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Home , Andrey Lyapchev, Ivan Mihailov, Ivan Naumov, Kingdom of Bulgaria

FROM TO GENEVA

Dimitar Shalev Defender of Minorities in the

• Logis • 2013

1 Contents

Preface, Dimitar Mitev 5

Introduction, Dimitar Mitev 8

Dimitar Shalev: Memories of the Trial in Skopie in 1927 52

In memoriam Dimitar Shalev by his son, Ivan Shalev 75

© Dimitar Mitev, compiler, introduction © Ivan Shalev, biographical essay © Zheko Alexiev artist of the cover © Mariela Boycheva, translation

2 3 Preface

Dimitar Shalev was an outstanding champion of the civil rights of in in a tragic period: Serbian domination of Vardar Macedonia in the 1920s and 1930s. Like the lives of most of his associates, who took part in the Bulgarian national liberation movement after , Shalev’s journey through life was marked by the dramatic and tragic events typical of the time. His name, like the names of thousands of others, has sunk in oblivi- ousness. The collecting and publishing of the documentary herit- age of Dimitar Shalev is a step towards the vindication of his per- sonality and the rescuing of his name from undeserved oblivion. The book you are holding in your hands came to light thanks to the exceptional merit of his grandson, who bears the same name: Dimitar Shalev. He provided the family archive and financed the issuing of the present Collection. This act was followed by an- other decision, duty-bound to the family and national memory: the documentary heritage of Dimitar Shalev shall be delivered for storage and reference by the Central State Archive of the Republic of in Sofia. It is the documents from his private archive that formed the basis of this Collection. The documentary part of the publication is enriched with other, no less valuable testi- monies held in the Central State Archive in Sofia; the Archive of in ; the Archives of the British Foreign Office in London; the Archives of the League of Nations in Geneva. We owe a great thank you to all the above mentioned institutions. The documents in English were translated by me and those in French – by Dr. Tzvetana Micheva of the Institute of Historical Research at the Bulgarian Academy of Science. The biographical essay on Dimitar Shalev was written by his son, Ivan Shalev. Dimitar Shalev wrote mostly in Bulgarian, but there are historical

4 5 documents in French, as well. Those written in Bulgarian impress ther estrangement or tragic life. Dimitar Shalev chose the latter. with the literary language knowledge of the author – flawless and His life was endless persecution. He was born and grew up in expressive. In most cases, the same refers to texts written by Sha- Macedonia under Turkish rule. Later he was persecuted by the lev’s associates, the activists of the Internal Macedonian Revolu- Serbian authorities, including the time when he was in Geneva tionary Organization (IMRO) and various immigrant organiza- (1930-1934). He was looked upon with suspicion by his own kind, tions, Bulgarian politicians and diplomats of the time. as well. IMRO leaders and Ivan Mihaylov personally can hardly The text of the published documents is authentic with rare excep- be called his well-wishers. After the coup of 19 May 1934 he came tions where the spelling is updated. For the sake of convenience home to Bulgaria, but here he fell under the blows of power, as each document is accompanied by a brief summary written by the IMRO and Macedonian immigrants were already on the list of the complier, indicating what the text is about, where it is stored and ‘unwelcome’. The last years of his life were the most tragic. The what the language of the original is. persecutions that he had been through during the Communist Dimitar Shalev is not only a prominent member of the Bulgar- regime were so severe that they eventually caused his untimely ian national liberation movement after World War I, but also one death. of the most worthy petitioners of Macedonia under Serbian rule. The attitude of the Bulgarian state towards Dimitar Shalev makes He could easily be perceived as typical and at the same time out- me write these lines with great sorrow and pain, firstly as a Bul- standing representative of the Bulgarian elite of Vardar Macedo- garian and secondly as a historian. Nevertheless, I still cherish nia in the years between the two world wars. A well-educated and the hope that we, Bulgarians, will manage to overcome our pas- highly skilled lawyer, wealthy and of high social status, Dimitar sions and emotions and like the civilized people we are, will hum- Shalev reached the post of Vice-Mayor of Skopje. bly learn the lessons of our own history as a commitment to our He represented that segment of the Bulgarian intellectual elite shared national tragedy, not as an inexhaustible source of feuds. I who chose not to immigrate to Bulgaria but to remain in their sincerely believe that the publishing of the present Collection will native land. These were people who had no alternative but to help at least partially to rescue Dimitar Shalev from the oblivion accept the harsh reality of Serbian power in Vardar Macedonia. in which he was buried after his death. Any contact the reader Their immediate aspirations were mostly related to the recogni- makes with a document written by Shalev or related to his strug- tion and security of the Bulgarians remaining within the Serbo- gle for the freedom of his country, Macedonia, means touching the Croatian-Slovene Kingdom – provision of decent life, achievement memory of and opening a ‘new page of life’ for this praiseworthy of national, civil and political rights, improvement of economic Bulgarian enlightener. and social position. In their value system legitimate acts outweigh revolutionary actions. Dimitar Mitev Dimitar Shalev’s fate and the collapse of his legitimate struggle for the rights of the Bulgarian minority within the boundaries of royal Yugoslavia is clear evidence of the hopeless situation these people found themselves in. Such hopelessness predetermines ei-

