1980INo. 40 Africa

LIBERIA: THE DISSOLUTION OF PRIVILEGE Part 11: A Year of Ferment by J. Gus Liebenow

The Tolbert government had

building toward a coup; instead, repression helped the opposition groups coalesce while blatant corruption revea!ed the vulnerability of the Whig regime. [JGL-2-'801 The American Universities Field INSTITUTIONAL MEMBERS Staff, Inc., founded in 1951, is a non- University of Alabama American profit, membership corporation of Brown University Americ/an educational institutions. It California State Universities employs a full-time staff of foreign University/Fullerton area specialists who write from California State abroad and make periodic visits to UniversityINorthridge Field Staff member institutions. AUFS serves the public through its seminar pro- University of Connecticut grams, films, and wide-ranging pub- Dartmouth College lications on significant develop- lndiana University ments in foreign societies. Institute for Shipboard Education University of Kansas Michigan State University University of Pittsburgh Ramapo College of New Jersey Utah State University University of Wisconsin System

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THE AUTHOR Association and a member of the Fellow at Harvard University; and re- Executive Council of the International ceived his Ph.D. in Political Science African Institute in London. from Northwestern University in 1955. A member of Phi Beta Kappa and Phi Professor Liebenow began his field work Kappa Phi, he taught at the University of in Africa in 1953, and he has spent 6 of Texas before coming to lndiana Univer- the past 25 years doing research, teach- sity in 1958. He was the first Director of ing, and service in tropical Africa. He is African Studies at lndiana (1960-1972) the author of Liberia: The Evolution of and served as Dean for International Privilege; Colonial Rule and Political Programs (1968-1972) and Vice Presi- Development in Tanzania: The Case of dent for Academic Affairs for the the Makonde; African Attitudes towards lndiana University system (1972-1974). Agriculture, Education, and Rural Trans- formation; and of numerous journal articles and chapters in edited volumes. Dr. Liebenow is a specialist on the prob- lems of local government; urbanization; management of the African environ- ment; politics ,of migration; and feder- J. GUS LIEBENOW, Professor of Polit- alism. ical Science at lndiana University, is one Dr. Liebenow received his B.A. (summa of the pioneers in the study of politics in 0 1980, American Universities Field cum laude) and M.A. from the Univer- sub-Saharan Africa. He is the immediate Staff, Hanover, NH Past President of the African Studies sity of Illinois; was a Goodwin Memorial 19801No. 40 by J. Gus Liebenow LIBERIA: THE DISSOLUTION Africa [JG L- 2 -'801 OF PRIVILEGE

Part II: A Year of Ferment

As was pointed out in an insightful turned to cash crops or to employ- day's events. So alarmed was the and courageous statement before ment in the enclave economies in Whig leadership that Tolbert-as the commission of inquiry into the order to pay their taxes and meet Siaka Stevens of Sierra Leone had Rice Riots of April 14, 1979, the situ- other needs. All of this, Dr. Sawyer done previously-called upon Presi- ation could have been avoided. Dr. insisted, was known to government dent Skkou Tour6 of Guinea to dis- Amos Sawyer-a professor of polit- economists. patch Guinean troops to restore ical science and acting dean at the order. One of my contacts said that University of Liberia as well as a key Having made the first mistake of his most terrifying memory of the actor during the Year of Ferment- ignoring their own economists, the Rice Riots was the sight of the reminded the commission that gov- government made the second mis- Guinean MIG fighters making low ernment officials were already take of not anticipating that some passes over the disturbed area. The aware of the devastating effect that form of public reaction was inevit- situation was so out of hand that a a 50 percent increase in the price of able. Instead, when one of the dissi- number of observers were con- the main staple of the Liberian diet dent groups-the Progressive Alli- vinced- in retrospect- that any would have upon the already im- ance of Liberia, or PAL-called for a determined group of protesters demonstration on April 14, the gov- poverished family budgets. The could that day have easily stormed average monthly income of urban ernment panicked and banned the the Executive Mansion and brought Liberians was roughly $80. The new projected protest march as well as about the fall of the Tolbert regime price for a bag of rice would have threatening to take severe action almost a year earlier than the April been $30. Although rice is grown in against demonstrators. 1980 coup. Tolbert, it was reported, the country, the need for imported The PAL demonstration, consisting was in a state of hysteria. rice has grown steadily, accounting of over 2,000 unarmed students and in 1979 for 25 percent of the 200,000 other citizens, took place as planned Instead of acknowledging its role in tons consumed. The reason is despite the government's deploy- precipitating the 1979 Rice Riots simple. Despite all Tolbert's rhetoric ment of soldiers and police along (other than rescinding its order in- about the country being self-suffi- the main route of march. Tanks creasing the price of rice), the cient in food, there was little incen- were placed menacingly at major Tolbert government began a mas- tive for the tribal farmer to grow intersections. Although the soldiers sive roundup and detention not only rice. Unlike the export crops that the apparently restrained themselves in of PAL leaders, but of many other honorables grew on their absentee- the face of this confrontation, the political dissidents as well. The writ owned farms (such as rubber, Monrovia police lost control and of habeas corpus was suspended. cocoa, coffee, and others), rice was after tear gas had failed to disperse Some 33 of the several score not a subsidized crop. The price, the marchers, they began firing in- arrested were charged with "treason moreover, had been set artificially discriminately into the crowd. This and attempting to overthrow the low by the government. Because action so outraged the marchers as government" - charges which car- government had discouraged coop- well as others not directly involved ried the death penalty or long years eratives as being potentially polit- that there ensued a day of uncon- in prison. Various other measures ical, and government - sponsored trolled rioting and looting. The were taken under Emergency marketing arrangements had not shops of Lebanese merchants, who Powers legislation. It was a full three been created, the tribal growers had were felt to be directly responsible weeks before the 700 Guinean no alternative but to sell their rice at for inflation in Monrovia, and others troops were returned home. The drastically reduced prices to Leb- were singled out as targets. Most lesson of the Rice Riots was, anese farmers, from whom they significantly, however, was the fact however, clear for many. It had would have to buy the same rice that somewhere between 40 and demonstrated the vulnerability of back at inflated prices during the 140 students and others (depending the government and the fact that "hungry months." Thus, beyond upon which estimate you accept) even a loosely organized but de- growing enough rice for the imme- had been killed and an additional termined opposition could capitalize diate family, most growers had 400 persons were wounded in the upon events to challenge the regime. April 14, 1979, marked the timing of the deal was critical. As be upcountry at the time). Failing to beginning of the end. Out of the the pamphleteer Albert Porte and have the audience, Mathews then dust of that day, two civilian oppo- the leaders of the second group, called upon the country to observe a sition groups could be unmistakenly MOJA, had pointed out, it would general strike the next day in order identified as rivals to the regime, have been a great embarrassment to force Tolbert's resignation from and a third force-the military-was for Tolbert-who as Chairman of the presidency instead of having to beginning to gather political mo- the