthe- intellectual life at the expense of his social re- onisation marked the apex of a remarkable up- lationships and livelihood. “[D]ès mon bas age”, ward journey for Marat since his first arrest war- he confessed to his readers, “j’ai été dévoré de rant for “écrits incendiaires” in December 1789. l’amour de la gloire, passion qui changea sou- It seemed like Marat’s quest for public recogni- vent d’objet dans les diverses périodes de ma tion had finally been realised.3 vie, mais qui ne m’a jamais quitté un instant .” However, all was not as it seemed, for Marat’s (De Cock/Goëtz, Œuvres politiques viii 5498)6 reputation was already on the wane as part of a post-Thermidor backlash against the Jacobins following Robespierre’s execution in July 1794. A resurrected L’Ami du peuple (Marat’s former The Eighteenth-Century Context of newspaper) speaking from beyond the grave “l’amour de la gloire” noted the strange contradiction of awarding Marat “les honneurs de l’apothéose” at a time So what was this extraordinary passion that when “le maratisme est en exécration” 4. Just consumed Marat so ardently? Literally translat- five months later, on 26 February 1795, against ed, “love of glory”, or fame, sounds rather nar- the backdrop of a sustained campaign against cissistic to modern ears, but I would suggest Marat’s posthumous cult, the Convention agreed that its late eighteenth-century spirit is better to remove all traces of Marat from public spaces, rendered by a wish to serve “la chose publique” including the Pantheon .5 The effect was to trans- [public affairs] rather than to become an object form Marat’s apotheosis into one of damnation of veneration. Using Google’s Ngram viewer to and mark one of the most rapid reversals of his- trace the phrase’s popularity over the long eight- torical reputation on record. As Mme de Staël ob- eenth century, we can see that its usage takes served in her posthumously published history of off sharply after 1760 during the high Enlighten- the Revolution: “Marat, dont la posterité se sou- ment, peaking around 1795 . Much of this derives viendra peut-être, afin de rattacher à un homme from treatises on Christian virtue, eulogies to les crimes d’une époque” (Staël 49). Peut-être public figures, translations of classical authors, indeed! How prescient these words would turn and revolutionary re-editions of major works by out to be once Marat was made the main scape- Montesquieu, Helvétius and Mably. goat for revolutionary excess .
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fig 1: Google Ngram Viewer: Usage of “l’amour de la gloire” between 1700 and 1800.
According to historian David Bell, the long as- soldiers were still revered, their heroic examples sociation of “gloire” with classical heroes and became eclipsed by those of republican leaders military virtue gradually evolved over the century and lawgivers, such as Lucius Junius Brutus, to include great Frenchmen, promoted first by founder of the Roman Republic, who paid the ul- the popularity of collective biographies, such as timate sacrifice twice, first with his sons and then Charles Perrault’s Les hommes illustres (1698), with his life; or Lycurgus, the Spartan lawgiver; and then by the trend started by the Académie or Cincinnatus, the model of civic virtue, recalled française in 1758, of eulogising the nation’s from retirement to serve as temporary dictator grands hommes. After the attribution was broad- and who immediately relinquished his post after ened to include civilians – first statesmen and defeating Rome’s rival tribes.10 then great writers, marking a change in em- It was not just classical heroes that Marat phasis on society’s choice of grands hommes, sought to emulate in his pursuit of ‘gloire’ . He a residual regard for martial qualities such as also had more contemporary role models in courage, duty and heroism remained . These eu- mind – namely Montesquieu and the century’s logies became such a part of the cultural fabric second greatest man, “mon maître, Rousseau” that philosophes and future revolutionaries all (De Cock/Goëtz, Œuvres politiques 71 and had a go. In his own eulogy to Montesquieu sub- 3369-3370).11 Evidence of Rousseau’s influence mitted to Bordeaux’s Académie in 1785, Marat on Marat can be found dotted throughout his identified the great man’s “passion dominante writing, in his frequent use of the confessional [as] celle des belles âmes, l’amour de la gloire” mode, and, particularly, in his debt to the moral (Marat 69, fig. )2 .7 message underpinning Rousseau’s First Dis- A passion, moreover, which was actively nur- course on the Arts and Sciences (1750), and its tured within the liberal humanist curriculum of critique of contemporary society. “One effect of all collège-educated pupils and encouraged by luxury”, Marat wrote in his early political treatise, the eighteenth-century cult of grands hommes . Chains of Slavery (1774), “is the extinguishing Propagated within the pages of Plutarch’s best- of heroic virtues”, including “amour de la gloire” selling Parallel Lives,8 the cult included Jean- (De Cock/Goëtz, Chains of Slavery 4266) . Jacques Rousseau and Marat’s future assassin, Rousseau labelled this drive towards seeking Charlotte Corday, amongst its devotees 9. Like the esteem of others, “amour-propre”, in oppos his contemporaries, Marat grew up steeped in ition to its non-dependent version, “amour de classical culture, despite leaving Neuchâtel’s soi”. Its corruption by self-interest, Rousseau Collège at the age of sixteen . All drew inspiration argued, made it a source as much of vice as of from the same narrow pool of classical sources . virtue, and thus responsible for all the evils of Besides Plutarch, Cicero, Livy and Tacitus all the human condition 12. In his idealised political provided many of the role models from Ancient community, sketched out in Le Contrat Social, Rome and Sparta who embodied civic virtues, Rousseau suggested that citizens should be such as wisdom, austerity, courage, duty, and encouraged to sublimate these self-interests to- especially, sacrifice. While the exploits of great wards a greater whole, or la chose publique. By
helden. heroes. héros. Jean-Paul Marat’s “amour de la gloire” way of illustration, he contrasted the strong, civic It was the love of glory, which produced 57 ethos of the Spartan republic consumed by “l’ar- those ancient heroes, whose achieve- dent amour de la gloire et de la patrie”, against ments so greatly astonish us, Alexander, the more servile tendencies of Christian nations Caesar, Gengiscan (sic) . It was the love of (Rousseau, Religious Writings 210) . glory that made those yet more wonderful men, Thales, Zeno, Socrates, sacrifice all the pleasures of life and pass their days in the painful exercise of the most austere “Le désir sincère d’être utile duties, continually exercising their souls by self-denial, thus keeping them always à l’humanité” prepared for the strokes of adverse for- tune. (Marat i 250-251)14 Prior to 1789, comments littered throughout Marat’s published writings and letters reveal a Marat’s next public intervention, also published young man throwing himself fearlessly into a in England, The Chains of Slavery, was a work variety of contemporary debates on philosophy, of political theory, which sought to reveal the physiology, politics, legal reform and the experi- hidden mechanisms of despotism . It set out to mental sciences, and hoping to leave his mark in demonstrate how rulers covertly establish tyr each one of them . As he told his readers: anny over a prolonged period of time . According to Marat’s diagnosis, one of the tyrant’s many J’ai porté dans mon cabinet le désir sin- ways of crushing public spirit was by “Rooting cère d’être utile à l’humanité […] et ma out the Love of Glory”, a chapter that came sand- passion dominante, de l’amour de la wiched between ones on “Getting Creatures” gloire; c’est elle seule qui a décidé du [followers] and “Encouraging Servility”. Accord- choix des matières que j’ai traitées, et qui m’a fait constamment rejeter tout sujet sur ing to Marat’s analysis, rulers did everything in lequel je ne pouvais pas me promettre their power to change “the object of glory”, re- d’arriver au vrai, à de grands résultats, et placing the “fame which the public dispenses d’être original. (De Cock/Goëtz, Œuvres [with] honours which they [the rulers] distribute” politiques viii 5499)13 (De Cock/Goëtz, Chains of Slavery 4280) . Where a “love of gold” drove Man across In the opening pages of his first published work – stormy seas in its pursuit, a “love of glory” en- A Philosophical Essay on Man – the 29-year-old couraged “the philosopher and hero […] to con- Marat fired off a salvo of criticism at leading think- sume life […] in the search of wisdom [and] the ers, including Galen, Hippocrates, Descartes, toilsome exercise of virtue” (Marat, A Philosoph- Helvétius, Haller and Lecat, for being “wholly ig- ical Essay on Man i 260). Virtue might be toil- norant of its great and leading principles” (Marat, some and time-consuming but the ultimate re- A Philosophical Essay on Man i xviii). The vol- ward of public renown made it all worthwhile. It ume’s provocative tone, which set a template for was also self-denying. In a letter Marat wrote to future writings, was born from a particular view his friend Roume St-Laurent in September 1783, of how progress was achieved . According to this while pushing his candidacy for the presidency worldview, strong passions propelled all human of Spain’s new Academy of Science, he de- endeavours, and so could only be opposed by clared: “Peut-être n’est il pas commun de trouver other strong passions . Only in this way could les auteurs prêts à sacrifier leur amour-propre new ideas, and thus the world, move forward . In à la gloire de leur Patrie: mais vous savez que the refined intellectual world of gentlemen who mon âme ne connait pas les petites passions” shared a currency of tact and sociality, Marat’s (De Cock 347-348).15 “strong passion”, which might also be inter- It was only a short step from self-sacrifice to preted as abrasive impatience, created many martyrdom and, as shown here, Marat was al- enemies. What others perceived to be his ex- ready starting to see himself in these terms even cesses, were the logical consequence of stick- before the Revolution, following his reinven ing rigidly to these beliefs. In order to get his tion as an experimental physicist. Despite ini- ideas noticed he thought he needed to give them tial endorsement of his experimental methodol- a grand entrance with lots of noise. Years later ogy, and the interest of Benjamin Franklin, the during the Revolution, this combative stance Académie des Sciences refused to endorse his would serve him well as the backbone of his un- published discoveries. There was nothing wrong compromising ‘Ami du peuple’ persona . with his carefully catalogued experiments, which Marat’s Philosophical Essay, an investiga- he urged readers to reproduce; the problem tion into the mutual influence of the soul on the came in his conclusions, which claimed to over- body, has many references to glory and sacrifice turn much accepted wisdom, including many as the principal causes of human achievement . of Newton’s key optical theories. His accusa- Plutarch has clearly left his mark: tions of conspiracy against the pro-Newtonian helden. heroes. héros. Nigel Ritchie
58 “parti des philosophes” led his first serious Eng- Marat ceaselessly reiterated this desire to sacri- lish biographer, Louis Gottschalk, to diagnose fice himself to the patrie as proof of his devotion the beginnings of a “martyr complex” (Gottschalk to the popular cause, until he reached a point 25-26).16 This became most evident in a strik- where he could present his future death as just ing phrase that Marat coined in the preface to the last in a series of aspirational milestones: his last scientific treatise published in 1788. “A cinq ans, j’aurais voulu être maître d’école; à After explaining to his readers how his oppon quinze ans, professeur; auteur, à dix-huit; génie ents’ underhand tactics had prevented reviews créateur, à vingt comme j’ambitionne aujourd’hui of this work from appearing in the leading scien- la gloire de m’immoler pour la patrie” (De Cock/ tific journals, he added in a footnote: “On n’est Goëtz, Œuvres politiques viii 5498) .21 In the early pas fait pour être l’apôtre de la vérité quand on years of the Revolution, this kind of talk was n’a pas le courage d’en être le martyr” (Marat, considered so outlandish that his contemporar- Mémoires académiques vi) . For Marat, this ies publicly questioned both his sincerity and his proud declamation of self-abnegation was fast sanity, although it was by no means unique.22 becoming one of his hallmarks of authenticity.17 However, by the establishment of the Republic in September 1792, against a continuing backdrop of war, this kind of patriotic, sacrificial lexicon was becoming a Jacobin commonplace, and just an- “Je me dévoue à la patrie et suis prêt other way of proving one’s revolutionary virtue .23 à verser pour elle tout mon sang”