6 7 force remained Britain. Moreover, it was forced to fight desperately Shalev – Introduction from its island, for no other reason but for its own survival. Among the ugliest creatures conceived by ‘the Paris peacemak- Well-known are the prophetic words that Marshal Ferdinand ers’ in 1919 was the state of Yugoslavia, which until 1929 had the Foch said about the peace treaties, which in 1919 put an end to strange name Kingdom of , Croats and Slovenes. Due to ad hoc World War I: “This is not peace. It is an armistice for twenty years.” coincidental circumstances the Balkan Kingdom of was turned Marshal Foch was one of the legendary generals during the war, into a leading regional military and political factor, in a kind of tiny commanding the united forces of the Entente on the Western Front, Balkan empire. Croats, Slovenes, Bulgarians, Hungarians, Germans, who found himself in the role of ‘the prophet of evil’. Twenty years Albanians, Muslims and many other nations fell under the power of later, on the 1 September 1939 World War II began. Belgrade. Dictatorship was to be the main political model of govern- The thesis that the seeds of World War II were rooted in the ance in this country over the next 70 years. Whenever possible, it was terms of the peace treaties of 1919 is widely known and extremely to break into its constituent parts: once – temporarily – during World resistant. The majority of researchers accept it unreservedly. All War II and again – finally – after the . this serves to suggest that it is correct. It is within the boundaries of this country that Dimitar Sha- World War I radically altered the political map of Europe and lev’s native land fell. Vardar Macedonia was annexed to Serbia after the Middle East. Three great empires were destroyed: the Russian, the defeat of Bulgaria in the in 1913, and this the Austro-Hungarian and the Ottoman. Although it ultimately sur- position was strengthened by the Neuilly Peace Treaty of 1919. For vived, Germany also suffered very serious blows. Borders in Cen- the Bulgarian population in Vardar Macedonia the Exarchate times tral, Eastern and Southeastern Europe were radically reshaped. New until 1913 began to look like ‘a bright dream’. The new Serbian countries emerged: , Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia. Oth- government prohibited and destroyed Bulgarian schools, Bulgarian ers, such as Romania and Serbia (turned into the Kingdom of Serbs, churches, and culture. Belgrade started a proc- Croats and Slovenians) were altered and enlarged beyond recog- ess of ruthless denationalization and conversion of the Bulgarians nition. After the war, the European continent, especially its central in Vardar Macedonia. The area was called ‘Southern Serbia’; the and eastern parts remained fragmented, bankrupt and doomed to population was declared ‘Southern Serbs’, with surnames ending political, economic and social upheavals. The numerous borders and in ‘-ich’; an unscrupulous dictatorship was established. The entire customs barriers hampered the economic recovery and subsequent arsenal of familiar practices of denationalization and assimilation development of the region. The reparation payments worsened the was used starting with the settlement of representatives of the dom- already unfavourable economic conditions and further decapitalized inant nationality, the so called ‘Serbian colonists’. The local intellec- the economies of the defeated countries. Eventually, all that could tual, religious and economic elite were driven into exile. People were lead Europe to nothing else but endless political crises and social up- forced to change their names, the use of was heavals. And that was just what European nations witnessed over the forbidden, Bulgarian books were destroyed. Serbians even resorted next two decades. Naturally, these were the ideal conditions, in which to naked terror and outrage against the local Bulgarian population. political radicalism and dictatorships thrived. Strong power and dic- Such were the time and place in which Dimitar Shalev was predes- tatorship ultimately prevailed in Europe in those years. Not surpris- tined to spend the conscious and active part of his life. Such was the ingly, at the beginning of World War II, the only major democratic reality he found when in 1922 he returned to his native Skopje.