Organization of African Unity wait until 1983. mentum in the wings. was hosting the OAU in Monrovia in June 1979-to have so many polit- The reaction of Tolbert was no The Opposition Organizations ical prisoners in the stockade at doubt predictable. Instead of re- signing he denounced the PPP The first of the two civilian groups Barclay Training Center. Thus, in was the group that had sponsored the traditional Liberian political leadership in scathing terms and declared, in effect, "that he was the demonstrations, the Progressive style, Mathews wrote an abject tired of being Mr. Nice Guy." Tol- Alliance of Liberians (PAL). It had letter of apology to Tolbert from his bert stated that he intended to be: been organized in 1975 by Liberians prison cell. Responding in the same studying in the United States who quaint style, Tolbert in due course tough and mean and rough from had been dissatisfied with the pace (and in advance of the OAU now on. I want to show you that of change at home. Under the meeting) "extended the hand of for- this is the time to carry out the law leadership of Gabriel Baccus giveness" by declaring a general of this country to its fullest. If in the Mathews (a graduate of City Uni- amnesty for those imprisoned in the past I have been lenient, I want the versity of New York and the Min- aftermath of the Rice Riots. people to forgive. I am not going to ister of Foreign Affairs in the new be lenient with them an ymore. and With the OAU meeting out of the . . Doe government), PAL had devel- know am steady on the rock way, however, PAL decided to capi- I I oped a kind of pragmatic African because I have the support of the talize upon the strength it had socialism, reminiscent of the agrar- Liberian people. 1 ian socialism of Julius Nyerere. In acquired through its demonstrated recruiting students, the urban un- ability both to challenge and to That "support" was indeed well employed, and small cultivators to negotiate with the Tolbert govern- orchestrated, as wave after wave of its cause, PAL made an appeal ment. Despite the fact that Liberia, delegations from various branches which blended an emphasis upon a under Whig leadership, was a de of the True Whig Party came to the return to traditional values of coop- facto one-party state, PAL elected Executive Mansion from the far eration with an insistence of greater to register as a legal political party. It corners of the Republic. Some of distributive justice in Liberia's cash intended not only to contest the the petitioners demanded the full economy. On the face of it, PAL's mayoralty elections of 1979 and the penalty of the law for those accused programs seemed to demand reform legislative elections of 1981, but to of treason; others sought the of the system rather than the dis- prepare itself for the 1983 presiden- banning of the PPP; and still others mantling of the existing economic tial campaign, in which Tolbert had demanded that Liberia declare itself structures. It wanted, for example, in public indicated that he would not a de jure one-party state under True greater processing in Liberia of the be a candidate to succeed himself. Whig leadership. The legislature products produced by the foreign Although appearing to welcome the passed similar resolutions, and the concessionaires. Its greatest ideo- prospect of a political opposition old guard seemed to take aim at the logical stance came in its adamant party, Tolbert nevertheless per- University of Liberia and any other opposition to the more invidious mitted one of his lower-level judges potential source of challenge and class and caste distinctions which to block PAL's efforts to meet the demand adherence to a hard line. had actually been intensified under legal requirements for registration. Tolbert did ban the PPP and called the Tolbert regime. Its tactics varied When PAL threatened to demon- for the detention of the PPP leader- between open confrontation over strate, Tolbert once again backed ship on charges of treason or issues and events to a studied deter- down and in January 1980 accepted sedition. Some 38 dissidents were mination to challenge the True the fact of recognition. As the newly arrested or voluntarily turned them- Whig Party at the polls in peaceful renamed Progressive People's Party selves in, and they remained in competition. (PPP), Mathews and his colleagues prison until they were released proceeded to precipitate a further during the early hours of the April 12 In the year between the Rice Riots crisis. There is speculation as to coup. In one of those diabolical and the April 12 coup, PAL leaders whether PPP's action was a cal- symbolic twists of which True Whig and the Tolbert regime engaged in a culated effort to hasten the pace of leaders were often capable, the bizarre sort of chess game. Al- political change or whether it was a treason trials of Mathews and though Mathews denied that any spur of the moment decision of others were to commence on April "plea bargaining" had taken place Mathews to placate his own 14, the anniversary of the Rice (he insisted that he was merely followers who were hungry for con- Riots. In still another ironic move- being practical in recognizing that crete, immediate results in order to ment, among those to be .prose- he was dealing with a superior, ruth- sustain their enthusiasm for PPP. In cuted by the overly zealous Minister less force! ), it did appear that a deal any event, during the course of a of Justice, Joseph Chesson, was had been made. In return for the re- late evening rally on March 7, one Chea Cheapoo. The latter had lease of the detainees, PAL's leader- Mathews urged that they march on once been considered a "ward" of ship promised to refrain from overt the Executive Mansion for an audi- Chesson and had adopted his acts against the government. The ence with Tolbert (who happened to surname until his dissaffection with the settler aristocracy had led him to not only applauded his efforts but and the co-opted chiefs that during join PAL. On the day of the coup, organized seminars, film series, the second year government offi- Cheapoo left his prison cell to be- letters to the editor, and public dis- cials took various legal action to come the new Minister of Justice. cussion of South Africa. Most interfere with the harvesting. Al- On that same day his former patron, pointedly, the discussion and films though the rice crop did spoil, the Joseph Chesson, was arrested and focused on the squalor of South MOJA lawyers took their case to an ultimately executed on the beach, African slums, the caste relationship honest woman judge who actually along with 12 other Whig leaders. between a settler minority and the found in favor of the cooperative indigenous majority, the police society in a damage suit against the brutality, the ban on effective trade county superintendent and other The second civilian opposition to officials. The judgment, curiously, Tolbert had, almost until the eve of unions and cooperatives, and other types of injustice. Thus, MOJA came just a short time before the the April 12 coup, insisted that it emulated the tactics of the pre-I789 April 12 coup and provided further wanted to avoid involvement in French dissidents who escaped the evidence of the vulnerability of the "class politics," hoping to achieve heavy hand of the censor by appear- regime. its goals of a changed society by ing to criticize a distant "Persia" other means. The Movement for while in fact they were criticizing Not content with challenging the Justice in Africa (MOJA) was their own society. social and economic order, MOJA started in 1973 by professors and elected to confront the regime on students at the University of Liberia Also taking Tolbert's rhetoric at face political matters as well. MOJA, for and appealed to the middle class value, MOJA pressed for increased example, had labored hard after the persons of both tribal and settler rice and other food production and Rice Riots to bring about the release origins. Its prime mover was Dr. a self-reliant economy - two per- at least of non-PAL leaders who had Togba-Nah Tippoteh, who had once sistent Tolbert themes. MOJA, been jailed. More significantly, been a professor of economics at through its sister economic organi- MOJA leaders took note of the con- the university and is now