The Traditional Captive Nations Week
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Czechoslovak-Polish Relations 1918-1968: the Prospects for Mutual Support in the Case of Revolt
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1977 Czechoslovak-Polish relations 1918-1968: The prospects for mutual support in the case of revolt Stephen Edward Medvec The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Medvec, Stephen Edward, "Czechoslovak-Polish relations 1918-1968: The prospects for mutual support in the case of revolt" (1977). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 5197. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/5197 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CZECHOSLOVAK-POLISH RELATIONS, 191(3-1968: THE PROSPECTS FOR MUTUAL SUPPORT IN THE CASE OF REVOLT By Stephen E. Medvec B. A. , University of Montana,. 1972. Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts UNIVERSITY OF MONTANA 1977 Approved by: ^ .'■\4 i Chairman, Board of Examiners raduat'e School Date UMI Number: EP40661 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. -
The Conference of Enslaved and Oppressed Peoples in Edinburgh
THE CONFERENCE OF ENSLAVED AND OPPRESSED PEOPLES IN EDINBURGH Cossackia 15-16 (IX.X.1950): 7-14 Translated by Maria Artamonova Over the last years of the Second World War and during the harsh post-war years, the Anti- Bolshevik Bloc of Nations carried out a lot of work in order to consolidate the aspirations and actions of the nations enslaved by Bolshevism, to coordinate their joint efforts in a national liberation movement, and to provide adequate coverage of the problem of these nations for the Western social and political audience. The rich and diverse publications produced in all the main languages and sent to all the countries of the world have accomplished a colossal task. A whole range of socio-political circles in the West now have a considerable interest in the plight of the nations enslaved and oppressed by Bolshevism. Among these circles, it was the Scottish League for European Freedom that put forward the initiative to convene a conference of these nations in the United Kingdom, to make it possible for British circles to get to know the representatives of these nations and their problems. The Scottish League has brought under its protection the conference of all nations enslaved by the Bolsheviks and taken an active part in procuring the required travel documents for the delegates; during the conference itself, the heads of the delegations of the nations represented at the conference were its guests of honour. In order to give the British an opportunity to familiarise themselves with the facts about these nations, the Scottish League released a special English-language brochure on each of them. -
Captive Nations Week, 1999
Proclamations Proc. 7209 Proclamation 7209 of July 16, 1999 Captive Nations Week, 1999 By the President of the United States of America A Proclamation This month Americans mark 223 years of freedom from tyranny. We cele- brate the vision of our founders who, in signing the Declaration of Inde- pendence, proclaimed the importance of liberty, the value of human dig- nity, and the need for a new form of government dedicated to the will of the people. As heirs to that legacy and the fortunate citizens of a demo- cratic Nation, we continue to cherish the values of freedom and equality. Many people across the globe, however, are still denied the rights we exer- cise daily and too often take for granted. During Captive Nations Week, we reaffirm our solidarity with those around the world who suffer under the shadow of dictators and tyrants. Americans have expressed their devotion to freedom and human rights through actions as well as words, having fought and died for these ideals time and again. In World War II, we battled the brutality of fascism. In Korea, Vietnam, and throughout the Cold War, we stood up to the des- potism of communism. In the Persian Gulf, and in partnership with our NATO allies in the skies over Serbia and Kosovo, we have fought brutal and oppressive regimes. Thanks to our strength and resolve and the courage of countless men and women in countries around the world, we can be proud that the list of cap- tive nations has grown smaller. The fall of the Berlin Wall a decade ago finally enabled us to pursue democratic reform in Central and Eastern Eu- rope and to lay the firm foundations of freedom, peace, and prosperity. -
Captive Nations Week” of the William J