Following the king’s recall of the Estates-General in January 1789, Marat initially aimed to grab “Faire le petit Marat” the attention of the political elite with lengthy pamphlets that gained little response, before Marat’s pessimistic belief in Man’s innate ten- refocusing his attention on the wider public, with dency toward corruption, which he shared with the founding of his Ami du peuple newspaper on Rousseau, was a permanent theme in his writ- 12 September. His philosophy of confrontation ing . This is why he told his readers that the only provided the key to his success . At a time when way the National Assembly could succeed was if most other writers were praising revolutionary their representatives closed their hearts to gold achievements, Marat was challenging the new and opened them up to “gloire” instead 24. Any political order . Freed from having to seek the accusations of corruption against himself were recognition of socio-political elites as he had vigorously defended . done in his earlier careers as an aspiring savant, The quotation that heads this paper came from Marat sought his “gloire” directly from his service an explosive pamphlet that Marat self-published to the people, or patrie . For him, they were virtu- in January 1790, denouncing the popular finance ally interchangeable. minister Jacques Necker for bad faith and grain The clearest manifestation of Marat’s refocus speculation .25 Defending himself against the ed “gloire” was his integration of sacrificial lan- accusations made by Necker’s propagandists guage into journalistic discourse as a mark of of being a hired pen, Marat sought to prove his his sincerity . A pact he sealed with his readers probity by appealing first to Rousseau – “je suis in the Latin slogan he ran across every issue: peut-être le seul auteur depuis J.J qui dût être à “Vitam impendere vero” (“To devote one’s life to l’abri du soupçon” – and then to the patrie (De the truth”), in a line that he borrowed from the Cock/Goëtz, Œuvres politiques 616*). This way Roman satirist Juvenal via Rousseau 18. It was a he could reframe his identity as a writer who was pact that he made clear to his readers right from being persecuted for defending the right of the the start . In an early “Profession de foi du rédac- people. A writer, who setting out the gold/gloire teur” he addressed to his readers, he told them equation once more, appealed only to posterity that, “la crainte ne peut rien sur mon âme. Je for his due reward: me dévoue à la patrie et suis prêt à verser pour Hé! Pour qui me suis-je fait ces nuées elle tout mon sang.” (De Cock/Goëtz, Œuvres de mortels ennemis? Pour le peuple, ce 19 politiques i 181) Eighteen months later, in Feb- pauvre peuple épuisé de misère, toujours ruary 1791, after nearly a year of being outlawed, vexé, toujours foulé, toujours opprimé … he repledged his allegiance to the patrie in his Hommes vils, qui ne connaissez d’autre “Serment civique”: “Je jure de toujours regarder passion dans la vie que l’or, ne me de- la patrie comme ma mère, d’avoir pour elle toute mandez pas quel intérêt me pressait. J’ai la tendresse d’un fils […] de la défendre au péril vengé l’humanité, je laisserai un nom, de ma vie et, s’il faut, de m’immoler à son salut” et le vôtre est fait pour périr. (De Cock/ 26 (De Cock/Goëtz, Œuvres politiques iv 2293) .20 Goëtz, Œuvres politiques 617*)
helden. heroes. héros. Jean-Paul Marat’s “amour de la gloire”
On 22 January, four days after its publication, 59 the municipal authorities issued an arrest war- 1 I would like to thank my supervisors, Prof . Colin Jones and rant, and the marquis de Lafayette, the leader of Dr. Mark Curran, for commenting on earlier drafts of this essay. the National Guard, personally authorised an un- 2 “To great men, the grateful homeland” was carved upon precedented 400-strong military invasion force the entrance of the newly deconsecrated L’Eglise Sainte- Geneviève. to enter the Cordeliers district in order to execute it. Stalled by the legal sophistry of the Cordeliers’ 3 This was despite his published wish to not be so ho- noured if it meant sharing such a space with “rascals” such leader, Georges Danton, a forewarned Marat as the Comte de Mirabeau. “Insigne pantalonnade des pères was able to quietly slip away into the night and conscrits” in L’Ami du peuple #421, 6 April 1791, in De Cock/ a three-month exile in London.27 As a result of Goëtz, Œuvres politiques v 2663 . this dramatic escape and the splash it made in 4 L’Ami du peuple #2, 20 September 1794, in Germani the press, both men’s reputations were made as 191 . This version of Marat’s paper, which lasted for over a year, was written by Chasles and published by Réné-Fran- rising stars. In its report on these events, Louis- çois Lebois, a self-professed disciple of Marat. Marie Prudhomme’s Les Révolutions de Paris 5 For example, removing his bust from public spaces and anticipated Marat’s growing status as a revolu- his mausoleum from the Place du Carrousel . tionary scapegoat: 6 Journal de la République française #98, 14 January 1793 . Souvenez-vous que parmi les écrivains 7 Eloge de Montesquieu (1785). 7 December 2015
60 19 “Profession de foi du rédacteur .” L’Ami du peuple #13, 23 De Cock, Jacques, ed. Marat avant 1789. Brussels: fan- September 1789. tasques éditions, 2003. 1 August 2015
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fig. 2: L’amour de la gloire / Le Prince (Bibliothèque nationale de France, Gallica. 14 December 2015
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fig. 3: Le Triomphe de Marat l’ami du peuple. Placé au Panthéon français par la République 5.eme sansculotide l’an 2 de la République une et indivisible (Bibliothèque nationale de France, Gallica. 14 December 2015
helden. heroes. héros. 10.6094/helden.heroes.heros./2016/QMR/10
Christiane Hadamitzky 63
Public vs. Private Honour
The Precarious Case of Victorian Modest Heroism in Chambers’s Journal and The Leisure Hour
The Victorian era has long been recognised as notion was complicated by the fact that this form a time of emerging middle-class values. Among of undemanding heroism was represented – and these values, charity, altruism and modesty con- thereby in a way already honoured – in a public stituted a large part of the collective ideal of so- medium and within an industry which makes and cial interaction . However, the same era is also breaks reputations itself. As a mass medium, print commonly known as one of hypocrisy and want publications have to be considered both an indi- for social status. Victorian Britain was a world cator of social values as well as their producer . severely structured by classifications, and the effort to better oneself in order to become part of a higher class was characteristic of its society . There was thus considerable tension between Locating Honour Between Individual the proclaimed value of modesty and the effort and Society to put one’s actions on public display to rise into the higher ranks of society . This tension was also The basic definitions of honour in the Oxford palpable in the representation of honour and English Dictionary confirm the tension between heroism in the popular media of the day . public and private honour and indicate that there In the following I will argue that during the sec- are different functions of honour for individuals ond half of the nineteenth century the concept and collectives. Identifying two basic meanings of honour was located within the contested area of “honour” (both of which are proven to be in use between public and private life, between internal in the nineteenth century), the dictionary cites values and external validation . Taking examples the first definition as “Great respect, esteem, from two popular periodicals, Chambers’s or reverence received, gained or enjoyed by a Journal and The Leisure Hour, I will illustrate person or thing; glory, renown, fame; reputation, how the term – which before had been closely good name” (“Honour” n .p ., emphases mine) . connected to public reputation1 – was appropri- According to this meaning, honour is bestowed ated for the lower middle and working classes upon a person, i.e. ascribed to someone from and used as a didactic tool to encourage behav- the outside 2. In contrast, the second definition iour conforming to dominant middle-class ideals reads: “Quality of character entitling a person to of the day . When examining print products like great respect; nobility of mind or spirit; honour Chambers’s Journal or The Leisure Hour, which ableness, uprightness; a fine sense of, and strict were created by the upper-middle classes for the adherence to, what is considered to be morally lower-middle and working classes, a tendency to right or just” (ibid., emphases mine). This def denounce the seeking of public recognition in fa- inition constructs honour in a fundamentally dif- vour of modest honour emerges very clearly . ferent way . It does not only add a moral claim . My analysis will focus on representations of Whereas the first definition presents honour as the heroic, since a hero (male or female), ac- something ascribed by one person (or group, or cording to the predominant usage of the term institution) to another person in an act of honour- at the time, was the embodiment of ideal social ing, the second definition roots honour ‘within’ an norms and thus operated on the border territory individual. Honour, in this case, refers back to a between private honour – as the heroic figure set of moral norms and conventions and in this presented inert values worthy of imitation – and sense serves as a guiding principle for a person . public honours – since the deeds deemed hon- Naturally, “what is considered to be morally right ourable often resulted in public recognition and and just” is not an independent individual judge- the bestowing of honours. This led to the creation ment but relates to group attitudes as well. Inter of the ideal modest middle-class hero, a hero estingly, however, while honour in the second whose acts were motivated by idealistic values, definition might be inspired by and oriented at not by the desire for glory or fame. However, this a group or public, its recognition can be private. helden. heroes. héros. Christiane Hadamitzky
64 Though honour in both cases seems to be a The article “What is Heroism?” (CJ 9 May 1857, means to validate an individual’s group-conform 297-298) articulates this contrast between pri- behaviour, the sphere and the audience in which vate and public honour very prominently: As this is recognised are fundamentally different in the title suggests, the text aims at a definition of each case: on the one hand, honour is awarded heroism. In its first part, it illustrates a kind of be- in a public act which involves the active consen- haviour which is considered as an inferior form sus of a group; on the other hand it is an act of of heroism – one which is on public display. This private internal recognition of an individual which form of heroism is recorded in biographies by is ‘guided’ by the rules of a specific group. historians or “ballad-singers” (297) who ascribe Julian Pitt-Rivers in his considerations on an honourable hero-status to the subjects of their “Honour and Shame” also refers to both the col- writings. Thereby, the text argues, the ‘fame’ of lective and the individual form of honour: heroism – the fact that the act of heroism is pub- licly talked about – also attracts characters who Honour is the value of a person in his own merely seek fame and public recognition and act eyes, but also in the eyes of his society . without a moral agenda: “Every action, however It is his estimation of his own worth, his claim to pride, but it is also the acknow praiseworthy and virtuous in outward seeming, ledgment of that claim, his excellence may be accounted for, if we so incline, by con- recognized by society, his right to pride. summate hypocrisy, far-sighted selfishness, or […] Honour, therefore, provides a nexus immoderate pride.” (ibid.) To contrast this public between the ideals of a society and their form of honour, which Chamber’s Journal often reproduction in the individual through his described with the word “honours”, the article in aspiration to personify them . As such, it its second half constructs a concept of heroism implies not merely a habitual preference of “a higher kind, which is often not patent to the for a given mode of conduct, but the en- world, which requires no grand stage and no titlement to a certain treatment in return . dramatic incidents to give its lustre.” (ibid.) This (Pitt-Rivers 21-22, emphasis mine) form of praiseworthy conduct is described as less situational, less dependent on specific cir- cumstances (such as a war which is necessary Internalised Honour for soldierly heroism), but rather determined by as a Didactic Tool an honourable heroic character, a moral dispos ition which allows for heroic actions in a less pub- lic forum: “the higher kind of heroism of which I Honour as an individual, even private practice speak, avoids rather than seeks the pomp and features frequently on the pages of Chambers’s circumstance of war and the glare of publicity.” Journal . The popular periodical, which ap- (ibid.) ‘True’ heroism, as described by the text, peared from 1832 until 1956, was directed at the seems to exist without a medium and an audi- lower-middle and working classes and had a ence and is situated in the “private life” (ibid.). It strongly didactic claim . It aimed to provide infor- is the private, sometimes even domestic sphere mation and education in an entertaining format which is identified as the sphere of true heroes, to the whole of the family, to parents and children in contrast to the public, attention-seeking nature alike, and contained articles in a large variety of or the more superficial heroism.4 genres (cf . “The Editor’s Address to His Read- Acts of heroism which are ‘not’ communicat- ers” CJ 4 February 1832, 1-2). As part of this ed to others are thus regarded as the highest didactic approach, many articles within the pub- heroic deeds . The didactic message of the text lication discussed, overtly in essays or more cov- is obvious: behind closed doors, everybody can ertly in narratives, societally acceptable norms of feel like a hero, and heroism becomes attainable behaviour and conduct and employed a concept for all, even those who are not publicly praised: of private, internal honour – as a state of mind “Such heroism [...] lies as much within the reach to aspire to . In this context, honour, rather than of the man of peace as of the warrior, of the pri- an externally ascribed virtue to be fought for as vate citizen as of the statesman or sage” (ibid.). it was commonly understood until the end of the In the emphasising of this form of heroism, the early modern period,3 was considered an intrin- text gives readers from different parts of soci sic moral compass to live by. Accordingly, it was ety the opportunity to feel included in the rank of often contrasted with concepts that referred to heroes if they act according to a set of internal- more public attention such as glory, fame and ised morals – according to their personal hon- honours . Especially during the 1850s, 60s and our. Thereby, the concept of honour, which in the 70s, Chambers’s Journal often used the idea of first half of the article refers to a more traditional internal honour in combination with heroism as heroism, as a way of recognising and reward- a motivational, didactic concept for the readers ing heroic acts, is re-appropriated for the target to emulate .