the Min- zation, SUSUKUU, attempted to stitutional provision for independent ister for Planning and Economics in make the small Liberian business- electoral challenges being permitted the Doe government. Two profes- men and craftsmen "self-reliant" by under the law. Instead of waiting till sors of the Political Science Depart- organizing themselves into craft the presidential elections of 1983, ment (a group that Tolbert on companies. In this regard they MOJA leaders in August 1979 per- several occasions took pains to cas- secured a $14 million loan from the suaded Dr. Amos Sawyer of the tigate for its unhealthy agitation) World Bank. With respect to food University of Liberia to run as an were also MOJA leaders-Dr. Amos production MOJA organized an independent candidate in the No- Sawyer, who was previously men- agricultural cooperative in one of vember mayoralty race in Monrovia. tioned, and Dr. H. Boima Fahn- the less developed counties, Grand So enthusiastic were the crowds bulleh, who became Minister of Gedeh. Completely by-passing the which turned out for the popular Dr. Education following the coup. In the central government officials as well Sawyer and so vigorous were the long run MOJA probably sought a as the traditional paramount chiefs, students and others in challenging more dramatic restructuring of the leaders of the MOJA coopera- the "graveyard" voters on the offi- Liberian society and a more signifi- tive decided to elect their own offi- cial registration list, that the Whig cant redefinition of national culture cers and determine their strategy. leadership was thrown for a loss. In than was true of PAL. It attempted, They chose to concentrate efforts a spate of indecision, they first in- however, to remain a movement on increased rice production and to dicated that the largely neglected rather than a party. It hoped to do so by emphasizing traditional property qualifications for suffrage effectuate change by calling public labor-intensive techniques rather would be vigorously enforced; next, attention to corruption and other than relying upon machine cultiva- they attempted to delay the holding situations needing change, by en- tion. In order to avoid the Lebanese of the Monrovia election; and finally, gaging in strikes or work slowdowns middlemen, the coop further elected they postponed the mayoralty elec- whet-& necessary, and by direct to undertake all phases of produc- tions until June 1980. Once again, action which would present demon- tion from planting, to harvesting, to the power of the settler oligarchy strable alternatives to the status milling, and to marketing. They had been challenged and found quo. Since it sought mass support, directly solicited and received wanting. its public programs and publications support from church groups and were presented in clear simple international donor agencies, in- The military challenge, the third English. 2 cluding the Swedish, Canadian, and line of political opposition to emerge American aid missions. Indeed, the during the Year of Ferment, only MOJA leadership was very clever in coop was so successful in increas- became clearly visible in the early avoiding provocative challenges to ing the yield per acre that they were morning hours of April 12. Although the Tolbert regime. Instead, MOJA able to undercut both the Lebanese I, among other observers of the attempted to be "more Catholic and the Americo-Liberian buyers Liberian scene in the 1960s, had than the Pope" in dealing with Tol- and sell rice directly to neighboring speculated that the military could be bert's own call for reforms. For ex- communities. They even rented the one of the potential forces for ample, since Tolbert had attempted milling facility to adjacent villagers. change which might confront the to assume the mantle of continental The overwhelming success of this settler aristocracy, we felt the most leadership in the struggle for independent action so threatened likely dissident sector of the military southern African liberation, MOJA the equanimity of the Whig elite might be the officer class. We made this educated guess despite the fact prestige was still low, and they officers and enlisted men during the that the division between officers received far less pay than civil ser- month of March had heightened and enlisted ranks very neatly re- vants of comparable background. suspicions that a coup might come flected the settler and tribal from that sector. Although most of cleavages within the greater society. The Liberian elite felt they had been the PALIPPP leaders were in jail at Indeed, in 1965 the Chief of Staff of able to control the enlisted ranks by the time, there were other civilian the Armed Forces was one Colonel engaging in a finely tuned game of groups that remained suspect. The George Washington, who happened ethnic stereotyping and segregation Movement for Justice in Africa to hail from the village of Virginia. within the armed forces. In my dis- (MOJA), for example, had become The possible disaffection of the cussion in 1960 with the Secretary increasingly assertive and its leaders officer class would arise from the of Defense, for example, he com- had decided to follow PAL'S lead fact that the emphasis on efficiency mented quite frankly that the Loma, and register as an opposition party. and technical pelformance which the Bassa, the Kpelle, the Kru, and There were as well prominent had been imparted in their training others were assumed to possess people inside the government who programs in the United States con- cultural traits which made them best were making Tolbert and his hench- trasted sharply with the casualness suited for specific roles as fighters, men nervous in their demands for and blatant inefficiency of the cooks, carriers, clerks, and the like. moderation in dealing with political Liberian governmental system. Incidentally, he suggested that the opposition. One of these was an Moreover, given the high cost of Krahn-of which Master Sergeant original sponsor of PAL, the highly military technology and equipment, Doe and many of his colleagues are respected economist and former the corruption of the political sys- members- "make excellent musi- Minister of Finance, Ellen Johnson- tem threatened the economic sup- cians." Undoubtedly, many Liberi- Sirleaf. Of even greater political sig- port for continued modernization of ans must have felt that certain nificance was the call for a repeal of the military. As recently as March Krahn "made beautiful music" the the Sedition Law made by Tolbert's and April of this year it was still morning of April 12. In addition to own son-in-law (and son of former thought that it might be the officer stereotyping, the assignment of President Tubman), Senator class who would strike first against soldiers to units tended for the most "Shad" Tubman, Jr. the Tolbert regime. The leaders of part to follow tribal lines, which MOJA, for example, had vigorously made it difficult for dissidents to Equally believable, however, were complained that the Tolbert regime form crosstribal alliances. the rumors that it was the old guard of the True Whig Party that had had been arresting officers who had Obviously as the needs for moderni- appeared sympathetic to PALIPPP elected to act, with or without the zation of government and the econ- acquiescence of President Tolbert. leadership and their efforts at omy proceeded, some ethnic groups reform. They had already indicated their im- were more heavily siphoned off into patience with reform by balking at the enclave economy and govern- Tolbert's suggestion, a week before The enlisted ranks-some five to six ment than was true of others. Thus, the coup, that the Legislature elimi- thousand strong-were not re- the maintenance of ethnic balancing nate the property qualification for garded as an effective fighting within the armed forces had been force. Indeed, they tended to be significantly eroded. One clue re- suffrage. It was strongly hinted that viewed with contempt both by the garding the growing politicization of the old guard would wait until Tolbert had left for the indepen- Americo-Liberian military brass as the armed forces came during the well as by the tribal communities to 1979 Rice Riots, when the soldiers dence celebrations in Zimbabwe which they were posted. They