8 9 The Minorities territories, after the war German-speaking parts of the community fell under foreign rule. Fractions of the people of a former Great Pow- Nationality is the underlying factor for the collapse of the em- er and leading European civilization obtained the statute of national pires defeated in World War I. However, it would turn out to be the minority – a phenomenon that, with few exceptions, was unknown ‘curse’ of the postwar system, as well. The Entente winners, the so before the war. On the one hand, the existence of German minority called ‘Paris Peacemakers’ solemnly announced the ‘nationality was a powerful irritating factor for one of the pillars of European civ- principle’, i.e. considering the nationality of the population when ilization, Germany. On the other hand, it brought hope for the other establishing the new boundaries of the continent. This principle minorities who instinctively felt that a powerful though defeated at was supposed to be leading when drawing up the future peace that time European power stands behind their cause. The issue of treaties. The results, alas, would prove to be rather disappointing. national minorities became a major political issue in European inter- Certainly, one has to consider the fact that because of their national relations in the period between the two world wars. It was historical development, the various nations in Central and Eastern one of the permanent factors threatening the peace of the Continent. Europe had for centuries lived so mixed together that the drawing The forces of ‘revisionism’ and ‘status quo’ were clearly grouped of perfect borders between them was virtually impossible. Apart around it. Thus it embodied the legacy of the global conflict: the fa- from that, however, postwar division contained a number of obvi- voured winners against the disadvantaged losers. ously unjust territorial decisions. Guided by their own interests This issue was dramatic for Bulgaria as well, since after the (often merely considering the state of affairs) the Entente winners war a significant part of the Bulgarian people remained outside and above all France imposed many unprincipled decisions in the the free territories of their native land. Long before the outbreak of peace treaties. Countries-agglomerates like Czechoslovakia and World War I in the territories that, in one way or another, fell under the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes were created. Unjust the dominion of neighbouring Balkan countries, adverse ethnic borders were marked on various, often ridiculous pretexts. The processes developed that eventually led to the Bulgarian popula- protection of certain ‘strategic’ railway line, for example, might be tion fleeing from these lands. The same happened in Northern the reason for changing the state border. Dobrudja, Moravia, Bosilegrad, Timoska. led to new Despite the radical territorial changes in Central and Eastern heavy losses. Romania seized Southern Dobrudja. Bulgarians fled Europe after World War I, 20-25% of the population remained with Eastern Trakiya after the Turkish army occupied it again in 1913. the statute of national minority. In this case we refer to the so called Thousands of refugees headed to Bulgaria. The end of World War ‘officially recognized minorities’, e.g. Hungarians in Romania, Ger- I was followed by new national tragedies. The Bulgarian ethnic mans in Czechoslovakia and Poland, Bulgarians in Romania, etc. group in Western Trakiya was eliminated. As a consequence of The picture becomes far worse if it is seen from another angle. Of- the Greek-Bulgarian Convention of 1919 for ‘voluntary’ exchange ficially, Croats and Slovenes were not considered national minorities of population considerable number of the Bulgarians of Aegean in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. In practice, however, Macedonia, mainly its Eastern part, migrated to Bulgaria. Despite the situation was not quite so. The same applied to the Slovaks in all these adverse developments, however, numerous Bulgarian Czechoslovakia. The situation was further complicated by a previ- population remained beyond the borders of the Bulgarian state ously unknown phenomenon: German minorities. Due to the frag- after World War I. Around 200 000 people lived under Romanian mentation of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and cutting of German rule in Northern and Southern Dobrudja; around 100 000 people