helden. heroes. héros. Victorian Modest Heroism in Chambers’s Journal and The Leisure Hour audience of the periodical, the lower-middle and So long as the world and the heart are 65 working classes, as ‘motivation’ for acceptable young, norm-conforming behaviour. It turns the unattain Shall deeds of daring and valour be sung; able, out-of-reach, and publicly honoured hero And the hand of the poet shall throw the into an attainable role model that can be emu- rhyme At the feet of the hero of battle-time. lated because internalised ‘honour’ is favoured But nobler deeds are done every day over public ‘honours’. In the world close by, than in fight or fray. There are heroes whose prowess never sees light, Far greater than ever was ancient knight . “Craving for ‘honours’”: In many a heart lies a secret tale A Problematic Call for That would make the Homeric legends Un-Communicated Heroism pale: And oft is a deed of valour untold Chambers’s Journal made the distinction be- Which is meet to be written in letters of gold! tween public and private honour in many art icles relating to heroism. “A Few Words About Many contributors, as exemplified in this poem, Heroes” complains: “See how the craving for aimed at telling stories of “unsung heroes”, most ‘honours’ as they are called betrays a man into of whom were fictitious characters, who had the faulty logic and false morality.” (4 October 1856, advantage that they could not contribute to the 222) Another article marks the growing celeb fame or celebrity of any actual person but would 5 rity of heroes as “the worst of vulgar hero-wor- arouse the audience’s “sympathy” (“A Few ship” (“Popular Heroes” 24 October 1863, 264) Words About Heroes” 223). Through this feeling because it does not necessarily refer to actual of sympathy, the social function of the heroic was achievements or social values, but is mostly due stressed, and the identificatory potential of the to a large dissemination of stories with popular heroic for the intended readership was activated . appeal and sensational potential . In this context, As could be seen in the examples above, criticising the ‘mass production’ of heroes is at Chambers’s Journal strongly proclaimed the the same time a criticism of the contemporary message that humble, silent heroism – motiv media which produce them: ated by a sense of internal honour, a guiding set But is this not the manufacturing age, and of values – should replace both more tradition- is there not a manufacture of heroes as al forms of public hero-worship as well as the well as of calico and railway bars? I for newly developing celebrity-cult of the day. The one am a hero-worshipper, and don’t mind latter was considered to be too superficial, self- avowing the fact; but I have not yet been ish and attention-seeking, whereas the ‘humble’ able to worship manufactured heroes, or form of heroism could be more easily integrated to feel any sympathy with those who are into the readers’ lives and produced role models always ready to come forward with their considered worthy of emulation by the producers testimonial. (“A Few Words About Heroes” of the periodical . Thus, the previous examples 222-223) can be seen as showing what James Bowman With this interpretation of popular heroes as calls ‘cultural honour’, a form of honour “which products of mass production, the function of the gives us a set of stories and a vocabulary with heroic changes: while individual (as opposed to which to teach young people what a society-wide mass produced) heroes evoke a sympathy in honor group expects of them as men, or women” their admirers because they stand on common (“Honor: An Interview with Jamie Glazov” n .p .) . 8 moral ground, manufactured heroes rather seem Cultural honour with its focus on didactic medi- to aim for sensation and entertainment and to ation can be utilised to create a set of norms and seek fame and honours . Again the media are values and to stabilise communities. implicitly criticised . The most popular heroes, Not surprisingly, contrasting depictions of who find “their way so often into print” (“Popular internal heroic honour and external acts of ap- Heroes” 264), are those that many editors and preciation and honours are found frequently, contributors of the periodical press calculated to especially during the 1850s, 60s and 70s, a sell best,6 not those whom they might consider time when the middle classes rose in societal, worth emulating . but also political importance in Britain and an As a possible exit from this dilemma of hero insecurity among the elites as how to deal with worship, Chambers’s Journal suggested a turn this development was palpable. In this context, towards the private, away from celebrated heroes Chambers’s Journal’s effort to establish a form of of history writing, song and literature to “unsung private heroism, an honourable moral mind-set, heroes” (“Unsung Heroes” 27 July 1888, 464)7: can also be interpreted as an attempt to validate helden. heroes. héros. Christiane Hadamitzky
66 the lives of the middle and working classes in an codex which guides them in their endeavours effort to calm any tendencies towards social up- abroad. It is their expertise in “questions [of] hon- heaval which might endanger the existing order . our and duty” (“Italian Explorers in Africa” March In its internalised form, honour could function as 1890, 228) which distinguishes the missionaries an inclusive concept of validation that – if prac- in their work with African natives . And although tised by an individual in private – concerned each many texts stress that the missionaries who do and every person irrespective of their class, age not care about “titles of honour” and are “quiet, or gender 9. Interestingly, coming back to Pitt- unassuming, straight-forward hero[es] (“Rec- Rivers’s definition, honour as represented ollections of African Explorers” February 1890, through the humble hero in Chambers’s Journal 259), the men are considered worthy of group does ‘not’ entitle them “to a certain treatment in honour, a form of honour which, in comparison return” (22): the validation is merely private and to the notion propagated in Chambers’s Journal, does not include validating interaction . does already involve a degree of external recog- This is where a fundamental tension lies in nition . One text, for example, praises a mission- all the texts which propagate this form of hon- ary for his untiring work and expresses the hope our-motivated heroism: by propagating a private that he “may long enjoy the honours he has won, heroism, the texts turn this idea into their very and that he will use his influence in advancing own form of public honour. They praise some- the best interests of the race under the Portu- thing which had the core characteristic that it guese crown, in such ways as David Livingstone should ‘not’ want to be praised and publicly and François Coillard would approve” (“Recent awarded, something which was defined as seek- African Exploration” July 1881, 418) . Phrases ing no public recognition. On the other hand, the such as this, and especially the comparison of attractiveness of the vocabulary of heroism lay the men to famous missionaries such as Living- in the very fact that is was connected to public stone, clearly place them in a distinct group of forms of attention 10. This contradiction is appar- people with distinct values 11. The fact that they ent in many texts regarding the heroic and the are literally ‘on a mission’ whose execution and above-illustrated form of internal honour and outcome can be judged within the group turns it is, interestingly, never reflected upon in the their actions into group-relevant and thus more pages of the periodical . public events than the examples given from Chambers’s Journal 12. Returning to the initial definitions of honour, it is obvious that The Leisure Hour constructs a Appreciation Between Public sense of honour which puts a stronger emphasis Recognition and Private Ideals on the collective . The social function of honour as a group’s common set of values stands at the The Leisure Hour, which I want to shortly discuss centre of the usage of honour in the periodical . in comparison to the examples above, presents This can be related to the religious orientation of its readers with a slightly different interpretation the periodical and the resulting heightened im- of honour. Unlike the independently published portance of the (religious) group in relation to the Chambers’s Journal, The Leisure Hour was individual . In contrast, Chambers’s Journal, with published by an association, the Religious Tract its secular claim, was more closely connected to Society. Like Chambers’s, it was aimed at the the idea of growing importance of the individual lower-middle and working classes and was prod within society 13. uced with a didactic purpose which, given the in- On the whole, the representation of modest stitutional background, was also a religious one. heroism and its relation to honour in the two peri In regards to honour and heroism, The Leisure odicals can be seen as a reaction to several de- Hour also shows attempts to validate the every- velopments in the second half of the nineteenth day life of ordinary people in its hardships and century: the didactic papers’ intention not to con- often does so in the vocabulary of the heroic. tribute to a growing glorification of heroes shows However, honour is less frequently discussed as how closely the phenomenon of celebrity is an internal guiding quality of an individual, but linked to mass media and its market place . Fur- rather as a codex which binds a group of people thermore, both periodicals’ focus on ‘common’ together . Given the religious orientation of this moral heroes, be they fictitious ‘unsung’ ones publication, it is not surprising that stories about or missionaries unknown to the public, mirrors missionaries – and their honourable actions – are tendencies of growing democratisation and the featured repeatedly. These men – for it is almost increasing importance of the middle class and its exclusively men that are discussed in this con- values. By presenting examples of modest pri- text – are described as selfless, heroic and as vate honour and heroism, the publications want- acting according to a common moral, religious ed to provide examples for the lower classes to
helden. heroes. héros. Victorian Modest Heroism in Chambers’s Journal and The Leisure Hour emulate and aspire to while at the same time 11 Stewart defines an “honor group“ as a group of “people 67 maintaining existing societal norms . One major who follow the same code of honor and recognize each other as doing so” (146) . Consequently, the adherence to a spe- paradox remains though: as producers within cific group honour necessarily involves communication and the marketplace and public organs themselves, recognition, which was not overtly present in the private form both periodicals not only created a sense of hon- of honour as described in Chambers’s Journal . our for a very specific group, but addressed a 12 Furthermore, the individual missionary’s actions through more general public – and thus were part of the their group membership benefited from the high public visibil- very machinery that made reputations . ity and respectability of missionary work and values in general. 13 Interestingly, when looking at the frequency of the usage Christiane Hadamitzky is a research associate of the vocabulary of honour and heroism (in combination) in project C4 of the Collaborative Research in the two periodicals, one can see a decrease in usage in Center 948 at the University of Freiburg. She the last decades of the century in Chambers’s Journal, as democratisation became a fact rather than a development has recently completed her dissertation on ne- and an increase in The Leisure Hour as religious stability and gotiations of the heroic in Victorian magazines the relevance of missionary work became more contested as between 1850 and 1890. the empire began to crumble.