were failed to join the police in the assault before seizing power. Many of the invariably strangers to the area they on the demonstrators and had even jailed dissidents firmly believed- served, since the Army followed the been charged with participating in and some of the coup leaders pur- deliberate practice of avoiding the ensuing rioting and looting. portedly confirmed having seen the potential ethnic conflicts of interest. Their dignity, moreover, had been papers-that the execution orders In the early days of the Liberian affronted by the calling in of for the PALIPPP leaders had Frontier Force-as the Army had Guinean troops. already been prepared by Justice been called-soldiers received low Minister Joseph Chesson even be- pay. In certain cases where the The April 12 Coup: Exhilarationand fore the April 14 trials had com- officers or the civilian district com- Trauma menced.3 Credence was given to missioners had a practice of There is still no officially published the prospects of a right-wing coup "eating" the money, the troops version of the events that took place by the increased displeasure voiced were expected to live off the local on the night of the eleventh and the by Speaker Richard Henries, Chief community with impunity. In later early morning of the twelfth of April Justice James Pierre, and other years, as their tribal sons and 1980. What was planned and what extreme reactionaries regarding brothers became involved in the was accidental or happenstance re- Tolbert's vacillation on the question enclave economy or became stu- mains a mystery. Rumors of im- of permitting a legal opposition, on dents at the university or Cutting- pending coups had been circulating his handling of internal develop- ton College, soldiers found them- for over a month before the action ments at the University of Liberia selves increasingly in the conflicting of Master Sergeant Doe and his (discussed below), the loss of the role of opposing their kinsmen as colleagues, but each version had a court case brought by MOJA they were forced to put down labor different group identified as the against the Superintendent of strikes or demonstrations by univer- challenger to Tolbert. As suggested Grand Gedeh County, and other sity students. In the meantime, their earlier, the arrest of both Army threats to settler solidarity and control over the political system. It was believed that Henries and Regi- nald Townsend, the effective head of the True Whig Party, were re- sponsible for the steady procession of petitioners to the Executive Man- sion demanding adherence to the hard line, and demanding the death penalty for the "PPP traitors." Chesson's Ministry of Justice had even put out inciteful "wanted" posters, offering cash rewards for the capture "dead or alive" of PPP leaders-an action that brought quick protest from Amnesty Inter- national.4 Indeed, one prominent MOJA leader was awakened during the early hours of April 12 and spirited away into hiding by his household staff, who were con- vinced that the reported shooting at the Executive Mansion was a right- wing coup. How Tolbert happened to be at the Executive Mansion rather than spending his usual weekend at the family mansion at Bentol also re- mains a mystery. One version has it that the coup leaders had received inside help in tricking Tolbert to spend the night in Monrovia. A second version is that he and his very close associates spent long hours the night of April 11 debating who should be Tolbert's chosen successor in the 1983 campaign, and that consequently Tolbert was too tired to make the journey to Bentol. Another question is why was the Executive Mansion so poorly guarded, given the tenseness of the preceding month. Finally, there remains unclear the details of how Master Sergeant Doe managed to make his way into the inner sanctum of the Executive Mansion. Being the senior noncommissioned officer in the Liberian armed ser- Master Sergeant Samuel Kanyon Doe. vices, he might have been too went on the air at ELBC to announce that "The Tolbert Gov- Photo courtesy of the Embassy of the powerful to be challenged by other Republic of Liberia. enlisted men. It may have been, too, ernment is no more." A carnival atmosphere prevailed throughout that his presence was expected, Chairman of the military PRC. the long weekend. since most of the direct participants Sensing that power is equated with in the coup were part of the U.S. There appears to be no evidence control over money, the military also Green Beret-trained force which that the action by the military was retained most of the key "money" had been created a year previ- coordinated with a parallel civilian posts in the Cabinet, such as ously-ironically, to improve Tol- conspiracy. Most of the PALIPPP Finance, Commerce, and Postal bert's security following the Rice leaders were in jail. Nevertheless, Affairs. Understandably, too, the Riots. In any event, the 17 coup the People's Redemption Council civilian Minister of Defense was not leaders entered the Executive Man- (PRC), as the 17 guardians of the expected to have more than sion at approximately one o'clock in revolution styled themselves, moved nominal control over the internal the morning and swiftly moved to with extraordinary swiftness in affairs of the armed forces. The re- kill Tolbert and 26 other occupants setting up a Cabinet consisting pri- maining Cabinet positions, however, (presumably security personnel). marily of civilians. Samuel Doe, of were distributed among a coalition Within hours, the military leaders course, remained in control as of civilians, including four leaders of PALIPPP, two from MOJA, and stripping homes of everything in- both domestically and internation- three holdovers from the Tolbert cluding light bulbs and toilet fix- ally as a sign that the PRC was regime who also had solid linkages tures-anything not nailed down. going to approach the problem of with the Tubman era. (The function Any parked car was a candidate for justice and punishment in a logical, of this new leadership and the rela- destruction or "requisitioning" by systematic fashion. Indeed, it was tive strengths and weaknesses of the military or the looters. In addi- assumed to be in the best interests each component in the coalition will tion, a small detachment of soldiers of the regime to keep the officials be discussed in Part Ill.) undertook an assault on the grandi- alive if for no other reason than to ose Masonic Temple which stands discover where all the hidden assets The most surprising thing about the on the hill at Mamba Point. The of the "honorables" were and what action of Master Sergeant Doe and soldiers not only ransacked the under-the-table deals had been his colleagues was that this bold- building but they also sought out made within the government or be- but nonetheless isolated-act would the caretaker in his home at Cald- tween government and foreign con- have instantaneous effect through- well and shot him. cessionaires. Although it was sug- out the length and breadth of the gested that the younger dissidents republic. Some minor skirmishes of Amid praises of the new Liberian in government-reminiscent of resistance did in fact occur here and leadership from some unaccus- Madame DeFarge in A Tale of Two there. On the whole, however, the tomed quarters- Libya, Ethiopia, Cities-had already been compiling balloon of settler power burst in one Cuba, and East European states- dossiers on questionable expendi- loud bang. The rejoicing in Mon- there was either studied silence or tures and "shady" deals, I tend to rovia and elsewhere was spontane- outright protests from Liberia's question whether the accounting of ous and reflected the general relief more familiar friends and associates, misdeeds had been very thorough or that the oppression of the Whig such as the United States, Sierra systematic. aristocracy had come to an end. Leone, Nigeria, and the Ivory Coast. Undoubtedly many of the people Criticism focused on the killings that There were other signals as well that who had come down to Monrovia had occurred on April 12 and con- the PRC was interested in an early as loyal True Whig adherents cern regarding the fate of the 90 or re-establishment of order. The PRC several weeks before, demanding more officials that were in deten- in the days