10 11 lived in , most of them in Western Aegean Macedonia. The so on for the national minorities. Despite the opposition of ‘the Greek state declared them ‘Bulgarian-speaking Hellenes’. Appar- small victorious powers’ as Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, ently they were truly ‘Bulgarian-speaking’ because to this day Greece and the Serbo-Croat-Slovene Kingdom, whose resistance they still speak their native Bulgarian language. Most Bulgarians was particularly fierce, the Great Entente Forces imposed their remained within the Serbo-Croat-Slovene Kingdom – over 800 000 will and as a result special treaties were concluded for patron- in Vardar Macedonia and about 70 000 in the Western Outlands. age of national minorities living in the territories of the ‘new and Evidently, in this case we are talking about a significant part of expanded’ states. Under the pretext of balancing commitments the Bulgarian nation: about 1.2 million people. Compared to the the Paris Peacemakers imposed similar obligations on the small population of Bulgaria at that time, which was around 4.5 million defeated countries: Austria, Hungary, Bulgaria and later . people, it is clear that over 20% of the Bulgarian people remained These provisions were included in the four peace treaties that under foreign power in national terms. ended World War I: St Germain, Trianon, Neuilly and Lausanne. The countries who had signed those documents were obliged to recognize that each member of the Council of the League of Na- The Rights of Minorities tions (LN) had the right to raise the issue of protection of minori- ties, in case of violation or threat of violation of minority rights in Retreating from the principle of nationality, the Paris Peace- any of the above mentioned countries. The Council, in its turn, makers faced the already exceptionally dangerous issue of nation- had the right to interfere in the minority conflicts and take action al minorities in Central and Eastern Europe. The decisive factors it deemed necessary to ensure the protection of national minori- of the Paris Peace Conference in the face of the three ‘big’: French ties. Moreover, in case of any disputes, the Council of the LN had Prime Minister Clemenceau, British Prime Minister Lloyd George the right to refer the matter to the International Court of Justice and US President Wilson were aware that the minority question in Hague, whose decision would be final. In theory, according to could become a hurdle and turn upside down the ‘cart’ called the warranty terms, the LN in the face of its Council received ex- Paris peace treaties. In order to avoid this threat it was decided tensive power to intervene in the countries within which national a system for protection of national minorities to be established. minorities lived, for their protection. In practice, however, those The task was assigned to one of the working bodies of the Confer- powers were largely negated by the fact that everything depended ence, the so called New States Committee. Thus, for the first time on the initiative of the Council and not on the actions of the mi- in world history a system of international rules was formulated norities under foreign domination. In other words, the potential for the protection of the rights of national minorities living under victims were deprived of the right to ask for help. Thus, the Paris foreign domination. Even a brief analysis of the rules in question Peacemakers highly predetermined the collapse of the entire sys- would require pages and pages of explanations. Without going into tem. It should be kept in mind that the main idea of the victorious unnecessary details, we shall only note that, theoretically, these Great Powers was, through the system of patronizing minorities rules, known as ‘minorities clauses’ were to provide full and com- to be protected in the first place the perpetuation of the peace trea- plete protection of life, religious freedom, the right to citizenship, ties, which embodied the fruits of their military victory. Altruistic civil and political rights, the use of native language in private life humanism was not among the main characteristics of the acts of and formal relations, providing schools, churches, free press and Paris Peacemakers in 1919.