1 Cf. Stewart 1994, Pitt-Rivers 1966, or Bowman 2007. Though differing in their conclusions, all three authors agree that up until the end of the early modern period, honour was Works Cited primarily used to describe the public reputation and recogni- tion of an individual in the framework of a social hierarchy . “A Few Words About Heroes.” Chambers’s Journal 4 Octo- 2 The mentioning of glory, fame and reputation in this def ber 1856: 222-223. inition is significant, since all of them imply a public opinion. Bowman, James. Honor: A History. New York: Encounter 3 Frank Henderson Stewart describes honour in this Books, 2007. sense as a “reflexive system”: “there is an honor code that ---. “Honor: An Interview with Jamie Glazov”. 29 July 2015 demands that the man whose honor is impugned mount a
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Kerrie Holloway 69
How to Save a Society
The National Joint Committee’s Emigration Selection Process of 1939
Reputation as a Construct of Value British Humanitarianism During and Following the Spanish Civil War Humanitarian aid is regularly associated with im- partiality and the idea that true humanitarian en- Although Britain was not directly involved in deavours treat all people equally . 1 If aid organisa the Spanish Civil War, having signed the Non- tions do not have sufficient supplies for all who Intervention Pact promising to remain neutral, are suffering, impartiality dictates that supplies the conflict attracted widespread attention and are distributed evenly and without regard to a debate, and many Britons supported the effort person’s name, race, gender or ability. However, through humanitarian aid to protest against non- often the reputation of a person or group of per- intervention. One public opinion poll by the Brit- sons involved in a conflict supersede these hu- ish Institute of Public Opinion showed that by the manitarian aims, and they receive treatment that end of the war, 73 per cent of Britain supported is better, or perceived to be better, than the rest the Republicans (the legitimate Popular Front of the population 2. Furthermore, humanitarian government that had been democratically elect- crises with a disproportionate level of resources ed in February 1936) over the Nationalists (the compared to need often lead to reputation play- rebels who began the war with a military coup ing a key role as decisions on who will receive led by Francisco Franco and who were support- aid become integral to the distribution process. ed by the fascist regimes of Germany and Italy). This article examines one case in which very The largest Spanish aid organisation in Britain, scarce resources led a humanitarian organisa the National Joint Committee for Spanish Re- tion to make significant life-or-death decisions lief, aligned itself with the majority of the British on which recipients would be valued above the public in supporting only the Republicans. While others – decisions that were based on a reputa- the National Joint Committee officially claimed to tion of the intellectual . be non-political, the organisation united anyone Michael Barnett and Thomas Weiss claim who was antifascist regardless of party lines, that non-political aid agencies “are interested in mirroring the Popular Front of the Spanish Re- saving lives and not saving societies” (Barnett public, and it never sent aid to the Nationalists. It and Weiss 38) . Political aid agencies, then, are was formed in December 1936, just five months interested in saving societies rather than solely after the start of the Spanish Civil War, with a saving individuals, and the emigration efforts of goal of acting as an umbrella agency and col- the National Joint Committee for Spanish Relief lecting money and goods-in-kind from all of the at the end of the Spanish Civil War epitomised smaller efforts that had sprung up organically this theory. In May 1939, the National Joint Com- since the war began. By the end of the war, the mittee chartered the first mass emigration ship, National Joint Committee boasted a network of the SS Sinaia, to transport 1,600 Spanish Re- over 850 local, regional and national organisa- publican refugees who had been interned in con- tions (cf . Fyrth 201, 203) . centration camps in France since early February The political bias of the National Joint Com- to a new life in Mexico as they could not return to mittee asserted itself most forcefully as the war Spain for fear of reprisals.3 Rather than viewing ended in favour of the Nationalists and all of the all refugees as equally deserving of emigration, agency’s workers left Spain alongside 500,000 the National Joint Committee prioritised the re- Spanish refugees and fled into France. The refu- moval of intellectuals over manual labourers and gees were immediately put into seaside concen- farmers in order to preserve the Spanish Re- tration camps surrounded by barbed wire, with publican culture and way of life – an opinion that only sand and blankets for shelter.4 From these naturally followed the antifascist stance taken by camps, the National Joint Committee was the the National Joint Committee from the beginning only humanitarian organisation that turned its of the Spanish Civil War. helden. heroes. héros. Kerrie Holloway
70 attention to solving the refugees’ long-term prob- culture” (Faber 41). In exile, however, the plight lem by supporting immigration to Mexico rather of the Republican intellectuals and that of Span- than only alleviating their short-term problems ish culture were inextricably linked as “Spanish by providing food, clothing and shelter. The pro- culture as embodied by the exiled intellectuals Republican political focus of the National Joint was equated with the nation’s being as a whole” Committee allowed them to coordinate their (Faber 4). efforts with the Spanish Government-in-exile in a mutually beneficial financial relationship. Dr. Juan Negrín, the Prime Minister of the last democratically elected Republican Government Intellectual as a Construct of Value and leader of the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party with strong ties to the Spanish Communist The architects of societies are the thinkers and Party, had created an aid agency to support the philosophers on which a society’s ideals are Spanish refugees called the Spanish Republican based, and in the case of the Spanish Repub- Evacuation Service (SERE), and the two organ licans, this group of people were often labelled isations co-chartered the SS Sinaia in May 1939 . “intellectuals.” When trying to define “intellec- For both the SERE and the National Joint tuals,” it is useful to consider the ideas of the Committee, this effort was a calculated emigra- Italian Communist leader and thinker Antonio tion of mostly intellectuals in an attempt to pre- Gramsci, whose Prison Notebooks, written be- serve Spanish Republican traditions since both tween 1929 and 1935, explained the role of a organisations regarded Spanish refugee relief “functional intellectual”. Like the view of the Na- as the next phase in the fight against fascism. To tional Joint Committee, Gramsci believed that this end, the National Joint Committee praised the category of “intellectual” did not just include Mexico in an article in News Chronicle for having academics . Indeed, he stated, “[a]ll men are in- an “open-door” through which the problem of the tellectuals […] but not all men have in society Spanish refugees could be solved while allow the function of intellectuals .” (Gramsci 9) This ing the refugees to “resume their own trades social function included not only those scientists, and professions in a land where the Spanish philosophers and artists of the highest level, but language and Spanish traditions prevail” (First also at the lowest level the “administrators […] of Spanish Refugee Ship 9) . pre-existing […] accumulated intellectual wealth” By Spanish traditions, the National Joint (Gramsci 13). Similarly, Nancy Cunard outlined Committee referred to the culture of the Repub- the National Joint Committee’s definition of “in- licans’ political ideology – the recent Spanish tellectual” in the Manchester Guardian as includ- Republican traditions of the Second Spanish ing “writers, artists, lawyers, professors, doctors, Republic, established just eight years prior, in architects, [and] engineers” (Cunard 7). The Na- 1931. These relatively new “traditions” built on tional Joint Committee desired to protect a core the cultural modernisation of the late nineteenth of functional intellectuals that, once transported century when a growing middle class rebelled to Mexico, could preserve and maintain Spanish against the old order based on aristocratic land Republican traditions before turning their atten- ownership and the Catholic Church and, instead, tion to the other refugees in danger . embraced progress and technology. Indeed, as The prioritisation of those with an intellectual Helen Graham notes, from the start of the Sec- reputation over manual labourers and farmers ond Republic in 1931 until the outbreak of war directly contradicted the instructions given by in 1936, the government acquired loans to fund the Mexican government, which had agreed to 27,000 new classrooms with teachers and im- accept 40,000 Spanish refugees. Although in a plemented travelling “teaching missions” to tour 3 April 1939 announcement, the Mexican Gov- the countryside, bringing “culture and politics” to ernment stated that intellectuals “unquestionably Spain’s rural villages through “literacy classes, deserved to be admitted,” they clarified that im- mobile libraries, travelling theatre exhibitions migrants who would be able to help exploit mar and civic education” (Graham 36). The Nation- ine riches or develop tropical regions – in other alists, on the other hand, were supported by words, farmers and fishermen – were preferred monarchists and the Catholic Church, institu- (cf. Smith 223-224, cf. Fagen 47). To further tions spanning centuries, pre-empting the con- solidify the types of refugees desired, Mexican cept of Spain as a nation and responsible for President Lázaro Cárdenas set the following much of traditional Spanish culture in a war that quotas: 60 per cent were to be farmers and fish- historian Sebastiaan Faber says “was waged ermen, 30 per cent were to be technicians and over the definition of Spain’s national commu- workers, and the remaining 10 per cent intellec- nity, that is, over two opposing interpretations tuals (cf. Piña Soria 12-13). But Cárdenas great- of ‘Spanishness’ and the essence of Spanish ly underestimated the number of people defined