following the coup was the banning of the PPP, were the tion. Ignoring the protests from urging that the shops "of our Leb- very same people who now danced abroad, the People's Redemption anese friends" be reopened, that in the streets celebrating the Doe Council set up a special tribunal to people return to work, and that even coup. They were probably among examine various charges of corrup- those business concerns of the de- those who cheered as the bodies of tion and abuse of human rights ceased or imprisoned former leaders Tolbert and others killed on April 12 leveled against the imprisoned Whig continue to operate-since they em- were taken through the streets of leaders. The "trials" by the special ployed so many people and their Monrovia on an open cart and tribunal - consisting primarily of products were needed (the Tolbert dumped without sermon or cere- military personnel-were not trials Mesurado Fisheries obviously fell mony in a swampy area adjacent to in the accepted use of that term. into this category). In addition, to the city's Palm Grove Cemetery. The accused were denied the right strike out against anomic acts of to counsel, access to their personal violence, the PRC televised the exe- Obviously, not all Liberians are re- and official records about which cution of three soldiers and a civilian joicing. In addition to the 27 killed they were being questioned, and the who had been caught in the act of on the twelfth, some 90 or more proceedings were conducted in looting. Reminiscent of crises during Tolbert officials in Monrovia and private. Although summary tran- the Whig era, a national week of upcountry were arrested (or had scripts were released, they were not prayer had been jointly called by the turned themselves in) and placed in conclusive. The inquisitors appeared clergy and the political leadership. the same cells at Barclay Training to focus upon several themes, Center that had only recently been among which official misdeeds and That the government and the elite- vacated by the released leaders of personal corruption were promi- owned businesses did begin func- the PALIPPP. Many other offi- nent. Invariably, the accused official tioning again so very quickly after cials-including some foreign heads was asked "Why did you permit the coup demonstrated three sig- of economic enterprises in Liberia- Tolbert to abuse the rights and trust nificant facts. First, it showed that were placed under house arrest or of the people?" There were the high-living absentee Americo- told to "sit down small" until their recurrent suggestions that the Liberian "businessman" and other future had been determined. In Tolbert period was somehow an officials were to a certain extent addition to the arrests, there began aberration from the positive reforms superfluous with respect to actual a systematic "trashing" or van- commenced under President Tub- production and productivity. Sec- dalism of the houses of many of the man. Invariably, as well, the accused ond, it showed that the underpaid key leaders of the Tolbert regime, disclaimed their involvement in cor- and less privileged managers, civil such as Speaker Henries, Justice ruption but acknowledged-almost servants, and others-whether Li- Minister Chesson, Planning Minister as a litany-that the late President berian or aliens from the West lndies Cyril Bright, and Foreign Minister had lost touch with the people and or other West African countries- Cecil Dennis. Most obvious of the had abused their rights. were the ones who made things targets, however, were the various actually work in Liberia. And third, it Tolbert family villas at Bentol. The The efforts to engage in at least a demonstrated that perhaps the ex- vandalism extended to the level of semblance of a trial were regarded panded educational programs of the Tubman-Tolbert eras had actually elections or to return to civilian rule. (while leaving the minimum for civil paid off in providing a pool of Internationally the new regime was servants at $200). In an effort to trained manpower. If so, it was re- almost completely isolated from its break the virtual settler monopoly grettable that it took a bloody coup traditional allies. Domestically, the over officer ranks, moreover, there to provide the evidence. various political forces seemed to be were a number of instant promo- playing a waiting game, testing not tions of noncoms to the ranks of The general euphoria domestically only the goals but also the strengths captain, major, and general. On the as well as the cautious optimism of and weaknesses of the vaguely de- other hand, in addition to the public the foreign diplomatic community fined political forces that had re- execution of three soldiers for took a sudden and dramatic turn 10 mained or had emerged following looting, the PRC had sentenced an days after the coup with the de- the coup and the execution of the officer and eight soldiers to the cision of the PRC to execute 13 of 13. much-hated Belle Yella prison in the the 90 or so officials of the Tolbert interior for molesting citizens. Belle regime. The international reaction Clearly, the military was dominant Yella had been called a Whig "cor- was immediate and vehement, due among the various contending rectional institution," from which primarily to the fact that the execu- forces. It had demonstrated this many of the corrected never re- tion of the officials on the beach most effectively in that its action at turned. The PRC intends to deal behind Barclay Training Center took the Executive Mansion on April 12 harshly with its own soldiers who place in the full view of invited had brought about the collapse of undermine the revolution. journalists and the full glare of tele- Whig authority throughout the re- vision cameras. The somber signifi- public. While many both inside and A second question relating to the cance of the event was almost lost outside Liberia found the televised power of the military is the problem in the face of the absurd and execution of the 13 on the beach re- of ethnicity within the Army itself. frivolous behavior on the part of the pulsive, that act alone clearly Some observers had suggested that executioners. demonstrated that it was the the constant exhortations to journal- The Coup Plus Two Months 17-member People's Redemption ists and the broader public to avoid When I left Monrovia the first week Council that was in charge-particu- ethnic labels was in part a self- of June 1980, the mood among larly as the rumors persisted that the serving device on the part of the Liberia's citizenry seemed to have military had overruled the civilian PRC. Contrary to the initial claim shifted from unrestrained rejoicing Cabinet members on that issue. In- that the PRC is broadly representa- over the termination of a tyrannical deed, the omnipresent rifles, ma- tive of the country as a whole, its system of rule to an attitude of chine guns, and pistols on Liberia's membership is drawn largely from guarded, sober optimism that things streets, in its most posh restaurants, the southeast areas such as Sinoe might just turn out all right after all. at the post office, and in other loca- and Grand Gedeh counties, which What had in the early hours of the tions gave evidence that power had are among the less-developed sec- coup been regarded as a victory of gone to those who controlled the tions. The PRC is predominantly the tribal majority over the Americo- firepower. There were several ques- Krahn in terms of tribal origins, with Liberian minority, was now being tions, however, regarding the power a sprinkling of Kru, Vai, Grebo, and thoughtfully recast as a victory over of the military. a few others. It does not include any an oppressive system rather than a Loma, who constitute the largest triumph of one ethnic group or First of all, it was not quite clear single ethnic group in the armed groups over another. The public, whether the PRC would be able to forces and are often regarded as "its and in particular those in the media, exercise authority over the rank and best fighters," by those engaging in were being admonished to avoid file of its own army. Almost daily stereotypes. The "quiet word" ethnic labels in referring to their during the period I was in Monrovia, among the military was that the fellow citizens. It was as if Africa's the Commanding General of the "Loma had their chance to bring oldest state was seriously address- Armed Forces, General Thomas down the government in the after- ing the question of national identity, Quiwonkpa, had to issue orders re- math of the Rice Riots of 1979, but and it was doing so with a vigor not lating to the "unrevolutionary be- they muffed it!" The ethnic imbal- noticeable in the "unification pro- havior" of soldiers. The behavior ance within the group that brought gram" of Tubman and his succes- referred to in the orders included off the coup is perhaps understand- sor, William Tolbert. (The nature of extorting money from citizens; able, given the ethnic segregation the dialogue over national identity moving into the unoccupied homes practiced by the Americo-Liberian will be discussed in detail in Part Ill of the deceased former Tolbert leadership. Coup tactics as well of this Report. 