The original documents are located in Box 34, folder “Captive Nations Week” of the William J. Baroody Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald R. Ford donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Digitized from Box 34 of the William J. Baroody Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library Captive Nations Week, 1975 By the President of the United States of America A Proclamation The history of our Nation reminds us that the traditions of liberty must be protected and preserved by each generation. Let us, therefore, rededicate ourselves to . the ideals of our own democratic heritage. In so doing, we manifest our belief that all men everywhere have the same inherent right to freedom that we enjoy today. In support of this sentiment, the Eighty-sixth Congress, by a joint resolution approved July 17, 1959 (73 Stat. 212), authorized and requested the President to proclaim the third week in July of each year as Captive Nations Week. NOW, THEREFORE, I, GERALD R. -
Extensions of Remarks
17098 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS July 31, 1989 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS CAPTIVE NATIONS WEEK new hope that the people of Cambodia, Well, I have just returned-hopeful, and Laos, and Vietnam will regain some day encouraged-from visits to Poland and Hun their long-denied political and religious free gary, two nations on the threshold of histor HON. ROBERT K. DORNAN dom. Such hope has also returned for many ic change. And I can say to you: The old OF CALIFORNIA of our neighbors to the south. In Nicaragua ideas are blowing away. Freedom is in the IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES and other Latin American nations, popular air. Monday, July 31, 1989 resistance to attempts at repression by local For forty years, Poland and Hungary en dictators-as well as resistance to political dured what's been called the dilemma of the Mr. DORNAN of California. Mr. Speaker, and military interference from Cuba and single alternative: one political party, one would like to call your attention to the Presi the Soviet Union-has proved to be formida definition of national interest, one social dent's proclamation regarding the captive na ble. and economic model. In short, one future tions of the world and also the eloquent In Eastern Europe, even as we see rays of prescribed by an alien ideology. light in some countries, we must recognize speech President Bush made last week in the But, in fact, that future meant no future. that brutal repression continues in other For it denied to individuals, choice; to soci White House Rose Garden to commemorate parts of the region, including the persecu eties, pluralism; and to nations, self-determi Captive Nations Week, 1989. -
Cahiers Lituaniens N°17 Editorial
N°17 - Automne 2018 - 19e année N°17 / 2018 Strasbourg, automne 2018 Revue publiée avec le soutien de la Fondation Robert Schuman (Paris) et de l’Union Internationale des Alsaciens (Colmar). Illustration de couverture : L’immeuble de la Chambre de commerce et d’industrie à Kaunas ; architecte Vytautas Landsbergis-Žemkalnis, 1938 (photo KPPAR) Pendant l’entre-deux-guerres, quand Kaunas devint la « capitale provisoire » de la Lituanie, l’indépendance économique était un garant important de l’existence de l’État. Le siège de la Chambre de commerce et d’industrie, qui s’inscrit dans le phénomène de l’architecture de l’optimisme, devait ainsi symboliser la puissance économique du pays. Directeur de la publication : Philippe Edel Collaboration éditoriale : Aldona Bieliūnienė, Liucija Černiuvienė, Marie-Françoise Daire, Piotr Daszkiewicz, Marie-France de Palacio, Corine Defrance, Liudmila Edel-Matuolis, Julien Gueslin, Uwe Hecht, Eglė Kačkutė-Hagan, Ona Kažukauskaitė, Jean-Claude Lefebvre, Guido Michelini, Caroline Paliulis, Yves Plasseraud, Aldona Ruseckaitė, Marielle Vitureau, Bernard Vogler. , Crédits photographiques : Kauno prekybos, pramonės ir amatų rūmai : couverture. Instytut Adama Mickiewicza : p. 11. Lietuvos centrinis valstybės archyvas : p. 15, 18. Kauno viešoji apskrities biblioteka : p. 20. Kupiškio etnografijos muziejus : p. 22. Caroline Paliulis : p. 24, 30. Pinigų muziejus : p. 27. Perkunas Liutkus : p. 31. Conseil de l’Europe : p. 33. Fondation Robert Schuman : p. 37. Edmundas Katinas : p. 39. Muséum national d’Histoire naturelle, Paris : p. 41. Lietuvos rašytojų sąjunga : p. 44. ISSN 1298-0021 © Cercle d’histoire Alsace-Lituanie / Cahiers Lituaniens, 2018 Maquette et mise en page : Pierre Potier Impression : Kocher, Rosheim Dépôt légal : 4e trimestre 2018 Tous droits réservés Site web et mise en ligne : Frédéric Cottart Toute reproduction, même partielle, est interdite sans l’autorisation écrite de l’éditeur. -
Communism's Jewish Question