helden. heroes. héros. The National Joint Committee’s Emigration Selection Process of 1939 as “intellectuals.” The June 1939 bulletin of the shows 52 .86 per cent intellectuals, 25 .81 per 71 National Joint Committee expanded the term, cent technicians and workers and only 21 .31 per claiming the refugees included cent farmers and fishermen – percentages that completely ignored Cárdenas’s quotas (cf. Pla known democrats, leaders of the Trade Brugat 51). Unions and the Co-operative Societies, teachers, doctors, lawyers, journalists, and artists who sympathised with the Re- publican cause. In the eyes of Franco, they An Intellectual Emigration are all criminals whose names have long been entered on the black list of persons who may expect no mercy at his hands . Aboard the Sinaia, the presence of so many (National Joint Committee, 1939 1) Spanish intellectuals manifested itself in a daily newsletter that mimicked the creation of news- The National Joint Committee strove to remove letters in several of the concentration camps as these ‘danger-list’ intellectuals before France well as continued the tradition of trench maga- forced them to repatriate . zines along the Republican front lines.5 Susana In reality, the Franco legislation that applied Gamboa, the wife of the Mexican liaison to the to the Spanish refugees, the Law of Political Re- SERE who travelled with the refugees, ensured sponsibilities enacted on 9 February 1939, was all materials necessary for the production of a aimed at former trade unionists as well as pol newsletter were loaded onto the ship . In the itical ‘dissidents’ . This law imposed sentences first issue, she welcomed the refugees with a retroactively upon anyone who had, since 1 Oc- charge to assume responsibility for their news- tober 1934 (21 months prior to Franco’s coup), letter and improve it with their collective interests been part of a “political and social group which and input, and she laid out a cultural programme belonged to the Popular Front, the separatist consisting of a series of lectures and festivals organisations, and all those which have op- occurring during the two-week voyage (cf. Gam- posed the National movement”, including the boa 15). Along with the literary and artistic con- main trade unions, CNT and UGT, and all pol tributions of the refugees, every issue contained itical parties that did not support Franco . Other news from around the world as well as articles offences worthy of “loss of citizenship, forfeiture about Mexican geography, economics, educa- of property, and fifteen years imprisonment” in- tion, society and culture, including several writ- cluded merely shouting “Long live the Repub- ten by President Cárdenas. lic” in the street in March 1936, one month after Articles written by the refugees in the news- the Republic’s legitimate election (de Lizaso). letter often utilised the theme of emigration as a According to this law, then, all refugees in the continuation of the war effort, mirroring the Na- French camps were in danger of reprisals if they tional Joint Committee’s and the SERE’s view returned to Spain, and many of these would also of emigration, particularly this emigration of in- fall into Cárdenas’s categories of farmers and tellectuals. Basauri y Garriz’s article “Orienta- technicians. Yet, because the true objective of tions” commanded the rest of the refugees to the National Joint Committee was removing in- maintain the Republican principles of morality, tellectuals and preserving Republican society, honesty and loyalty and ended with the declara- intellectuals were prioritised over agricultural- tion: “The Spaniards going to Mexico will never ists who had not supported Franco in the years forget that in Spain are hundreds of thousands before his coup or workers who had been trade of imprisoned brothers, millions of oppressed union members. Spaniards and a whole country to reconquer.” Using Cárdenas’s quotas, the Sinaia’s 1,600 (Basauri y Garriz 47)6 Two issues later, in an ar- passengers should have numbered 960 farm- ticle entitled “New Stage of the Fight”, a refugee ers and fishermen, 480 technicians and workers known only as A.M. described the immigration and only 160 intellectuals. However, later stat to Mexico as “a new stage of fighting between istics from the voyage showed an illiteracy rate fascism and culture, between progress and re- of only 1 .1 per cent (cf . Ruiz Funes and Tuñón action, between oppression and liberty. Mexico 191). While Republican education programmes is our next trench.” (A.M. 59) Similarly, one week had improved the educational system of Spain later in “Route to Mexico”, the author exhorted greatly during the Second Republic, over half the the other refugees: “We cannot forget, even for population had been illiterate in 1931; and such a moment, that our struggle for the liberation of a small percentage of illiterates on the Sinaia the homeland has not finished, far from it. In the in 1939 further testifies to the type of men and process of the Spanish revolution we must clear- women it carried (cf . Education in Republican ly understand that we have not done anything Spain 4). Furthermore, a breakdown of profes- other than enter a new phase of the same fight.” sions aboard the Sinaia by Dolores Pla Brugat (Rumbo a Mexico 101) The refugees believed helden. heroes. héros. Kerrie Holloway
72 emigration would create a culture-in-exile and as the many studies of exile culture in Mexico preserve their society, paralleling the view of the attest, even the Spaniards who could no longer National Joint Committee. earn a living through cultural pursuits continued The on-board newsletter mentioned the Na- their intellectual endeavours in defence of their tional Joint Committee several times, referring to political ideology . it as the “British Committee”, and documented a festival given in its honour just before arrival in Veracruz . In an article entitled “Work of the British Committee”, William Brebner, one of the Conclusions on Reputation and two National Joint Committee workers who ac- Humanitarianism companied the Sinaia to Mexico, asserted that the funds for the voyage were due to workers Although the National Joint Committee for Span- and the English people in general . In response, ish Relief often promoted itself as a neutral, non- the author vowed to “match the work of the Brit- political humanitarian organisation, if Barnett ish Committee, representing the spirit and efforts and Weiss’s criterion of saving individuals versus of the British anti-fascist workers”, a direct ac- saving societies is used, it was clearly political as knowledgement to the political character of the it strove to save Republican society by prioritis- National Joint Committee (Labor del Comité Bri- ing intellectuals. Being a ‘political’ aid organisa- tánico 106) . On 11 June 1939, the refugees held tion, however, should not be viewed negatively. a festival in honour of the British Committee with In fact, it was the political nature of the National poetry readings and a concert complete with Joint Committee that allowed them to remove the British anthem, “God save the King”, during 1,600 refugees from the concentration camps which the refugees gave the British Committee a in France and give them hope of a new life in standing ovation (El festival 118) . The next day, Mexico, even if these refugees were chosen pri- on the eve of arrival in Mexico, a similar festival marily due to their reputations as intellectuals . honoured Susana Gamboa and Mexico’s hospi- For those hundreds of thousands of refugees tality . The Sinaia arrived in Veracruz on 13 June remaining in the camps, the future was bleak. 1939 after three weeks at sea . While many eventually returned to Spain to face Richard Rees, another British relief worker, possible reprisals, others joined the French for- met the Sinaia in Veracruz . Rees travelled to eign legion or were drafted into labour compa- Mexico for the National Joint Committee to re- nies. At the start of the Second World War, secu- port on the conditions into which the Mexican rity tightened even further, and with the signing Government placed the refugees before the Na- of the Hitler-Stalin Pact, the communist refugees tional Joint Committee undertook further immi- were transferred to prison camps and the SERE grations to Mexico. Specifically, Rees was to re- was forced to cease operations . Finally, as Ger- port on the viability of Cárdenas’s plan to send a many conquered France in 1940, 12,000 Span- family of Spanish refugees to each ejido, or rural ish refugees were transported to Mauthausen, community, throughout the countryside so as not with only 1,600 exiting alive at the end of the to overburden any one area of Mexico with their war (cf . Russell 9) . And although Franco died in maintenance. In his report to the Foreign Office, 1975, having never been forced out of his dicta- Rees stated: “As there are 40,000 ejidos this torship, Spain transitioned back to the monarchy looks like a good solution – on paper. But not all that predated the Second Republic. the Spanish refugees would be suitable for the Kerrie Holloway is a PhD candidate in History life .” (19 June 1939) In particular, the intellectu- at Queen Mary University of London, working als that the National Joint Committee had worked with Dr. Helen McCarthy. Her thesis looks at the tirelessly to send to safety were often the ones National Joint Committee for Spanish Relief, a left without work, and furthermore, spreading British voluntary organisation aiding the Spanish the intellectuals throughout Mexico negated the Republicans during the Spanish Civil War. National Joint Committee’s desire to preserve a Republican society. Almost a month after his first 1 The most prominent example of this is the International report, Rees’s second report stated: “There has Committee of the Red Cross, which adopted seven core principles – humanity, impartiality, neutrality, independence, been little difficulty in settling the agriculturalists voluntary service, unity and universality – at the 1965 Inter- and manual workers. But there are several hun- national Conference in Vienna. See Jean Pictet’s The Fun- dred professional workers (engineers, lawyers, damental Principles of the Red Cross: Commentary . teachers, etc .) in Mexico City who have not yet 2 A similar example to the one given in this article is the been placed.” (25 July 1939) Most of these in- preferential treatment given to well-known Jewish scientists tellectuals eventually found work by switching to and musicians fleeing the Nazi regime who were allowed to leave legally, sponsored by large organisations, while the industry or business, and often their intelligence majority of ordinary Jewish families wishing to flee were produced a rapid rise to executive positions and forced to remain in Germany. See Gurock’s volume on the financial success (cf. Fagen 57). Nevertheless, Holocaust . More recent examples include the response to
helden. heroes. héros. The National Joint Committee’s Emigration Selection Process of 1939 the 9/11 attacks on New York City in 2001 in which the Feder- National Joint Committee for Spanish Relief. “New Hope for 73 al Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) has been criti Spanish Refugees.” Spanish Relief: Bulletin of the National cised for an unequal distribution of funds, prioritising wealthy Joint Committee 19, June 1939: 1 . Manhattan neighbourhoods while ignoring minority and low- Piña Soria, Antolín. El presidente Cárdenas y la inmigración income areas . These same arguments reappeared in 2005 de Españoles republicanos. México: Multígrafos SCOP, in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. See Brunsma et al. 1939 . The Sinaia was the first mass emigration ship purport- 3 “Report on the Emigration of Spanish refugees to Mexico”, ing to transport ‘regular’ refugees to Mexico, but not the first 19 June 1939. Located at the National Archives (London), emigration ship . Indeed, a previous ship transported eminent FO 371/24157, W 10552/2694/41. intellectuals who underwent a rigorous selection process . The mass emigrations, however, were to reflect the social, Rees, Richard. “Report on the Evacuation of Spanish refu- ideological, political and professional diversity of the ordinary gees to Mexico”, 25 July 1939. Located at the National Ar- Spanish population. See Sánchez Vázquez. chives (London), FO 371/24157, W 11274/2694/41. 4 Using the term “concentration camp” rather than “refu- “Rumbo a México.” Sinaia 15, 9 June 1939 . Los Barcos de gee camp” or “internment camp” is a contentious issue . la Libertad: Diarios de Viaje del ‘Sinaia’, el ‘Ipanema’ y el However, this term will continue to be used throughout this ‘Mexique’. Ed. Fernando Serrano Migallón. México, D. F.: article due to its contemporary and continual use by those El Colegio de México, 2006: 101 . who were in the camps . To discontinue the use of the term in Russell, Sam. “Spaniards in the Death Camps.” Volunteer for deference to the Nazi camps disrespects the memoirs of the Liberty 6.5, November-December 1945: 9. Spanish refugees who lived through camps they considered “concentration camps” in 1939 and subsequent decades. Villegas, Jean-Claude, Ed. Plages d’Exil: Les Camps de Ré- fugiés Espagnols en France, 1939. Nanterre: Bibliothèque 5 For examples of the camp newsletters, see Villegas . de Documentation Internationale Contemporaine, 1989. 6 All translations are mine .