12 13 Depriving the victims of the chance to claim their rights di- nority clauses. In three weeks’ time response was required wheth- rectly in the League of Nations was the first step towards the fail- er the authorities had ‘considerations’ regarding the case or not. If ure of the system of minority protection. The second step was its there were not any, the petition was forwarded to the Council for implementation in practice, which was entrusted to the World Or- ‘information’. If, however, the respective government had inten- ganization. A series of resolutions of the LN Council of 1920–1923 tions to formulate its position on the issue, it was given another shaped the procedure by which the World Organization was to two-weeks term to submit it. Then the petition with the expressed perform its responsible duty. It is under the accepted procedure opinion was announced to the Council. that the oppressed national minorities receive their only legal An important part of the procedure for considering the minor- right: to submit a petition, i.e. to put in writing their complaints to ity complaints in the League of Nations was the provision for ap- the LN. But even this right was largely undermined, as well, be- pointment of a temporary body of the Council of the organization cause of a very significant factor: the submitted complaints were to examine every petition that had reached it. It consisted of the not considered legal acts but only a source of information. There- Chairman of the Council and two representatives appointed by fore, the Council of the League of Nations or any of its individual him who were chosen among the members of the Council. It was members, was not required to take specific action based on the known as the ‘Committee of the Three’. Specific requirement were appeals exposed in the form of petitions. To this should be added presented to the Committee with the aim of avoiding subjectivity. the immensely complicated procedure for considering the peti- Its members should not be representatives of the interested state tion, which further reduced the opportunity for real improvement or its neighbours, nor should they be representatives of a country in the situation of the oppressed national minorities as a result whose population was of the same nationality as the petitioner. of the complaints addressed to Geneva. Setting preconditions to Given that the Chairman of the Council was in any of the above the ‘admissibility’ of petitions created the first significant barriers category, he could not chair the Committee of the Three and was to the petitioners. Five requirements were formulated which the replaced. Practically, as usually occurs in such complicated proce- petitions had to meet: their contents should be in accordance with dures, the result of the original intention to ensure objectivity was the clauses regarding the minorities in the treaties; the complaints that the committee members came from countries that were too should not contain revisionist claims; they should not come from distant from these minority issues, often ill-informed and there- anonymous or unidentifiable sources; they should not contain fore unsuitable as arbitrators. harsh expressions or attacks on official authorities and finally, The duties of the Committee of the Three were limited to veri- should not contain information, subject of other petitions. Given fying the facts set forth in the petition and the considerations re- that these five conditions are very elastic and could be wrongly in- garding it, the possible collecting of additional information and terpreted, it is not surprising that the majority of complaints sub- clarification, in order to decide, ultimately, whether there was a vi- mitted to Geneva were declared inadmissible. olation or threat of violation of minority rights. If a conclusion was In the event that a petition was declared admissible, i.e. it reached that there was not – the issue was considered closed. If was decided that it had met the five preconditions, the established otherwise, the Committee had the right to bring the matter before procedure, which was not simple at all, was applied. The content the Council of the World Organization. From then on the initiative of the complaint was sent for ‘opinion’ to the ‘interested’ govern- was again in the members of the Council. Whether the complaint ment, i.e. the government which was accused of violating the mi- would be subject of discussion depended on their will.

14 15 That is what, in general terms, exhausts the main points of *** the adopted procedure for dealing with petitions submitted to the League of Nations. The technical execution of the procedure was Huge were the hopes that, thanks to the included in the peace entrusted to specially established Section on the issues of national treaties clauses, the LN would provide fair and effective protec- minorities at the Secretariat of the organization in Geneva. I cite tion for national minorities. So disappointment was reciprocally the above details not out of infatuation with ‘hard’ facts that tor- bitter when it became clear that trust was in vain. European soci- ment the reader, but with the aim to show the shortcomings of the ety and, most of all national minorities themselves, soon realized established in 1919 international system for protection of national that the World Organization was not ‘the strict, just and omnipo- minorities and the procedure for its implementation. Obviously, tent judge’ but only a helpless mediator who at best was able to the system was doomed to failure. The Committee of the Three, pass on good advice. The complaints reaching Geneva were lost the Council and the League of Nations, the whole international in the labyrinths of procedures and as a rule did not lead to any organization in general were helpless. There was no powerful in- significant practical results. stitution to impose the resolutions, neither was there control of the Towards the end of the 1920s, however, Europe witnessed a execution of any given recommendations. Moreover, in order not number of coincidental circumstances that revived the belief that to undermine the reputation of the respective state authority, the the system for protection of national minorities could be improved opinion of the Committee of the Three was not made public. Files and contribute to strengthening peace and overcoming the con- were dealt with in complete secrecy. As the Director of the Section sequences of the war. The 10-year psychological barrier after the of minorities in the League of Nations, Mr Pablo de Azcarate aptly end of the world conflict was passed. The first stage of forgetting stated, “The LN is not a strict judge, as most people think, but its horrors was underway. The feeling that the terms of the peace a delicate lawyer whose duty is to cautiously advise the respec- agreement were not fair and the punishment of the defeated was tive government.” All this inevitably predetermined the collapse unnecessarily cruel deepened. The harsh political reality of the of the system for protection of national minorities in the period decade after the Peace Conference in Paris forced the winners between the two world wars. themselves and especially France to realize that Germany was an There was hardly any other field of activity of the LN, which integral part of European civilization and European progress was was laden with such huge hopes and trust than the protection impossible without it. A manifestation of those sentiments was of the national minorities. The philosophy of the founders of the Locarno agreements entered into force in 1926. Germany was this system, however, was quite different. Their main goal was admitted to the League of the Nations. Gradually, Berlin recov- the perpetuation of the Entente’s military victory materialized ered its status as a great power. This caused a flow of self-con- in the Paris Peace Treaties. Preserving and developing the na- fidence in the other revisionist-minded countries among which tional minority communities in the territories of the ‘new and was Bulgaria. Serious discord was observed in the relations of the expanded’ states after World War I did not fit into this goal. former allies of the Entente. Italians considered themselves un- This harsh reality about the practical application of the much justly deprived of the fruits of victory and increasingly gravitated boasted ‘clause for the protection of the minorities’ had to face around revisionism. The British, in turn, enhanced their critical Dimitar Shalev – the most famous and worthy Bulgarian peti- attitude towards the extremist inclinations of Paris. Expectations tioner between the two world wars. for change in European international relations towards blunting

