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Hope Simpson Janko
AYIOS STEPHANOS IN SOUTHERN LACONIA AND THE LOCATIONS OF ANCIENT HELOS by RICHARD HOPE SIMPSON and RICHARD JANKO estiò Pulov@ pro # Puloio,@ Pulov@ ge men@ estiè kai # allov.ò ‘There is a Pylos before Pylos, and another Pylos besides’ (verse from the epic cycle cited by Strabo viii. 3. 7, cf. Aristophanes Eq. 1059) This article1 originated when R.H.S. drew some of his published and unpub- lished observations on Laconian topography to the attention of R.J., who had just brought out the final report on the excavations at Ayios Stephanos. Consideration of these observations and of other recent scholarship has led us to reconsider the significance of Ayios Stephanos in the Late Bronze Age, the location(s) of ancient Helos, and the network of premodern roads in the region. The photographs were taken by R.H.S. in 1956 during his extensive survey of southern Laconia, on behalf of the British School, when he first discovered the site of Ayios Stephanos2. The maps, compiled by the authors, have been drawn by Jennifer Grek Martin. I. AYIOS STEPHANOS AND ITS HISTORY Ayios Stephanos lies in South Laconia on the western edge of the modern Helos Plain (Fig. 1). The excavations that were undertaken there in 1959–77 by the late Lord William Taylour, under the auspices of the British School, have revealed a coastal settlement with a long history, which can be reconstructed in detail from a stratigraphic sequence that is, for the Bronze Age, almost complete. Although the site now lies some 2 km north of the sea (Fig. -
Who Freed Athens? J
Ancient Greek Democracy: Readings and Sources Edited by Eric W. Robinson Copyright © 2004 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd The Beginnings of the Athenian Democracv: Who Freed Athens? J Introduction Though the very earliest democracies lildy took shape elsewhere in Greece, Athens embraced it relatively early and would ultimately become the most famous and powerful democracy the ancient world ever hew. Democracy is usually thought to have taken hold among the Athenians with the constitutional reforms of Cleisthenes, ca. 508/7 BC. The tyrant Peisistratus and later his sons had ruled Athens for decades before they were overthrown; Cleisthenes, rallying the people to his cause, made sweeping changes. These included the creation of a representative council (bode)chosen from among the citizens, new public organizations that more closely tied citizens throughout Attica to the Athenian state, and the populist ostracism law that enabled citizens to exile danger- ous or undesirable politicians by vote. Beginning with these measures, and for the next two centuries or so with only the briefest of interruptions, democracy held sway at Athens. Such is the most common interpretation. But there is, in fact, much room for disagree- ment about when and how democracy came to Athens. Ancient authors sometimes refer to Solon, a lawgiver and mediator of the early sixth century, as the founder of the Athenian constitution. It was also a popular belief among the Athenians that two famous “tyrant-slayers,” Harmodius and Aristogeiton, inaugurated Athenian freedom by assas- sinating one of the sons of Peisistratus a few years before Cleisthenes’ reforms - though ancient writers take pains to point out that only the military intervention of Sparta truly ended the tyranny. -
The Evolution of Power and Politics in the Mycenaean World and Its Reflection in the Homeric Epic: the Iliad
Near East University (NEU) Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences Department of International Relations The Evolution of Power and Politics in the Mycenaean World and its Reflection in the Homeric Epic: the Iliad By: Nicolaie A. Şorodoc We certify that the thesis is satisfactory for the award of the Degree of Master of International Relations Examining committee: Prof. Dr. Levent Köker Faculty of Law, Department of Law, NEU Prof. Dr. Jouni Suistola Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Department of International Relations, NEU Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ali Efdal Özkul Faculty of Education, Department of History Teaching, NEU Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Aykut Polatoğlu 1 Jury Report June, 2010 Student Info: Full Name Nicolaie Alin Şorodoc Faculty Economics and Administrative Sciences Institution Near East University Department International Relations Thesis Info: Title: The Evolution of Power and Politics in the Mycenaean World and its Reflection in the Homeric Epic the Iliad Abstract: This study tries to go beyond the boundaries of present day issues and examine the evolution of power and politics of the Mycenaean people during the Bronze Age. At each stage, be it big-man leadership, chiefdom or state based society I examine how power and social complexity increases and what were the reasons behind such a phenomenon. I start with some few considerations regarding developments during the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age and then I jump to the question of the “coming of the Greeks.” I argue that any explanation of the political life shall start from early stages; it is only then that we might get a measured insight in respect to the workings of political and social institutions. -