1 officials; molesting the foreign dictate that a successful conspiracy entrepreneurs, "which would drive be limited to close, trusted asso- If people were relieved that the old away the people who are providing ciates. For the long haul, however, system had been destroyed, the out- jobs"; arresting citizens without perceived ethnic imbalances within line of the new political system was orders from higher authorities; and the PRC could be a significant factor still somewhat inchoate eight weeks carrying loaded weapons in un- in frustrating the revolutionary after the coup of April 12. Although authorized areas. The PRC had process. a constitutional commission was at attempted to use both the carrot work (assisted by Tubman and Tol- and the stick to keep its troops in The third major question regarding bert's former Minister of Foreign line. One of the first orders of the the power of the military is whether Affairs, Rudolph Grimes), no firm PRC, for example, had been to raise the PRC possesses the confidence commitment had been made to hold the minimum pay of soldiers to $250 that it actually has that power as well as the ability to use it wisely on knowledge of where every political son of the late President-Repre- its own behalf and on behalf of the skeleton in the system was hidden. sentative A. 6. Tolbert-was mar- country. The lack of self-confidence He apparently used his knowledge ried to the ward of President Hou- could be significant in explaining the of misdeeds within the system to phouet Boigny of the lvory Coast. extended continuation of the 11 blackmail others in the Whig Although A. B. Tolbert was eventu- P.M. to 6 A.M. curfew. More hierarchy who disagreed with him. ally discovered in the French Em- important, it may account for the In addition to those four, some bassy and forcibly removed, it was televised execution of the 13 sources indicated that Reginald first thought that he had been be- officials on the beach despite the Townsend, the executive head of headed the day of the coup and reported disapproval of the civilian the True Whig Party and Grand then was thought that he had fled to Cabinet members and the prior Master of the Masonic Order, was the lvory Coast. Suspicions about pleas of the Pope as well as the on the "death list." In any event, it is the lvory Coast were increased American, the Nigerian, and other firmly believed that the special tri- when former Vice-president Bennie governments to avoid "a blood- bunal had not brought in the death Warner (who had been attending a bath." sentence for some of the lesser conference of Methodist bishops in The Executions on the Beach. offenders and certainly not for For- Nashville, Indiana, at the time of the During the 10 days following the eign Minister Cecil Dennis, whose coup) made a broadcast from coup, the PRC appeared to be pro- primary offense was guilt by asso- Abidjan, stating that he was the ceeding in an orderly and deliberate ciation with the late Stephen Tol- constitutional successor to Tolbert fashion in bringing the more than 90 bert.5 It was assumed that, at worst, and calling upon Liberians to mount arrested officials to trial on charges the remainder of the 13, as well as a general uprising against Doe.6 of corruption, abuse of human some of those still awaiting trial, Thus, the executions could stand as rights, and other offenses. Refer- might be sentenced to Belle Yella a warning to counterrevolutionaries. ence has already been made to the prison in the interior, which would be a kind of slow death. Although summary nature of those "trials," Much of the foreign criticism of the including the absence of counsel there might be some dispute regard- ing what the special tribunal de- execution of the 13 on April 22 and access to records. In a way, focused on the manner in which it however, the trials were partly "tra- cided, there is no doubt that the PRC itself decided that all 13 were to was carried out: the televising of the ditional" in that they resembled the event, the carnival behavior of the manner in which the Whig aristoc- be executed (a fourteenth accused, with tribal antecedents, was spared). troops, the disheveled appearance racy treated political "offenders" of the convicted, the absence of even within their own ranks. That is, blindfolds, the unceremonious the accused would often "confess" Why did the PRC appear to disre- dumping of the bodies in a common to outrageous offenses, with the gard the advice of its own civilian grave, and the subsequent harass- understanding that in due time the Cabinet members and the warnings ment of the widows of the deceased "hand of forgiveness" would be ex- of the international community? and other accused officials. To put tended and he would not only be Lack of governmental experience this in perspective: only the tele- pardoned but permitted to return to which made it impossible for them vising of the event is novel to the government employment at an even to anticipate the adverse interna- Liberian scene. Under the long years higher level. This time, however, the tional reaction may be one explana- of Whig rule, there was no inter- confessions were tendered but the tion. Another rationale is that the national outcry (other than some forgiveness was withheld. basic insecurity of the PRC regard- occasional protests by Amnesty It was to be expected that some ing its own power required that it do International) regarding the sum- harsh penalty-perhaps even the something which would convince mary nature of trials in Liberia; the death sentence-would be brought not only other Liberians but itself countless public beatings and exe- against those who symbolized the that it was actually in control and cutions; the dragging of accused worst aspects of the Whig aristoc- that the hated Whig aristocracy was political prisoners through the streets racy. This would include Chief Jus- finished. After all, if one had been of Monrovia in chains or with ropes tice James Pierre, who was one of 'convinced for decades that the around their necks; and other devia- the most articulate hard-liners over settlers were an oppressive group tions from humane treatment of the the years; the late President's that was firmly in control, had accused. Indeed, the very refusal of brother, Senator Frank Tolbert, who created an elaborate system of sur- the PRC to turn over the bodies of served as President pro tempore of veillance, manipulated resources, the executed officials to their rela- the Senate and epitomized the per- and had powerful friends abroad, tives has a certain symmetry with sonal corruption of the Tolbert then how could the action of 17 en- more recent Liberian history, namely family; Minister of Justice Joseph listed men on the morning of April the refusal of the Whig leadership to Chesson, a Robespierre-like figure in 12 bring about the total and instan- turn over the bodies of the students his relentless pursuit and persecu- taneous collapse of the system from and others killed in the Rice Riots of tion of political dissidents; and the one end of the republic to the next? April 14, 1979. Indeed, the common most hated of all the old guard- Indeed, in the ten days following the graves of the victims of the April 12 Speaker of the House Richard coup there were frequent rumors of coup and the April 22 executions are Henries. Henries had a remarkable countercoups being mounted within