16 17 the most acute conflicts between winners and losers were rein- activities of the LN regarding the minority issues through a rec- forced by the coming to power of the socialist (Labour) govern- ommendation to publish periodically the results of the conducted ment in Great Britain in 1929. Well-known was the sharp criticism investigations of the complaints received in Geneva. This attempt of Labourists of the foreign policy conducted by the Conservative also had the characteristics of halfway policy, as the publication Party, including with regards to the League of Nations and espe- could be undertaken only after the ‘interested’ state gave their cially of the insufficient involvement of London in the protection consent. of national minorities. Hardly would the unprejudiced reader find it difficult to It was in this atmosphere that in the summer of 1929 was held conclude that Stresemann’s efforts to bring a decisive turning the much acclaimed at the time Madrid session of the League of point in the protection of the national minorities ended in fail- Nations. The main political issue debated in the Spanish capital ure. Along with them failed the efforts of Hungary and Bulgaria, was the reconsideration of the existing in the LN procedure for as well. the adoption and discussion of national minority petitions. The This was the international background against which Dimitar issue was formally procedural but had political content. Broadly Shalev and his associates organized their campaign. The actions speaking, the concept of the German Foreign Minister Gustav of the Bulgarian petitioners in Geneva were directly related and Stresemann was the League of Nations to take the role it was dependent on the development of the national minority issues in- expected to have: ‘a strict and fair judge’ who thereby had the ternationally. Moreover, they were a substantial part of the official power and the tools to enforce it. The main driving force in this Bulgarian policy on those painful for the country national issues. essentially revisionist act, of course, was Germany, but it was ac- The campaign itself followed the logic of the political develop- tively supported by Hungarian diplomacy and to a lesser degree ment of minority issues in European international relations. It was by Bulgarian diplomacy. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the not by accident that the appearance of Bulgarian petitioners from , Atanas Burov, delivered a speech to the Vardar Macedonia in 1929 coincided with the culmination of the LN General Assembly stating the government position on this national minority issues in international relations. Every culmina- issue. Generally, Sofia supported the Germans in their efforts tion is followed by a decline. In this case, however, it was quite rap- to change the procedure. Bulgarians, however, introduced their id. A few years only and the widely discussed issue of minority specific requirements, primarily, to recognize the legitimate rights descended from the political scene. In January 1933 Hitler claim of the representatives and organizations of Bulgarian na- seized power in Berlin and after only eight months withdrew the tional minorities beyond the borders of Yugoslavia, Greece and country from the League of Nations. After Germany’s withdrawal Romania. the World Organization took the road of its decline while Europe It turned out, however, that the positions of the anti-revision- headed for a new world war. The issue of the rights and protection ist block were stronger and it prevailed. Expectations for support of national minorities was rapidly losing its relevance. The fate of from London did not come true. The adopted amendments in the the Bulgarian petitioners’ campaign in Geneva followed the same procedure were fictitious and did not effectively change its char- logical path. acter. In exceptional cases instead of ‘Committee of Three’ could be appointed ‘Committee of Five’. Demands for greater efficiency were placed, as well. An attempt was made to make public the