Early Mycenaean Arkadia: Space and Place(S) of an Inland and Mountainous Region
Early Mycenaean Arkadia: Space and Place(s) of an Inland and Mountainous Region Eleni Salavoura1 Abstract: The concept of space is an abstract and sometimes a conventional term, but places – where people dwell, (inter)act and gain experiences – contribute decisively to the formation of the main characteristics and the identity of its residents. Arkadia, in the heart of the Peloponnese, is a landlocked country with small valleys and basins surrounded by high mountains, which, according to the ancient literature, offered to its inhabitants a hard and laborious life. Its rough terrain made Arkadia always a less attractive area for archaeological investigation. However, due to its position in the centre of the Peloponnese, Arkadia is an inevitable passage for anyone moving along or across the peninsula. The long life of small and medium-sized agrarian communities undoubtedly owes more to their foundation at crossroads connecting the inland with the Peloponnesian coast, than to their potential for economic growth based on the resources of the land. However, sites such as Analipsis, on its east-southeastern borders, the cemetery at Palaiokastro and the ash altar on Mount Lykaion, both in the southwest part of Arkadia, indicate that the area had a Bronze Age past, and raise many new questions. In this paper, I discuss the role of Arkadia in early Mycenaean times based on settlement patterns and excavation data, and I investigate the relation of these inland communities with high-ranking central places. In other words, this is an attempt to set place(s) into space, supporting the idea that the central region of the Peloponnese was a separated, but not isolated part of it, comprising regions that are also diversified among themselves. -
Ancient History Sourcebook: 11Th Brittanica: Sparta SPARTA an Ancient City in Greece, the Capital of Laconia and the Most Powerful State of the Peloponnese
Ancient History Sourcebook: 11th Brittanica: Sparta SPARTA AN ancient city in Greece, the capital of Laconia and the most powerful state of the Peloponnese. The city lay at the northern end of the central Laconian plain, on the right bank of the river Eurotas, a little south of the point where it is joined by its largest tributary, the Oenus (mount Kelefina). The site is admirably fitted by nature to guard the only routes by which an army can penetrate Laconia from the land side, the Oenus and Eurotas valleys leading from Arcadia, its northern neighbour, and the Langada Pass over Mt Taygetus connecting Laconia and Messenia. At the same time its distance from the sea-Sparta is 27 m. from its seaport, Gythium, made it invulnerable to a maritime attack. I.-HISTORY Prehistoric Period.-Tradition relates that Sparta was founded by Lacedaemon, son of Zeus and Taygete, who called the city after the name of his wife, the daughter of Eurotas. But Amyclae and Therapne (Therapnae) seem to have been in early times of greater importance than Sparta, the former a Minyan foundation a few miles to the south of Sparta, the latter probably the Achaean capital of Laconia and the seat of Menelaus, Agamemnon's younger brother. Eighty years after the Trojan War, according to the traditional chronology, the Dorian migration took place. A band of Dorians united with a body of Aetolians to cross the Corinthian Gulf and invade the Peloponnese from the northwest. The Aetolians settled in Elis, the Dorians pushed up to the headwaters of the Alpheus, where they divided into two forces, one of which under Cresphontes invaded and later subdued Messenia, while the other, led by Aristodemus or, according to another version, by his twin sons Eurysthenes and Procles, made its way down the Eurotas were new settlements were formed and gained Sparta, which became the Dorian capital of Laconia. -
Marathon 2,500 Years Edited by Christopher Carey & Michael Edwards
MARATHON 2,500 YEARS EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SUPPLEMENT 124 DIRECTOR & GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN NORTH DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: RICHARD SIMPSON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS PROCEEDINGS OF THE MARATHON CONFERENCE 2010 EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2013 The cover image shows Persian warriors at Ishtar Gate, from before the fourth century BC. Pergamon Museum/Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photo Mohammed Shamma (2003). Used under CC‐BY terms. All rights reserved. This PDF edition published in 2019 First published in print in 2013 This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities-digital-library.org ISBN: 978-1-905670-81-9 (2019 PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/1019.9781905670819 ISBN: 978-1-905670-52-9 (2013 paperback edition) ©2013 Institute of Classical Studies, University of London The right of contributors to be identified as the authors of the work published here has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Designed and typeset at the Institute of Classical Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory note 1 P. J. Rhodes The battle of Marathon and modern scholarship 3 Christopher Pelling Herodotus’ Marathon 23 Peter Krentz Marathon and the development of the exclusive hoplite phalanx 35 Andrej Petrovic The battle of Marathon in pre-Herodotean sources: on Marathon verse-inscriptions (IG I3 503/504; Seg Lvi 430) 45 V. -
Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolutions of 198 and 197 B.C. , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 28:2 (1987:Summer) P.213
ECKSTEIN, A. M., Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolutions of 198 and 197 B.C. , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 28:2 (1987:Summer) p.213 Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolutions of 198 and 197 B.C. A. M. Eckstein N THE SUMMER of 19 5 a. c. T. Quinctius Flamininus and the Greek I allies of Rome went to war against N abis of Sparta. The official cause of the war was Nabis' continued occupation of Argos, the great city of the northeastern Peloponnese. 1 A strong case can be made that the liberation of Argos was indeed the crucial and sincere goal of the war,2 although the reasons for demanding Nabis' with drawal from Argos may have been somewhat more complex.3 Nabis was soon blockaded in Sparta itself and decided to open negotiations for peace. Livy 34.3lfprovides us with a detailed account of the sub sequent encounter between N abis and Flamininus in the form of a debate over the justice of the war, characterized by contradictory assertions about the history of Sparta's relations with Rome and the recent history of Argos. Despite the acrimony, a preliminary peace agreement was reached but was soon overturned by popular resis tance to it in Sparta. So the war continued, with an eventual Roman 1 Cf. esp. Liv. 34.22.10-12, 24.4, 32.4f. 2 See now E. S. GRUEN, The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome II (Berkeley/Los Angeles [hereafter 'Gruen']) 450-55, who finds the propaganda of this war, with its consistent emphasis on the liberation of Argos as a matter of honor both for Rome and for Flamininus, likely to have some basis in fact. -
10. Rood, Thucydides and His Predecessors 230-267
Histos () - THUCYDIDES AND HIS PREDECESSORS Thucydides’ response to his literary predecessors has been explored with some frequency in recent years. Several articles have appeared even since Simon Hornblower recently wrote that ‘two areas needing more work are Thucydides’ detailed intertextual relation to Homer and to Herodotus’. In these discussions, Thucydides tends to be seen as inheriting a wide range of specific narrative techniques from Homer, and as alluding to particular pas- sages in epic through the use of epic terms and through the broader struc- turing of his story. It has also been stressed that Thucydides’ relationship with Homer should be studied in the light of the pervasive Homeric charge found in the work of Herodotus, the greatest historian before Thucydides. Nor is Thucydides’ debt to Herodotus merely a matter of his taking over Herodotus’ Homeric features: it is seen, for instance, in his modelling of his Sicilian narrative after Herodotus’ account of the Persian Wars, and in his assuming knowledge of events described by Herodotus. Nonetheless, no apology is needed for making another contribution to this topic: by drawing together and examining some of the recent explora- tions of Thucydidean intertextuality, I hope to establish more firmly how Thucydides alluded to his predecessors; and by looking beyond the worlds of epic and Herodotus that have dominated recent discussions, I hope to present a more rounded image of the literary milieu of the early Greek his- torians. OCD (the conclusion to a survey, published in , of work on Thucydides since , when the second edition of the OCD was published). For an excellent general account of the importance of Homer for historiography, see H. -
The Battlefield Role of the Classical Greek General
_________________________________________________________________________Swansea University E-Theses The battlefield role of the Classical Greek general. Barley, N. D How to cite: _________________________________________________________________________ Barley, N. D (2012) The battlefield role of the Classical Greek general.. thesis, Swansea University. http://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa43080 Use policy: _________________________________________________________________________ This item is brought to you by Swansea University. Any person downloading material is agreeing to abide by the terms of the repository licence: copies of full text items may be used or reproduced in any format or medium, without prior permission for personal research or study, educational or non-commercial purposes only. The copyright for any work remains with the original author unless otherwise specified. The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holder. Permission for multiple reproductions should be obtained from the original author. Authors are personally responsible for adhering to copyright and publisher restrictions when uploading content to the repository. Please link to the metadata record in the Swansea University repository, Cronfa (link given in the citation reference above.) http://www.swansea.ac.uk/library/researchsupport/ris-support/ Swansea University Prifysgol Abertawe The Battlefield Role of the Classical Greek General N. D. Barley Ph.D. Submitted to the Department of History and Classics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2012 ProQuest Number: 10821472 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. -
Il?~ ~ Editorial Offices