Secondary Sources Works Cited Barnett, Michael, and Thomas G. Weiss. “Humanitarianism: A Brief History of the Present.” Humanitarianism in Ques- tion: Politics, Power, Ethics. Eds. Michael Barnett and Primary Sources Thomas G. Weiss. Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP, 2008. 1-48. Brunsma, David L. et al. The Sociology of Katrina: Perspec- A. M. “Nueva etapa de lucha.” Sinaia 8, 2 June 1939 . Los tives on a Modern Catastrophe. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Barcos de la Libertad: Diarios de Viaje del ‘Sinaia’, el ‘Ipa- Littlefield Publishers, 2007. nema’ y el ‘Mexique’. Ed. Fernando Serrano Migallón. Mé- Faber, Sebastiaan. Exile and Cultural Hegemony: Spanish xico, D. F.: El Colegio de México, 2006: 59. Intellectuals in Mexico, 1939-1975. Nashville: Vanderbilt Basauri y Garriz. “Orientaciones.” Sinaia 6, 31 May 1939 . UP, 2002. Los Barcos de la Libertad: Diarios de Viaje del ‘Sinaia’, el Fagen, Patricia W . Exiles and Citizens: Spanish Republicans ‘Ipanema’ y el ‘Mexique’. Ed. Fernando Serrano Migallón. in Mexico. Austin, TX: U of Texas P, 1973. México, D. F.: El Colegio de México, 2006: 47. Fyrth, Jim . The Signal Was Spain: The Spanish Aid Move- “British Institute of Public Opinion Polls, 1939.” UKDA. SN: ment in Britain, 1936-1939 . London: Lawrence and Wishart, 2038. 2 November 2015
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Katherine Rossy 75
Hiding in Plain Sight
Stolen Children, Reputation and Humanitarian Intervention in Postwar Germany (1945-1949)
The harsh realities of the Second World War left about where a child rightfully belonged and with many children displaced, orphaned and aban- whom, leading to irreconcilable differences in doned by war’s end. Many children in Nazi-an- policy between the occupation authorities and nexed territories and collaborationist regimes humanitarian agencies that were mandated were hoarded onto trains and deported to con- to search, locate, and care for these children centration camps. Others were born on enemy throughout the course of the postwar period . territory to forced labourers and prisoners of war. In Germany itself, where many had witnessed the horrors of aerial bombing, countless chil- dren sought refuge in shelled-out buildings and Children, Reputation and crowded cellars . And then there were the “stolen Humanitarian Intervention children”, children who were hiding in plain sight . Victims of wartime atrocities, these children of The French, British and American military gov- unknown parentage and background were up- ernments had total authority over the displaced rooted from their countries of origin and sent persons, refugees, and unaccompanied children to Nazi institutions to be racially examined and found in their respective German occupation Germanised before being placed with German zones. It was the United Nations Relief and Re- foster families under new identities . habilitation Administration (UNRRA), however, Stolen children quickly became a hotly con- that acted as the principle humanitarian organ tested subject for the governments, military au- isation during the post-military period until oper thorities and humanitarian agencies that were ations were resumed by the International Refu mandated to locate and care for displaced per- gee Organization (IRO), UNRRA’s successor sons and refugees during the postwar occupa- organisation, in July 1947 1. From 1945 to 1950, tion of Germany. The problem of children, both under the direct orders of the western occupation those who were reunited with parents and close authorities, UNRRA and IRO were responsible relatives after the war and those who remained for coordinating the health, welfare, registration, displaced, orphaned or abandoned throughout administration and repatriation of all United Na- the occupation period, posed a serious threat tions refugees and displaced persons found in to postwar reconstruction . Although postwar re- enemy or ex-enemy territory. construction, the very cornerstone of the military The principle goal of UNRRA and IRO was occupation as a whole, was often a matter of re- repatriation . A massive undertaking, since there building shattered infrastructure (often brick by were an estimated 9,000,000 people displaced brick), it also encompassed a moral dimension, by war by 1944, UNRRA had hoped to repatriate one that became entrenched in the very institu- up to 35,000 refugees and displaced persons a tions that cared for children during the postwar day within the first six to seven months of the period. As the occupation began to take shape post-military period with the help of the military and the sheer size and scope of the stolen child authorities, the Intergovernmental Committee problem became clearer, practices and policies on Refugees, and the International Red Cross were quickly implemented to clothe and feed (UNRRA and its Tasks 9 September 1944). Be- them, to trace and locate them, to rehabilitate tween May 1945 and July 1947, on the eve of and repatriate them, and, if necessary, to re- IRO takeover, nearly 7,000,000 displaced per- settle them in new countries. But the debates sons and refugees had been repatriated.2 By 31 surrounding stolen children were intensely po- May 1946, 5,888,400 refugees and displaced litical and clashing, and often questioned the persons had been repatriated from German as- reputations of the German foster parents who sembly centres while a further 792,850 remained took these children in . Questions soon emerged behind, creating a group of non-repatriable helden. heroes. héros. Katherine Rossy
76 ‘hard-core’ refugees who refused to return to central tracing index, but a lack of search par their homes in Eastern Europe, opting instead to ameters and key information about the children take advantage of new immigration and resettle- in question made child search a truly painstaking ment schemes in the West .3 undertaking . Under the terms of its agreement with Euro- Following thousands of inquiries from fran- pean UN member states in July 1944, UNRRA tic parents, the Child Search branch of UNR- would act as “the central international organ for RA’s Central Tracing Bureau began operations coordinating the work of repatriating Displaced in January 1946 with a three-person staff. By Persons in Europe .”4 But relief and rehabilita- March 1946, 1,000 children of UN origin were tion were privileges that extended only to those recovered, and by July, there were six Child deemed eligible to receive UNRRA assistance. Search Teams each composed of up to fifteen Stateless persons forced to flee their homes and members who spoke a combined 27 languages. United Nations nationals who were displaced by By 1 June, nearly 10,000 children were locat- war outside their countries of origin were eligible ed .6 The Bureau was extremely short-staffed, to receive UNRRA assistance. With the excep- however. Of the 5,372 UNRRA employees tion of displaced Italian nationals, all those from who worked in headquarters and in the field, enemy or ex-enemy nations, including Austria, only 89 personnel worked in the Central Trac- Bulgaria, Germany, Hungary, Japan, Romania ing Bureau.7 A general lack of coordination and Siam, were not eligible for UNRRA assist between UNRRA, IRO, and the western occu- ance and were thus excluded from the mandate . pation authorities further complicated search ef- This also included ethnic Germans and German forts, as the military authorities had a final say Balts, war criminals, collaborators and traitors, in all matters concerning unaccompanied chil- nationals of neutral countries, and ex-Wehr- dren and no child could be moved, repatriated macht personnel. These eligibility criteria formed or resettled without their consent . The Ameri- the basis of the IRO mandate as well. can and British military authorities authorised That Germans were excluded from UN aid UNRRA to carry out child search and tracing exposes a fundamental reality of postwar hu- operations in the American and British zones as manitarian culture, one in which humanitarian early as September 1945. The French did not intervention was rooted, at least in part, by a follow suit and restricted UNRRA child search deep scepticism of the German population. Un- activities to UNRRA-administered camps, thus certainty toward how best to differentiate a Nazi opting for total control over displaced persons from an anti-Nazi, a sympathiser from a critic, a and refugees found in their occupation zone . victim from a perpetrator, and a collaborator from Despite operational differences across the three a resister shaped nearly every facet of the Ger- western zones, an attempt was made to central- man occupation programme . The very intentions ise Child Search by establishing a Child Tracing of the German people were heavily scrutinised Bureau in Frankfurt-Höchst before its relocation and their reputations were carefully weighted . to Bad Arolsen in 1946, where it remains in op- This was especially true in matters concerning eration today 8. the search for stolen children, that is, “racially Postwar child search was often “conducted by valuable” children of suspicious origin who were a system of trial and error”, as one August 1948 believed to be uprooted by the Nazis and placed report on refugee children pointed out 9. Welfare with “racially deserving” German foster families officers were advised against “direct questioning after undergoing racial testing and Germanisa- of the child” and were instead instructed to use tion. Since the true identities of ‘stolen’ children “indirect methods” to obtain clues and data about were deliberately concealed and erased, these children’s identities 10. This meant that investiga- children would prove the hardest to locate and tors had to be most creative in their approach: repatriate . The two main components of stolen children’s To winnow out facts and track down clues, an investigator must combine qualities as policy in occupied Germany were child tracing 5 linguist, child psychologist, and detective . and child search. Child tracing usually involved Often, when speaking German to a child, locating an individual child based on clues and investigators casually drop a question in information received from parents or close rela Polish, French or Czech . The child replies tives . Clues were then checked against a central in the same tongue sometimes, providing tracing index that contained tens of thousands the first clue that may lead eventually to of identity papers, photographs, letters and cap- a reunion with family members. Some- tured German documents. Searching for a child, times remembrance has been rekindled on the other hand, usually involved a mass, col- by a snatch of a folk song or a native lul lective search for an undetermined number of laby. (Europe’s Greatest Treasure Hunt 15 children whose names and identities were not yet January 1949) known . Any leads were again checked against a
helden. heroes. héros. Stolen Children, Reputation and Humanitarian Intervention in Postwar Germany
Some children, depending on age, memory and during the war . The couple was assured that the 77 behavioural habits, could provide useful informa- child was “pure Aryan-German”, only to discover tion 11. But others, like little Pierre Roget, a young after the war that “the child was not Johann Atz- Jewish boy who was taken across the Pyrenees mann, but a foundling from a bombed out area” during the war by an underground resistance of Yugoslavia.14 One particularly difficult case in- worker, could provide no information at all: volved a German couple from Aerzen who had adopted a young girl named Editha . In 1947, she The story of a three-and-a-half year old was discovered to be an illegitimate child of a boy who had made the hazardous trip presumably German father and an Italian moth- across is a very poignant one and points up the whole tragedy involved in Europe er who returned to Italy in 1945 and never at- today. No one knew his name when he tempted to contact her daughter again . When an came in and couldn’t help because he UNRRA child search officer visited Editha’s fos- had forgotten it. Obviously he hadn’t been ter parents to make plans for the removal of the called by name for some time – his par- child, the adoptive mother threatened to commit ents weren’t with him and he was alone in suicide if the child were taken away. The officer the group . We tried calling him everything returned to collect the child one month later, only – Jean, Claude, Robert and so on. Final- to discover that the mother had disappeared with ly, it was decided to call him Pierre since Editha, causing UNRRA to close the case since he stirred up a little response at that; and it would have been “inhumane to take the child so he became Pierre Roget. About three away owing to personal feelings .”15 weeks later the mystery was cleared when his mother came in to claim him, Stolen and hidden children were not easy to and “Pierre” became Charles once again. identify, as they were not usually war-ravaged and But that is an example of thousands of malnourished, like many displaced and refugee similar tragedies all over Europe .12 children who lived in overcrowded camps and in- stitutions during the immediate postwar period . A Fortuitously, little Pierre Roget was happily re study conducted by Denise Grunewald, an IRO united with his mother. But many children, Child Welfare Officer, found that most stolen chil- most of whom had no papers in their posses- dren were surprisingly “well treated” since they sion or were too young or traumatised to pro- were “placed with a desiring family who wanted vide clues about their backgrounds, suffered a to adopt and received more love and care than different fate. Although such cases required a a child killed by a bomb.”16 Such findings did great deal of detective work, since these chil- little to prevent heated debates from emerging dren could provide frustratingly little information, on both sides of the moral spectrum, however. the discovery of “accidental clues” often led to To whom did these children belong if they had, breakthroughs. In one case, a priest requested indeed, been stolen, and how could one pos- UNRRA medical supplies for thirty tubercular chil- sibly hope to answer such a difficult question? dren who were housed in a German institution . The easiest solution, Grunewald argued, would After an investigation of the institution was car- be for the military authorities to turn a blind eye ried out, UNRRA workers discovered that nine- and leave the children where they were found in teen of the children were, in fact, Allied nationals, order to avoid uprooting them again. But “would and clues to the whereabouts of a further two this also not make us complicit in what the Allied hundred Allied children were discovered by inter- Military Tribunal has called a crime against hu- viewing the nuns who worked at the institution .13 manity?”17 Forced removal and repatriation did not seem like logical solutions either: “To repat- riate them only to put them back in institutions The ‘Best Interests’ of the Child – would this not obey a logic of narrow nation- alism and, when all is said and done, of political vengeance which must not be the driving force The Nazi Germanisation apparatus was de- behind an international social organisation, and signed to erase all signs of a child’s past, which which must in no case put children at stake?”18 in turn made it extremely difficult for humanitar- Another report asks similar questions: “Is there ian workers, military authorities, and relatives harm to a child in once more disrupting him from to track down and recuperate stolen children . a family, in which he now seems entrenched? In Many German foster parents were genuinely striving to send a child in all haste to the country shocked to discover that the children under their to which he belongs, is the motive some obscure care were actually Yugoslavian, Czech, Italian, punitive attitude toward the German people as French, Polish or Belgian children who were up- a whole, or is the concern for the child upper- rooted and displaced from their home countries most in the planning?”19 Such questions echoed only to somehow wind up in German institutions . throughout many of the humanitarian practices In one case, a child by the name of Johann Atz- of the postwar period . mann was adopted by an elderly German couple helden. heroes. héros. Katherine Rossy
78 The occupation authorities were equally div The issue of stolen children raises key ques- ided . Opinions clashed in May 1948 when Myer tions regarding the practices and particularities Cohen, the head of the Preparatory Commit- of humanitarian intervention and military occu- tee of the IRO, met with representatives of the pation during the post-military period. The sus- United States, the United Kingdom and France picious origins of stolen children, coupled with to discuss issues surrounding the search for the contested reputations of those who took unaccompanied children 20. While all represen them in, generates something of a conundrum . tatives agreed, at least in theory, that children Could these children have been stolen children with known relatives should be repatriated at the from Poland, Czechoslovakia or Yugoslavia, for earliest opportunity, the representatives could example, or were they actually German war or- not agree over a suitable course of action in phans? Were German foster parents aware of instances where parents could not be located. the circumstances under which stolen children Mr. Squadrilli, the American representative, stat- wound up in German institutions and, eventually, ed that unaccompanied children with no known in their homes, or were they as oblivious as the relatives in the American zone were usually re- occupation authorities and humanitarian work- ferred to the National Liaison Officer of his or ers who later carried out child search and trac- her determined country of origin to be consid- ing policies? Who was in a position to rightfully ered for resettlement . Commandant de Rosen, claim stolen children whose parents could not be the French representative, protested that if no found? Was it truly in the best interests of the parents could be located, the government of ori child to uproot him or her from the only home he gin should have the right to claim children up to or she had ever known, only to be repatriated the age of sixteen; he strongly disagreed with to a place he or she may not have been able to the view that a child happily settled in a German remember? These questions underscore some foster home should remain there and anticipat- of the most contentious issues of the postwar ed that there were likely thousands of children period, leaving the fates of stolen children in the to be found since the Nazis did not exterminate hands of the families that searched for them, the ‘racially valuable’ kidnapped children.21 Brigad authorities that cared for them, and the nations ier Kenchington, the British representative, ex- that claimed them . pressed that while the Foreign Office generally Katherine Rossy is a PhD candidate in Modern agreed with the French viewpoint, and while European History at Queen Mary University of nationality was extremely important, repatriation London and a Joseph-Armand Bombardier Can- should not override the will or the best interests ada Doctoral Scholar. Her doctoral thesis exam- 22 of the child . ines occupation policy toward unaccompanied The “best interests of the child” became children in the French and British occupation a mantra of the postwar period. All UN mem- zones in postwar Germany between 1945 and ber states, except Belgium, agreed in principle 1949 . that stolen children living with German fami- lies must return home, however the occupa- 1 “Agreement between UNRRA and SHAEF”, 14 October tion authorities had the final say on the sub- 1944, AJ/43/14. ject . Although they never formally “express[ed] 2 Section VIII, June 1948, AJ/43/170. their policy in writing”, it was decided that 3 Appendix I, 8 July 1946, AJ/43/19. Child Search and Tracing would operate on a 4 “Draft for a Multi-Lateral Agreement between the Euro- case-by-case basis, often through a system pean United Nations concerning the Care and Maintenance of trial-and-error, while relying on the guiding and Repatriation of Displaced Persons in their Territories who principle of the ‘best interests’ of the child.23 are Nationals of the United Nations”, July 1944, AJ/43/16. 5 “Child Search Programme”, 13 October 1950, AJ/43/302. 6 “UNRRA Fifth Session of the Council”, 8 July 1946, AJ/43/19. Concluding Thoughts 7 Appendix VII, 8 July 1946, AJ/43/19. 8 “UNRRA Weekly Bulletin”, 31 January 1945, AJ/43/18. Limited funds meant that Child Search and Trac- 9 “Refugee Children, Summary Report”, 10-16 August ing could only operate until 31 July 1950, leaving 1948, AJ/43/598-599. several thousand cases unturned . All repatria- 10 Ibid. tion and resettlement plans were to be finalised by 31 July 1951.24 As of 1 June 1950, a central- 11 “Quels sont les principaux problèmes concernant les en- fants réfugiés?”, July 1948, AJ/43/598-599. ised German tracing service for children was set up in Hamburg in the Federal Republic of Ger- 12 “J.D.C. Overseas Representatives Re-Affirms Hopes of Jewish Refugees”, 21 March 1945, AJ/43/13. many, and the Allied High Commission took on 25 13 “UNRRA Fifth Session of the Council”, 8 July 1946, all unsolved cases on 1 April 1951 . AJ/43/19.