18 19 The Representation time. The campaign was coordinated, supported and financed by the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization. That was According to reports from agents of the Yugoslav Embassy, definitely confirmed by all archival sets, both Bulgarian and Ser- the initiative of the establishment of the Permanent Representa- bian, in Geneva and London. Some of the archives are included tion of the Bulgarian minority in Yugoslavia in Geneva belongs in the present Collection. For the successful completion of the to Croatian nationalists and was formed during the meeting of planned campaign was properly considered the need to comply Macedonian representatives Ivan Hadzhov and Strahil Razvigor- with at least two preconditions. The petitioners themselves had to ov with Pavelic and Perchets in Budapest in August 1929. It seems descend from within Serbian Macedonia and not from the circles to me that this thesis was largely the product of Serbian paranoia of immigrant communities in Bulgaria. Firstly, because this was towards Croatian nationalism. Without underestimating the cen- the formal reason for the rejection of most previously submitted tral role of Croatian nationalists in the struggle against Serbian petitions. Secondly, it was necessary to observe strict conspiracy domination in the so called ‘Triune Kingdom’, more plausible as- in order to keep secret the connections with the Bulgarian state sumption is that at the heart of this major political project was the and, especially, with IMRO. Despite the efforts, however, the relat- Bulgarian government and personally the then Prime Minister, edness to the revolutionary organization could not be kept secret. . We should also keep in mind that Lyapchev That fact would, undoubtedly, impede the petitioning, even though himself was originally from Resen. The project fitted harmoni- the fundamental reasons for the failure of the system of national ously in the foreign policy course of the Democratic Alliance gov- minority protection in particular and protection of Bulgarians in ernment regarding the national issue: to maximize the use of legal Macedonia under Serbian dominance, were quite different. The forms to support the Bulgarian spirit among the minorities left choice fell upon three prominent Bulgarian intellectuals. All three beyond the Motherland after the national catastrophes. Given the were lawyers, publicly active in Vardar Macedonia. These Bulgar- importance of this aspect of foreign policy and the close relation- ians were Dimitar Shalev, Grigor Anastasov and Dimitar Iliev. ship between Lyapchev and King Boris III, probably the initiative Grigor Anastasov was the oldest among them and the most was coordinated with and blessed by the Palace. Hardly incidental famous in the revolutionary circles. He was born in Kavadarci in are the copies of the special greetings to the King on the occasion 1877 in a wealthy family of fur merchants. Many of his close rela- of his engagement to Princess Joanna and the birth of Princess tives were involved in the Tikvesh rebellion against Serbian rule Marie-Louise, saved in the personal archive of D. Shalev. in 1913. Naturally, Grigor Anastasov was a graduate of Thessalo- Alongside his relationship with the King, Lyapchev kept niki Bulgarian School. Towards the end of the 19th century he was ‘warm’ contacts with the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Or- jailed as a victim of the ‘Vinitsa Affair’ of 1897. Once out of prison, ganization (IMRO) and Ivan Mihaylov. Anyone with the vaguest he studied law at the Law Faculty of the University of . Af- idea of the political in the period between the ter graduating Anastasov was among the group of the Bulgarian two world wars would be aware that such an important campaign Exarchate scholars who specialized Ottoman law. The aim was to as the establishing of a Representation of Bulgarian national mi- train young lawyers who were able to successfully undertake the nority under Serbian dominance and that in Geneva, where LN protection of the Bulgarian population in Macedonia in Turkish headquarters was located, was unthinkable without the will of courts. Immediately before the Balkan wars Anastasov was ap- IMRO and its leader Ivan Mihaylov- totally domineering at the pointed a judge in the city Poligoros on the Halkidiki peninsula.