~ ~ ENCYCLOP.JEDIA BRITANNICA ,y 425 NORTH MICHIGAN AVENUE • CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 60611 ~ ,Il?~ ~ Editorial Offices Dear Britannica Contributor: Some time ago you contributed the enclosed copy to Ency- clopaedia Britannica. We have been proud to be able to continue to publish it in the set. Because the material is no longer brand new, however, we have thought it only fair to ask you as the author whether or not its condition is still satisfactory. Are you still content to be identified as the contributor? If not, would you be willing to indicate to us changes you consider necessary? Please note that we are not asking you to undertake any major rewriting or revision at this time. If you believe that drastic changes are required, we would be glad to know that. If, on the other hand, only minor change or updating is necessary, you may if you wish make corrections on one of the two copies enclosed with this letter. (The second copy is for your own use.) We also enclose a copy of your description as it now appears in Britannica. We find that it is no longer safe to assume that a contributor's description will remain accurate for more than a brief time. If yours is out of date, or if the address to which this letter was mailed is no longer current, would you please indicate changes on the enclosed sheet? Britannica values highly the contributions of the thousands of writers represented in its volumes. We hope that you will welcome, as many of our authors have already said that they would welcome, this opportunity to review the condition of what is still being published as your statement. -
The Role of the Plague in the "Iliad" Author(S): Daniel R
The Role of the Plague in the "Iliad" Author(s): Daniel R. Blickman Source: Classical Antiquity, Vol. 6, No. 1 (Apr., 1987), pp. 1-10 Published by: University of California Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25010855 . Accessed: 05/10/2014 18:07 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of California Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Classical Antiquity. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 76.72.144.32 on Sun, 5 Oct 2014 18:07:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions DANIEL R. BLICKMAN The Role of the Plague in the Iliad IN HIS FAMOUSstudy of image and symbol in the Aeneid, Viktor P6schl remarks thatHomer does not use the plague motif to set themood of the Iliad in the same way that Virgil does through the opening storm at sea.1Homeric scholars have concurred insofar as the episode of the plague is discussed mainly as the occasion of Agamemnon and Achilles' quarrel.2Yet this drama should not blind us to the role of the plague in setting the tone for what follows, nor, more importantly, in providing an ethical pattern which lies near the heart of the story. -
Democracy and Empire in Greek Antiquity
This course will explore the history, culture, and art of post- classical Greek antiquity, focusing on the period between two of the most studied and renowned figures of the ancient world: Alexander the Great and Cleopatra VII. We will learn and analyze how the ancient world changed with Alexander and his successors, emphasizing the political, social, and cultural transformations; changes in the religious landscape; and formation of the state. We will also discuss the legacy of the Hellenistic world as an integral part of our intellectual heritage. Developments in Athenian Democracy DRACONIAN Laws (DRACO)7th c BCE strict laws enforcing aristocratic rule- there was only one penalty prescribed, death, for every crime from murder down to loitering (see Plut. Sol. 17.1). - the new Constitution gave political rights to those Athenians “who bore arms,” those Athenians wealthy enough to afford the bronze armor and weapons of a hoplite. CRISIS- 1) Tensions among aristocrats- 2) Poor citizens, in years of poor harvests, had to mortgage portions of their land to wealthier citizens in exchange for food and seed to plant. They became more vulnerable to subsequent hardships (see Aristot. Ath. Pol. 2.1-2). SOLON- 6th c. SOLONIAN LAWS they did not establish a democracy as radical as what would follow He took steps to alleviate the crisis of debt that the poor suffered He abolished the practice of giving loans with a citizen’s freedom as collateral He gave every Athenian the right to appeal to a jury, thus taking ultimate authority for interpreting the law out of the hands of the Nine Archons (remnant of aristocracy) and putting it in the hands of a more democratic body, since any citizen could serve on a jury.