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14 “War Crimes report on ‘Lebensborn’”, 24 October 1947, Archives 79 AJ/43/596-597.
15 “Report on Mr. and Mrs. Friedrich ALBERT, foster-par- Les Archives nationales (Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, France): ents of SCARFATTI, Editha”, 12 August 1947, FO 1052/358. Archives pour l’Organisation internationale pour les réfugiés: 16 “Etudes sur le Lebensborn”, 1 July 1948, AJ/43/598-599. AJ/43/13, AJ/43/14, AJ/43/16 17 Ibid. AJ/43/18, AJ/43/19, AJ/43/170 18 Ibid. AJ/43/301, AJ/43/302, AJ/43/596-597 19 “Removal from German Families of Allied Children . Rea- AJ/43/598-599 sons Why This Is in the Best Interest of the Child”, 21 Janu- ary 1948, AJ/43/598-599. The National Archives (Kew, United Kingdom): 20 “Preparatory Commission for the International Refugee The Foreign Office, Control Commission for Germany Organization, First Session”, 19 February 1947, AJ/43/170. (British Element): 21 Ibid. FO 1052/358 22 Ibid. 23 “Removal from German Families of Allied Children . Rea- sons Why This Is in the Best Interest of the Child”, 21 Janu- ary 1948, AJ/43/598-599. Works Cited 24 “Report of Child Care Conference”, 9-10 July 1951, AJ/43/301. “The Saga of Europe’s Greatest Treasure Hunt.” Stars and Stripes 15 January 1949 . 25 “International Tracing Service”, 9 April 1951, AJ/43/302. “UNRRA and its Tasks.” The Times 9 September 1944.
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Kristina Sperlich 81
The Hero as Celebrity in Contemporary British Media
Introduction as inferior to a heroic reputation in contemporary society. The two concepts seem to be perceived This paper is concerned with heroism and ce- not only as mutually exclusive – although they lebrity – two kinds of reputation in the sense of are sometimes used synonymously (cf . Kelly “cultural constructions” that reflect “the values 724) – but also as hierarchical. and ideologies of the societies in which they are The alleged contradiction between hero and produced” (Cubitt 3). The Victoria Cross imbues celebrity is the focus of this paper. My aim is its recipients with a very solid and uncontested to show that a hero can function as a celebrity heroic reputation:1 It is a decoration awarded without damage to his heroic reputation . John- for exceptional bravery in the armed forces of son Beharry’s story and his representations in the Commonwealth . In 2011, a recipient of the the British media will serve as a test case for medal, Lance Corporal Johnson Beharry, one of this assumption. Indeed, in Beharry’s case, his the most highly decorated serving soldiers in the reputation as a celebrity constantly reminded the British Army, participated in the sixth series of a public of his heroic reputation and thereby re television celebrity entertainment show, Dancing inforced his heroisation. Functioning as a celeb- on Ice (ITV 2006-2014).2 In an interview cover- rity helped Beharry to become firmly established ing the story leading up to his participation, the as a hero in British society. war hero was asked whether he felt like a ce- lebrity himself, now that he was competing with celebrities on television. In his reply, he clarified: “Hero” and “Celebrity”: 3 “I am a soldier . And I’ll always remain a soldier .” A Contradiction in Terms? (British Forces TV 2011)4 This answer suggests that Beharry considers the term “celebrity” as in- appropriate for himself – although he has no ob- Trevor Parry-Giles, who worked on the percep- jection to competing with celebrities on television tion of J.K. Rowling’s fictional character Harry – and we might infer that his solid reputation as a Potter as a celebrity figure, both within the fic- “hero” is perceived as incongruent with the repu tional framework and in British society, found tation of a “celebrity”. This was also suggested in that the public is eager to distinguish between the Call for Papers for the seventh Queen Mary hero and celebrity. Parry-Giles defines celebrity University of London – Freiburg PhD Colloquium: as a “system of representation – its conventions, structures and circulation – within which the ce- The notion of glory or fame has become lebrity self resonates within the public sphere” an […] unfamiliar one . Today men and (Parry-Giles 307).5 Another characteristic of ce- women seek celebrity status or try to cre- lebrities can be identified by the public reaction: ate a public image for themselves which “the reaction to celebrities is affective, character- appeals to their fans, admirers or – in ised by the non-rational, the emotional” (Parry- politics – voters, but they do not consider Giles 308), and because emotions are powerful personal glory as a kind of reputation that is – potentially – forever and attested by and seductive, celebrities are perceived as po- a social community […] . Intimacy would tentially dangerous . In short, there is a cultural make it impossible to consider somebody uncertainty about celebrities and their function in as a true hero. (Call for Papers 1-2) and for society (cf. Parry-Giles 308). A hero, on the other hand, can be defined as In this light, being labelled as a celebrity seems to imply a loss of honour as well as serious dam- any man or woman whose existence, age to a heroic reputation, and we might con- whether in his or her own lifetime or later, clude that a reputation as a celebrity is regarded is endowed by others, not just with a high degree of fame and honour, but with a helden. heroes. héros. Kristina Sperlich
82 special allocation of imputed meaning is in the shape of a cross to which a red ribbon and symbolic significance – that not only is attached. In the centre of the cross, Saint Ed- raises them above others in public esteem ward’s crown is guarded by a lion and encircled but makes them the object of some kind of by the inscription “FOR VALOUR”.7 “Deliberate- collective emotional investment. (Cubitt 3) ly intended to have little actual value, the VC It is noteworthy that the emotional reaction of is hand-made, traditionally using bronze taken the public is central to the definitions of both from a gun captured in the Crimean War.” (Im 8 hero and celebrity. Both figures also fulfil a cul- perial War Museum 2015) With the inception tural function for the public and function only of the Victoria Cross, military heroism became within the public framework; they are therefore a standardised and institutionalised entity in the subject to media representation. It is the media British Empire (cf. Smith 29). As in 1857, today’s representation which makes them a hero and/ recipients of the medal are invested with the or a celebrity. However, a hero is distinguished highest degree of fame and honour by the mon- from a celebrity by the notion of honour. Honour arch in an official ceremony at Buckingham Pal- is what makes a hero appear as a trustworthy ace. Their heroic deeds are described in detail figure. In contrast to a celebrity, a hero is per- and read aloud, and the ceremony is broadcast ceived as someone who is admired for being on television. The official citation is then publish “truly virtuous and brave, rather than simply well- ed in the London Gazette by the Ministry of De- known” (Parry-Giles 311). Accordingly, a hero fence . With this ceremony, the recipients are of- transcends the purely affective reaction of the ficially and publically presented as heroes who public and provides his public with a reasonable have rightfully earned their heroic reputation . justification for their admiration. Victoria Cross recipients are not simply The distinction between hero and celebrity is heroes . The Imperial War Museum in London 9 thus made in analogy to the distinction between presents them as “Extraordinary Heroes” since the reasonable and the irrational, and the latter the Victoria Cross is only awarded for actions carries a rather negative connotation . Addition- under direct enemy fire. It is therefore rare for ally, a moral judgement is at the heart of the Victoria Cross heroes to receive the award them- distinction: heroes are considered as morally selves as they are frequently awarded posthu- good and are therefore also considered as role mously. The recipients are therefore members of models. They confirm a society’s moral code. a very exclusive community (cf. Smith 41). Their Celebrities, on the other hand, are considered as singularity was emphasised with the opening of a bad influence because they are famous with- the largest collection of Victoria Crosses in the out necessarily being morally good. They are Lord Ashcroft Gallery at the Imperial War Mu- no models to be imitated – despite their public seum in London in 2010. The exhibition “Extra admiration. In consequence, celebrity culture is ordinary Heroes” has the agenda to “intrigue, perceived as “a culture of artifice and deception inspire and amaze by re-telling forgotten stories where authentic heroism and real courage are of bravery that show, when faced with extreme ignored or minimised” (Parry-Giles 315). Follow- situations, some people can do extraordinary 10 ing such criteria, a hero cannot be a celebrity. things .” (The Imperial War Museum 2015) It Accepting the label celebrity would equal an displays the medals, as well as personal belong- adoption of all the negative connotations and ings of the recipients that helped them carry out immoralities it carries . It would mean serious their acts of bravery. Furthermore, visitors are damage to a heroic reputation. This explains Be- told about the heroes’ acts of valour with the help harry’s rejection of the label celebrity for himself: of multimedia representations, including panels, he prefers to remain a “soldier hero”,6 and spe- short films, leaflets and even comic books. Their cifically a hero awarded with the highest military heroism is explained with such character traits decoration in the British honours system. as boldness, aggression, leadership, skill, sac- rifice, initiative and endurance.11 Victoria Cross heroism is redefined and adapted for today’s context of the post-9/11 wars. The public is in- The Victoria Cross Hero formed in detail and the Victoria Cross heroes are supposed to serve as inspiration for them . On 29 January 1856, Queen Victoria introduced The public’s “collective emotional investment” the Victoria Cross to officially recognise acts of (Cubitt 3) is thus deliberately triggered. The ex- gallantry and heroism independent of the recipi hibition transforms Victoria Cross heroes into ent’s origin, birth or class, “in recognition of the popular figures who enjoy a heroic reputation. sacrifices made by the soldiers and sailors of the On 17 March 2005, Private Johnson Gideon Crimean War” (Smith 26). Prior to the Victoria Beharry was invested with the Victoria Cross by Cross, only high ranking military officers could Queen Elizabeth II for twice saving members of be invested with an award for valour. The medal his unit from ambushes on 1 May and 11 June
helden. heroes. héros. The Hero as Celebrity in Contemporary British Media