Communism’s Jewish Question Europäisch-jüdische Studien Editionen European-Jewish Studies Editions Edited by the Moses Mendelssohn Center for European-Jewish Studies, Potsdam, in cooperation with the Center for Jewish Studies Berlin-Brandenburg Editorial Manager: Werner Treß Volume 3 Communism’s Jewish Question Jewish Issues in Communist Archives Edited and introduced by András Kovács An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libra- ries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 4.0 License, as of February 23, 2017. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. ISBN 978-3-11-041152-2 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-041159-1 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-041163-8 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2017 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Cover illustration: Presidium, Israelite National Assembly on February 20-21, 1950, Budapest (pho- tographer unknown), Archive “Az Izraelita Országos Gyűlés fényképalbuma” Typesetting: -
LITUANUS Cumulative Index 1954-2004 (PDF)
LITUANUS Cumulative Index 1954-2004 Art and Artists [Aleksa, Petras]. See Jautokas. 23:3 (1977) 59-65. [Algminas, Arvydas]. See Matranga. 31:2 (1985) 27-32. Anderson, Donald J. “Lithuanian Bookplates Ex Libris.” 26:4 (1980) 42-49. ——. “The Art of Algimantas Kezys.” 27:1 (1981) 49-62. ——. “Lithuanian Art: Exhibition 90 ‘My Religious Beliefs’.” 36:4 (1990) 16-26. ——. “Lithuanian Artists in North America.” 40:2 (1994) 43-57. Andriußyt∂, Rasa. “Rimvydas Jankauskas (Kampas).” 45:3 (1999) 48-56. Artists in Lithuania. “The Younger Generation of Graphic Artists in Lithuania: Eleven Reproductions.” 19:2 (1973) 55-66. [Augius, Paulius]. See Jurkus. 5:4 (1959) 118-120. See Kuraus- kas. 14:1 (1968) 40-64. Außrien∂, Nora. “Außrin∂ Marcinkeviçi∆t∂-Kerr.” 50:3 (2004) 33-34. Bagdonas, Juozas. “Profile of an Artist.” 29:4 (1983) 50-62. Bakßys Richardson, Milda. ”Juozas Jakßtas: A Lithuanian Carv- er Confronts the Venerable Oak.” 47:2 (2001) 4, 19-53. Baltrußaitis, Jurgis. “Arts and Crafts in the Lithuanian Home- stead.” 7:1 (1961) 18-21. ——. “Distinguishing Inner Marks of Roerich’s Painting.” Translated by W. Edward Brown. 20:1 (1974) 38-48. [Balukas, Vanda 1923–2004]. “The Canvas is the Message.” 28:3 (1982) 33-36. [Banys, Nijol∂]. See Kezys. 43:4 (1997) 55-61. [Barysait∂, DΩoja]. See Kuç∂nas-Foti. 44:4 (1998) 11-22. 13 ART AND ARTISTS [Bookplates and small art works]. Augusts, Gvido. 46:3 (2000) 20. Daukßait∂-Katinien∂, Irena. 26:4 (1980) 47. Eidrigeviçius, Stasys 26:4 (1980) 48. Indraßius, Algirdas. 44:1 (1998) 44. Ivanauskait∂, Jurga. 48:4 (2002) 39. -
The Ukrainian Weekly 1983, No.31
www.ukrweekly.com ^ - - Published by the Ukrainian National Association inc., a fraternal non-profit association! C-i CO -c ЗГ X - о о "n О Z Pi rainian Weekly о a vol. LI No. 31 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY ЗІ, і9вз, 25 cents Rep. Smith seeks co-signers for Reagan, Bush, Kirkpatrick address letter to Andropov concerning Meshko Captive Nations Week observance WASHINGTON - Responding to concern for the condition of a 78-year- the news about the tragic condition of old Ukrainian woman, Oksana Yakivna Oksana Meshko, the 78-year-old found– Meshko, who was sentenced on Jan– ing member of the Ukrainian Helsinki uary 6, 1981, to six months in a labor Monitoring Group, New Jersey Rep. camp and five years of "internal exile." Christopher Smith is circulating a letter The charges against Oksana, a found– to Soviet leader Yuri Andropov among ing member of the Ukrainian Public his colleagues in the U.S. Congress and Group to Promote the implementation asking them to co-sign the appeal. of the Helsinki Accords (November 9, Americans for Human Rights in 1976), were "anti-Soviet agitation and Ukraine, a New Jersey-based group, propaganda." She is now in her second reported that the letter, dated July 22. year of exile in Ayan, a remote village of asks that Ms. Meshko be freed from her 1,700 people located on the sea of exile terrrsin keeping with Article 100 of Okhotsk near the Chinese border. the Russian SFSR Corrective Labor Life in Ayan has been very difficult Code, which stipulates that persons for Oksana, especially during the long suffering from chronic ilncsses may be winter months. -
Andreas Kappeler. Die Kosaken: Geschichte Und Legenden