adjacent to the common grave of record of political survival during the Liberia and in the neighboring lvory the April 14 rice demonstrators of 40 years he served as Speaker, a Coast. The latter country was par- the year before. Even the treatment fact attributable to his alleged ticularly suspect since the fugitive of the widows of the deceased must be put in perspective. Often the several key individuals in whom the stronger representation in the Cabi- abuse meted out by the wives of international community presum- net, but as a bloc their revolutionary officials was more cruel and unpre- ably had confidence. Certainly, this credentials are also stronger since dictable than the more systematic included Dr. Rudolph Grimes, the they had to pay the price of im- and limited abuse by the officials former Foreign Minister under Tub- prisonment. The PPP slogan: "Our themselves. Moreover, power often man and Tolbert. Also in this cate- eyes are open, the time of the went to a male official because of gory was Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, a people has come; in the cause of the the relationship of his wife to a more former Minister of Finance, who people, the struggle continues," has prominent member of the settler would be invaluable in her position in part been adopted by the PRC as oligarchy. as head of the Development Bank in its official signature for all edicts and convincing the officials of the Inter- pronouncements. Moreover, since The Civilian Component in the Doe national Monetary Fund, the World many of the new regime's problems Government. Having seized power, Bank, and other agencies regarding are so intertwined with the problems the question remained: "What was the future stability of the revolution- of international recognition and to be done with it?" To their credit, ary government. A second major fiscal solvency, the role of Foreign Master Sergeant Doe and his characteristic was that many of the Minister Gabriel Baccus Mathews group-none of whom had more civilians had earned their credentials has become very prominent, and it than a high school education - rec- as opponents of the regime by is felt that Master Sergeant Doe has ognized that their experience as having been "prison graduates." relied increasingly upon Mathews as noncommissioned officers in the This included not only the PPP his principal civilian adviser. It fell to Army had hardly prepared them for leaders, who were in jail at the time Mathews to provide the public the art of governing a country.7 De- of the coup, but several MOJA explanation to the Liberian people spite the absence of collusion leaders as well. Third, there was a regarding the refusal of the Eco- between the coup leaders and the conscious effort to recruit those nomic Community of West African civilian opponents of the Tolbert with strong linkages to the Tubman States (ECOWAS) summit meeting regime, the PRC managed to put regime. This matched the very to seat the Liberian delegation. together a coalition Cabinet within pointed questions put to the ac- Mathews has had prior diplomatic 24 hours of the coup. Not quite cused officials by the special tri- experience, and he has demon- trusting their own judgment, how- bunal regarding why they had per- strated that his oratory can move ever, the PRC conducted public mitted Tolbert to undermine the people to action. In addition to "hearings" to determine that the positive achievements in develop- Mathews, there are other members civilian Cabinet members were not ment and national integration made of the PPP in the new Cabinet with tainted by "Tolbert corruption." The during the 27 years of rule by strategic positions. PRC rejected the suggestion of William V. S. Tubman. This treat- Gabriel Mathews that the military ment of the Tolbert era as an aberra- TKe MOJA component within the members of the Cabinet ought to be tion was clearly demonstrated by new government is also strong. Its questioned in a like manner. the PRC's retaining both Tubman's leader, Togba-Nah Tippoteh, had son-in-law, Gabriel Tucker, as Min- early demonstrated his sympathies The Cabinet was a coalition of vari- ister of Public Works and Tubman's with his tribal rather than his ous groups. As noted previously, cousin, Winston A. Tubman, as Americo-Liberian links by adopting the military held on to the key UN Ambassador. Most significantly, his present tribal name. As a re- "money" positions. Recognizing the however, former President Tub- spected professor of economics at importance of the Ministry of man's son, Shad Jr., was not only the University of Liberia, he gained a Finance, Major Perry G. Zulu-one permitted to return from a trip reputation as one who pressed hard of the few officers co-opted-was abroad but was given a key advisory for distributive justice as the only given this portfolio. Zulu has a B.S. role. Thus, the revolutionary factors way of overcoming Liberia's vul- in business administration from the were partially balanced off with nerability to neocolonialism. Tip- University of Liberia and had served aspects of traditionalism and con- poteh's role as Minister of Planning as comptroller at the Ministry of tinuity. And although the military and Economics gives him a forum Defense. The civilian elements in the hold the guns, it is the group of for introducing some of his innova- coalition consisted of four members civilians who will be crucial to the tive ideas, which are a blending of of the PALJPPP, three leaders of issue of whether the revolution can traditional and modern approaches MOJA, and some holdovers from succeed in its positive goals of to production. His task is an enor- the Tolbert regime who had ex- economic, social, and political de- mous one, however, for he must pressed sentiments in favor of velopment. Despite having been first convince the international reform. Added to this was an assort- vetoed on the issue of the execution bankers and other foreigners who ment of civilians who had fallen of the 13 Tolbert officials, the control the heights of the Liberian from grace during the Tolbert era civilians have been permitted a wide economy that a vigorous assault on and now were called upon to accept the question of land tenure is not range of authority in actually advisory rules or sub-cabinet just long overdue but is also vital for running the government. appointments. In the opinion of stability, not disruptive of public many observers, the PRC had The civilian component, however, is order. Significantly, although the chosen wisely. The civilian group not a monolith. Some rivalry persists Master Sergeant was rejected by his was not only well educated but from the days before the coup- fellow heads of state at Lome during also articulate. Three characteristics particularly between PPP and MOJA the last week in May, Tippoteh had stood out. First, the PRC had chosen leaders. The PPP not only has been working very effectively with his counterparts at Lome for more Shad Tubman, Jr. Being both colleagues to a drastic reordering of than a week preceding the summit. Tubman's son and Tolbert's son-in- Liberian society. law, as well as a precoup critic of the A second MOJA leader with a vital regime, he is in a curious bridge Thus far, there has been no public role to play in the new Cabinet is Dr. position in the new society. Some discussion of a return to the civilian Henry Boima Fahnbulleh, Jr., the observers speculate that when the supremacy model, let alone this new Minister of Education. Fahn- dust ultimately settles, Shad Tub- happening at an early date. One of bulleh is a third-generation perse- man may come out on top. the hopeful signs to those who re- cuted dissident. His maternal grand- gard civilian rule as the ideal state of father, whom I had interviewed in The greatest question mark, how- affairs is the fact that Master Ser- 1960, was a thorn in the side of Tub- ever, refers to the pool of civilian geant Doe has styled himself Head man and his predecessor, Edwin talent from the past regimes which of State, but he has not appropri- Barclay. Fahnbulleh's father was has not yet been tapped. Some of ated the title of President. More- accused, on the basis of flimsy evi- those awaiting sentencing or trial over, although many of his col- dence, of treason while serving as may be regarded