2004 at Al-Amarah, Iraq. Beharry was the first The Hero as Celebrity 83 living recipient of the VC in more than thirty years and the only veteran of the war in Iraq . His In addition to these institutional and symbolic official citation reads: acts, Beharry has also been in the spotlight of Private Beharry carried out two individual celebrity media and literature. The representa- acts of great heroism by which he saved tion of the military in popular media is a recent the lives of his comrades. Both were in phenomenon and has increased with the in- direct face of the enemy, under intense volvement of British troops in post-9/11 wars in fire, at great personal risk to himself (one order to “present militarism as necessary and leading to him sustaining very serious natural extensions of nation-states’ civil society” injuries). Beharry displayed repeated ex- (Kelly 723) . According to the public’s perception treme gallantry and unquestioned valour, of hero versus celebrity referred to above, Be- despite intense direct attacks, personal harry’s representation as a celebrity in a dance injury and damage to his vehicle in the show should have damaged his heroic reputa- face of relentless enemy action . (Ministry of Defence, 2005 3369) tion, also because it revealed intimate and emo- tional details of his private life, which, following In addition to the Victoria Cross, Beharry was the argument, make it impossible to regard him also invested with the Kosovo medal and the as a ‘hero’ henceforth . However, the opposite Iraq medal, which acknowledge his involvement seems to be true. in those two regions, where he did his duty prior In the same year as Beharry unveiled his por- to his service in the Iraq War . Furthermore, he trait, he also published his biography Barefoot was promoted to the rank of lance corporal in Soldier (2007), written in collaboration with Nick recognition of his bravery. Cook. Beharry reveals that his origins are hum- Beharry was born in 1979 in Grenada, the for- ble and that he had a difficult childhood. Due to mer British colony in the Caribbean. Seeing no his alcoholic and violent father, his family was future prospects in Grenada, he moved to Lon- too poor to afford shoes for their eight children. don at the age of twenty to find a job. In 2001, Beharry’s and Jim Eldridge’s novel Hero: The he joined the first Battalion of the Princess of Incredible True Story of Courage Under Fire Wales’s Royal Regiment and trained to become (2014) is an adaptation of Beharry’s story for a the driver for an armoured fighting vehicle. In his young readership, where Beharry is the narrator, Warrior, he served in peacekeeping missions in focaliser and heroic protagonist. The plot is div Kosovo and Ireland before he was sent to Iraq. ided into two parts: Beharry’s childhood in Gren As Beharry was unable to return to active milita- ada and his mission in Iraq . Consequently, the ry service after the war due to injuries he recei- reader gets insight into the protagonist’s child- ved to his brain and spine, he took on a public hood traumas, such as the separation from his relations role with the Household Division and mother, and the suffering from a violent father has since performed numerous tasks as a repre- and poverty. The novel’s fictionalisation also en- sentative of the British Armed Forces at home. ables the reader to identify with the hero’s emo- He is especially active in the charity organisation tions and fears during his mission in Iraq. In both “Help for Heroes”, which raises funds for war ve- the biography and the novel, readers learn that terans who have difficulties in adapting to civil life Beharry saw the military as an institution where after returning from war 12. Moreover, he actively he might overcome his drug and alcohol addic- participates in a positive media representation of tion: “If I joined the army it would solve all my the British Armed Forces and their engagements problems at a stroke. […] I’ll also get a reason- with the help of his heroic reputation . In 2007, he able wage, but best of all, I’ll break completely unveiled his own portrait in the National Portrait with the past” (Beharry/Eldridge 144-145). Both Gallery in London 13. For the opening of the Lord books narrate Beharry’s story of becoming a true Ashcroft Gallery in 2010, he donated the hel- hero and climax in the narration of his heroic met he wore during the ambush in Iraq. In 2009, deed. Moreover, both books end their narratives he assisted the Queen in laying a wreath upon with the Victoria Cross ceremony at Buckingham the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier.14 In 2012, he Palace – the official recognition of the hero by carried the Olympic Torch through the National the Queen: “‘You’re a very special person,’ she Memorial Arboretum on Armed Forces Day.15 On says, as she pins the medal on my chest . ‘It’s Christmas Day 2014, he volunteered in a soup been rather a long time since I’ve awarded one kitchen and served a Christmas dinner to home- of these’.” (Beharry/Eldridge 218) Both the biog less war veterans (Blunden/Davis 1). The British raphy and the novel aim to reveal Beharry’s pri- media regularly report about Beharry’s displays vate life and emotions and thus to create intim of honourable actions and so remind the public acy between the hero and his admirers. Along of his heroic reputation . with Cubitt, I would argue that life writing is an helden. heroes. héros. Kristina Sperlich
84 important means for heroisation: “The construc- He was the first ever Dancing on Ice con- tion of heroic reputations involves the imagina- testant to come from outside the world of tive construction of heroic lives – lives, in short, sport and celebrity and hero Johnson had that are not just heroic in isolated detail, but never set foot on an ice rink or donned a that constitute, in some cases, a heroic totality .” sequinned costume until he signed up to the show. But with typical guts and deter- (Cubitt 7) This is the case for Beharry: the pri- mination Johnson fast conquered the art vate and intimate details that are revealed do not of ice skating. (ITV Dancing on Ice 2011)22 minimise his true heroism (cf. Parry-Giles 315), but, on the contrary, aim at the creation of a com- His participation in the celebrity show was thus plete heroic character . portrayed as another heroic challenge bravely This process of revealing details of Beharry’s faced. Beharry’s exceptionality and his military private life is taken a step further by representa- skills were also repeatedly emphasised: “While tions in other media. Beharry’s numerous rep- other celebrities run around exuding nervous resentations in celebrity magazines and celebrity energy, Lance Corporal Beharry remains cu- television shows are at the heart of it . In 2013, cumber-cool. He is showing the same grit he the celebrity magazine Hello! exclusively printed displayed when he twice rescued mates in the Beharry’s wedding pictures16 as well as photos Princess of Wales’s Royal Regiment from ter- of his new-born son, reporting that Beharry had rifying ambushes in the Iraq War.” (Ministry of had mini replicas of the Victoria Cross made to Defence 2011) In the same interview in which celebrate the occasion of his birth.17 Further- he rejected being a celebrity, the presenter em- more, Beharry had the motif of the Victoria Cross phasised that he could use his military skills in tattooed on his own back. A black-and-white, full- the show: size photograph of Beharry’s naked back reveal- ing the tattoo can be seen in the Lord Ashcroft It’s some military skills that are import Gallery in the Imperial War Museum next to the ant like determination, motivation and helmet he donated .18 being focused on the job at hand that will hopefully get him through to the final The peak of Beharry’s role as a celebrity stages . […] [H]e is certainly feeling the was reached when he participated in the celeb- support from the military community. (Brit- 19 rity television show Dancing on Ice – with full ish Forces TV 2011) approval of the military. On 18 February 2011, the Ministry of Defence officially announced His professional ice-skating partner Jodeyne that Beharry would participate in the upcom- Higgins also contributed to Beharry’s heroisation: ing season of the show: “From the frontline to “Johnson faced a lot of challenges: he was in- receiving a Victoria Cross to now Dancing on jured severely at war […] and to think that he Ice with celebrities. Johnson Beharry is now takes on the challenge of ice skating is remark one of twelve contestants to get through to the able. Johnson is an inspirational character.” first stages of the ITV entertainment show out (ibid.) Such comments indicated how Beharry of an original sixteen.” (British Forces TV)20 was “endowed […] not just with a high degree of Beharry managed to stay in the show until the fame and honour, but with a special allocation of semi-finals. This indicates that he was one of imputed meaning and significance […]” (Cubitt the most popular contestants because it is the 3) both by the official, military representations viewers who vote for their favourite celebrity to and by the celebrity media. His participation in win. Beharry seems to have successfully cap- the celebrity show helped to establish him as tured the public’s emotional attention. How outstanding and truly heroic even ‘in addition’ to ever, it is remarkable that his representation in his official status as a Victoria Cross hero. Be- this celebrity programme did not follow the typ harry’s heroic reputation was thus ‘reinforced’ by ical conventions of depicting celebrities. Rather his performance as a celebrity contestant. than establishing him as a celebrity, the media used heroisation patterns in order to emphasise his heroic reputation and frame him as a hero . People were told, for instance, that Dancing Conclusion on Ice was extremely challenging for Beharry: “Johnson says he finds the prospect of skating in The analysis of Johnson Beharry’s media rep- front of a huge TV audience even more frighten- resentation shows that the alleged contradiction ing than the day he risked death in Iraq to save between hero and celebrity proves to be a fal the lives of fellow soldiers .”21 This was intensified lacy. The two concepts are widely believed to by the fact that Beharry had never done ice skat- contradict each other, but they are compatible ing before in his life. in media practice . This corresponds with the
helden. heroes. héros. The Hero as Celebrity in Contemporary British Media
various functions which Johnson Beharry fulfils 1 Even the political controversy over British operations in 85 in British society: He performs the official, insti- Afghanistan and Iraq did not cause any controversy over the tutionalised acts that are demanded of a Victoria heroism acknowledged with this decoration. See Smith 205. Cross hero . He also functions as the protagonist 2 Kelly shows that, since 9/11, the British military is fre- of literary representations which add to the con- quently present at popular cultural activities, especially at struction of his heroic reputation . And addition- sports events with a large audience . He concludes that we are currently witnessing a militarisation of British society through ally, he participates in celebrity culture. Despite an increasingly frequent and positive representation of the common belief that being a celebrity means a British military in popular media. Thus, Beharry’s partici less honourable status than being a hero, Behar- pation in a TV show has to be considered within this context. ry’s performance as a celebrity ice-skater and 3 According to Kelly (724), the terms “hero” and “soldier” the publication of intimate details of his private have been used synonymously in British media since 9/11. life did not diminish his heroic reputation . On the 4 The interview with Beharry is available on the British contrary, all of his acts in the celebrity context Forces Channel on YouTube: 24 May 2015
I would argue furthermore that his role as a May 2015
helden. heroes. héros. Kristina Sperlich
86 20 For the whole report, see British Forces News Chan- “Exclusive: Victoria Cross War Hero Johnson Beharry Mar- nel on YouTube: 24 May 2015
helden. heroes. héros. 87
Impressum helden. heroes. héros. E-Journal on Cultures of the Heroic, Collaborative Research Center 948 “Heroes – Heroizations – Heroisms” Ulrich Bröckling, Barbara Korte, Birgit Studt Volume 2 (2016), Special Issue, The Making of Reputations: Honour – Glory – Celebrity Editors of this Volume: Technical Advisors: Virginia Davis Thomas Argast Barbara Korte Michael Krauße Annette Scheiner
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