Book Reviews 181 Andreas Kappeler. Die Kosaken: Geschichte und Legenden. Munich: Verlag C. H. Beck, 2013. 127 pp. 20 illustrations. 2 maps. Index. Paper. ndreas Kappeler has done it again! Over twenty years ago, he published A a brief history of Ukraine, in which he managed to pack the most important parts of the history of the country into a mere 286 pages. Not only was that work brief and to the point, but it also held to a relatively high level of scholarship and made a number of interesting and well-grounded generalizations. In that book, Kappeler anticipated the longer and more detailed work of Paul Magocsi by experimenting with a multinational and polyethnic history of the country. In the present work, Kappeler is equally brief and to the point and has again produced a well-thought-out and serious history, this time of the Cossacks, and he has again included some important generalizations. Although in this volume, the multinational and polyethnic elements are not quite so prominent, he does make note of them, and, in particular, he compares the Ukrainian and Russian Cossacks on several different levels. Kappeler begins with geographic and geopolitical factors and notes that both the Ukrainian and Russian Cossacks originated along rivers—the Dnieper and the Don, respectively—as defenders of the local Slavic population against the Tatars and the Turks. He describes the successful Ukrainian Cossack revolt against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and what he calls “the Golden Age of the Dnieper Cossacks” under their leaders, or hetmans, Bohdan Khmel'nyts'kyi and Ivan Mazepa; and then the eventual absorption of their polity, the Ukrainian Cossack Hetmanate, into the Russian Empire. -
Pirmosios Lietuvos Respublikos Diplomatijos Raidos Problema Lietuvių Istoriografijoje
ŠIAULIŲ UNIVERSITETO HUMANITARINIO FAKULTETO ISTORIJOS KATEDRA AISTĖ JUOZAPAVIČIŪTĖ Bakalauro studijų programos Istorija IV kurso studentė PIRMOSIOS LIETUVOS RESPUBLIKOS DIPLOMATIJOS RAIDOS PROBLEMA LIETUVIŲ ISTORIOGRAFIJOJE Bakalauro darbas Mokslinis vadovas: prof. dr. A. Gumuliauskas Darbas originalus – Aistė Juozapavičiūtė (............................) Šiauliai, 2015 2 TURINYS ĮVADAS .............................................................................................................................................. 3 1. LIETUVOS TARPTAUTINIO PRIPAŽINIMO PROBLEMA .................................................... 13 1.1. Lietuva Paryžiaus taikos konferencijoje ................................................................................. 15 1.2 Diplomatinės izoliacijos ratą pralaužus ................................................................................... 18 2. LIETUVOS DIPLOMATINIŲ STRUKTŪRŲ KŪRIMAS IR VEIKLA .................................... 21 2.1. Užsienio reikalų ministerijos įkūrimas ................................................................................... 21 2.2. Lietuvos diplomatinės tarnybos užsienyje .............................................................................. 24 3. NEPRIKLAUSOMOS LIETUVOS DIPLOMATIJOS IŠLIKIMO GALIMYBĖS PIRMOSIOS SOVIETŲ OKUPACIJOS METAIS ................................................................................................. 28 3.1. Lietuvos URM sovietizacija .................................................................................................. -
Eisenhower, Dulles, and the Failed Rhetoric of Liberation
Tu“Reenactdda ing the Story of Tantalus” “Reenacting the Story of Tantalus” Eisenhower, Dulles, and the Failed Rhetoric of Liberation ✣ Chris Tudda This article explores the relationship between public rhetoric and conªdential foreign policy decision-making during the Eisenhower adminis- tration. President Dwight D. Eisenhower and his Secretary of State, John Fos- ter Dulles, pursued two contradictory diplomatic strategies. On the one hand, they wanted to establish a globalist foreign policy.1 A key component of this strategy was “liberation policy”; that is, freeing the peoples of Eastern Europe from Soviet control. They believed they could best preserve globalism by “ed- ucating” the U.S. public and North American Treaty Organization (NATO) allies about the danger posed by the Soviet Union and the need for liberation. Eisenhower and Dulles consciously chose to use what I have called rhetorical diplomacy in order to achieve this goal.2 Rhetorical diplomacy involved the use of belligerent rhetoric in private meetings with allied and Soviet ofªcials and in public speeches, addresses, and press conferences. Publicly, the Eisen- hower administration embraced liberation policy while appealing to an audi- 1. I have used John Fousek’s deªnition of “American nationalist globalism,” or the belief that the United States, by virtue of its “national greatness,” possessed a unique responsibility “to check Com- munist expansion around the world.” See John Fousek, To Lead the Free World: American Nationalism and the Cultural Roots of the Cold War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), pp. 2, 7–8. Conversely, like Michael W. Miles and David W. Reinhard, I have described as “unilateralists” (rather than “isolationists”) those who wanted to stay out of world affairs and to avoid forming alli- ances.