as beyond rehabili- leagues have been promoted to Liberian Ambassador to Kenya and tation and may be sent to Belle Yella officer ranks, Doe has preferred to Tanzania in the mid-1960s. The prison. Others-once they have retain the modest title of Master viciousness of the prosecution, con- signed over their properties, as the Sergeant. Symbolically, of course, ducted by then-Attorney General 13 executed on the beach were the use of the title perpetuates his James Pierre, had more than its required to do-may be retired to links with the enlisted ranks who revenge in Pierre's execution on the private life.8 But it is clear that the effected the coup. And regardless of beach on April 22, 1980. Fahnbulleh vast majority of civil servants who his modesty with respect to titles, himself had run afoul of Tolbert were dismissed constitute a pool of Samuel Doe and other leaders of the several times since taking a position educated talent that the new regime PRC have taken on many of the in the political science department can ill afford to ignore if it hopes to trappings of authority accumulated of the University of Liberia. reshape the society in a constructive by the discredited Tolbert regime- Fahnbulleh's role is crucial to the fashion. Unrestrained revenge will despite the public claims of the mili- revolution. Despite the apparent not solve the problems of unem- tary to seek a redistribution of successes of the Tubman-Tolbert ployment, lagging international in- power and privilege in the new educational efforts, the educational vestment, and national integration. society. Master Sergeant Doe units of government were among Some reduction in the scale of moved directly into the Executive the most patronage-ridden and its privilege enjoyed by the old elite Mansion built by Tubman; Doe's clientele among the lowest paid civil must be anticipated. There may also wife has taken over Victoria Tol- servants. Political pressures had be some unusual "ritual" cleansing. bert's Mercedes and police escorts kept it oriented to legal studies, the One very talented individual, for for her trips to the supermarket; and clergy, and the classics and away example, was ordered to the Execu- schoolchildren continue to sacrifice from the agricultural, business, tive Mansion several weeks subse- their studies in order to stand long medicine, and other fields needed quent to the coup. After being hours along the highway awaiting for development. Efforts to present ordered to publicly disrobe and the return of the head of state from the tribal contribution to Liberian expecting brutal treatment, the his trips abroad. The newly ap- development in civics and history individual was surprised to be asked pointed national and local officials textbooks were frustrated by the to accept an important new assign- continue to receive the sycophantic fact that the author of the required ment with the government! Many of accolades and to be "gowned" in text was the wife of Speaker the Liberian ambassadors-most of the traditional robes of authority by Richard Henries. Efforts to get whom were left in place-will un- the delegations from around the "Liberianized" textbooks written doubtedly have to undergo some country (consisting, undoubtedly, of and published in Liberia ran into the type of "rehabilitation" before being the same people who presented curious situation of President Tol- assigned to other posts within the petitions and hymns of praise to the bert's daughter, Christine Norman, government. members of the Tolbert regime). having a monopoly over the im- Undoubtedly some of the trappings portation of textbooks into the Return to Civilian Rule? of authority from the previous country. Hence, Fahnbulleh has a The military's intentions are, at regime will have to be retained in formidable challenge in helping this writing, unclear. The return to order to maintain the legitimacy of build Liberia's new educational sys- the civilian supremacy model-fol- leadership. There is probably a great tem. lowing the example of Flight deal of truth to the statement that Lieutenant Rawlings in Ghana-is "the people expect this." What is And what of the holdovers from the one possibility. Examples of this lacking at this stage of the revolu- previous Tolbert and Tubman happening very quickly following a tion, however, is some indication regimes? Kate Bryant as Minister of coup or with any measure of per- regarding how a popular revolution- Health and the only woman in the manency, however, are not numer- ary group differs from an autocratic Cabinet does represent the forward- ous in African politics. The examples regime in terms of the flaunting of thinking and outspoken critics of the of total mobilization models of mili- power and privilege. Tolbert regime who worked for tary rule in Africa also exist, but reform from within. The same at this stage little is known regard- There is no indication, moreover, applies to Dr. Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf. ing the ideological commitment how the PRC operates internally, The greatest enigma is the role of of Master Sergeant Doe and his and whether Master Sergeant Doe is but first among equals or fully in ECOWAS meeting dressed in cam- Thomas Quiwonkpa. He is flam- charge. Among the Liberian masses, ouflage fatigues and packing a side- boyant, not averse to publicity, and however, there seems to be little arm, fails to take into account that a is often regarded as the "strong- doubt regarding Doe's popularity. significant power reversal has taken man" in the PRC. Quiwonkpa's He has made himself visible in vari- place within Liberia which requires loyalty to Doe has not been chal- ous quarters of Monrovia, but at this constant symbolic reinforcement. lenged, however. It might be argued writing has refrained from extensive Sergeant Doe is providing that. His in his behalf that the appearance of touring of the interior or down coast humble background as son of a "headline grabbing" stems from the counties. Although the expatriate schoolteacher, his birth in a small fact that he has had the unpopular community may have made dis- village near Zwedru on the road to task of attempting to keep the 5,000 paraging remarks about his com- Ganta, his working his way through or more rank and file troops from mand of the English language, they night school to the eleventh grade at abusing their new status in society. have completely missed the point Marcus Garvey High School, and his On the other hand, it is apparent that he speaks the brand of Liberian youth-in a society that venerates that Quiwonkpa was the member of English understood by the over- age-have all symbolized the new the PRC who insisted upon the whelming number of tribal Liberians, priorities in Liberia. public "hearings" to determine and that a genuine empathetic bond whether the new civilian cabinet has emerged between him and the Whether others within the PRC may members were "free of Tolbert masses. Similarly, the reported ultimately challenge Doe is a subject corruption." shock of Senegalese President of speculation. Much of the atten- Leopold Senghor upon seeing a tion focuses upon Commanding head of state appear for an General of the Armed Forces, (July 1980)

NOTES

1. Quoted by Kayode Awosanya, "How 5. The question of whether Dennis had, 7. The coup leaders consisted of one the Liberia Time Bomb Exploded," in or had not, sought asylum at the Ameri- Master Sergeant, two Staff Sergeants, The New Nation, Vol. 3, No. 13 (19801, can Embassy on the 12th stirred a con- four Sergeants, eight Corporals, and pp. 5ff. gressional inquiry in Washington and two Privates First Class. has led to a review of American policy 2. For interesting interviews with dissi- on the right of asylum. 8. Apparently the only one who refused dent leaders, see West Africa (February to sign was Justice Minister Chesson, 18,19801, pp. 291 ff. 6. There was also grave concern re- who was reported to have stated that he garding the actions of a Major William was convinced the PRC would kill him 3. Reported by Awosanya, op. cit., pp. Jarbo, who had attempted to mount a anyway, so why make it easy for them. 7ff. countercoup. Jarbo was ultimately shot as he attempted to escape to Sierra Leone in a canoe on the Mano River.

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