20 21 After the war he worked as a lawyer in Kavadarci and Skopje. arrived in Geneva. This time the purpose was quite different - Alongside his occupation he cooperates with IMRO. From 1920 he to beg Yugoslavian authorities permission to return to his native was actively involved in the political life of the Kingdom of Serbs, place. ‘Repenting’ before the Serbian secret services could not go Croats and Slovenes. Anastasov was elected Member of Parliament free. The price was apostasy. Iliev was forced to sign a written representing Tikvesh in the Yugoslav Parliament (Skupstina). In statement, which was subsequently lodged at the LN that he with- 1925 he was elected for the second time in the Skupstina from the drew his signatures under the petition of 14 January, 1930 and the Democratic Party of Davidovich, which he later left, disappointed Memoir accompanying it. After numerous written ‘repentances’, with its attitude towards Macedonia. inspections and so on, Dimitar Iliev was admitted back in Yugo- Grigor Anastasov came home to Bulgaria after the elimina- slavia. He died in 1957 in . His life in Yugoslavia was ‘cred- tion of the Representation in Geneva. He served in the military ibly controlled’ by the services, initially, royal and after World War police (intelligence) section of the Military Ministry in Sofia. The II, communist. liberation of Macedonia in 1941 gave him the chance to return to And so the three future petitioners, secretly and separately his homeland which he left forever with the final withdrawal of went to Geneva. First, in December 1929 with their families ar- Bulgarian troops in the fall of 1944. He died in Sofia. The date of rived Dimitar Shalev and Dimitar Iliev. Soon after, in January his death still remains unknown. 1930, joined Grigor Anastasov. The Representation was in full Dimitar Iliev was born in 1895 in Varos, Prilep. After 1903 his lineup and without any delay activity began in full swing. A seal father immigrated to Bulgaria and took young Dimitar with him. was ordered on which was written: He finished secondary school in Sofia and later the Law Faculty of . The signature of Dimitar Iliev was on the appeal Representation of students from Sofia University to the Paris Peace Conference for de la Minorite Nationale an equitable settlement of the Macedonian question. BULGARE After the war he returned to his native land, which, as part en Yougoslavie of Vardar Macedonia was already under Serbian rule. He worked Geneve as a judge and then as a lawyer in Veles. It was Dimitar Iliev who defended in court the accused students – members of the Macedo- Record-keeping began. Incoming and outgoing numbers nian Youth Secret Revolutionary Organization (MYSRO) during were used for the busy correspondence. Issuing a publication of the process in Skopje in 1927. He was a defender of Dimitar Sha- the Representation called ‘Macedonian Echo’ was planned, but it lev at his trial in Skopje in 1927–28. remained only as a draft. The preserved model of the title page Dimitar Iliev left the Representation in Geneva early, back in reads: “National, Political and Literary Newsletter. Representing October 1930 and went to Bulgaria. According to his own explana- the Bulgarian minority in Yugoslavia. Released monthly in Ge- tion, the aim was “to join the ranks of the revolutionary struggle”. neva. “ The situation which he found among the immigrant communities The indisputable ideologist and organizational leader of the in Bulgaria, however, was difficult. Macedonian immigration was Representation was Dimitar Shalev. His plans to turn Geneva into torn by bitter internecine feuds often turning into unforgivable a real center of the legal fight against the Serbian regime in Mac- fratricide. In 1932 he managed to secretly leave Bulgaria and again edonia impresses with its scope, depth and ambition. In a letter to

22 23 the Central Committee of IMRO in February 1930, which has the ity boiling. A lot of attention was paid to what we now refer to as character of a program document Shalev states his views on the fu- ‘PR’, and then it was called with the simple term ‘propaganda’. ture activities of the Representation. The petitioners’ campaign in Hundreds of letters about the establishment of the Representation Switzerland he perceived as a mission aimed at long term “boost- were sent to the administration of the League of Nations, to the ing the morale of the Macedonian Bulgarians, strengthening their embassies of the Great Powers and other countries in Switzerland, unity and perseverance, organizing their economic battles against to journalists, political and public figures in Europe. Special atten- the oppressors, in order to successfully continue national and po- tion was paid to various national and international organizations litical struggle until the day of final victory.” concerned with minority issues as Peace Societies and LN offices, It was explicitly states that the activities of the Representa- acting at the time in almost all European countries, immigrant or- tion of the Bulgarian minority in Yugoslavia would be in harmony ganizations, cultural associations, etc. with the actions of IMRO, but with “methods inherent in legal In his private archive Dimitar Shalev preserved lists of famous political struggle”. According to Shalev a multifaceted, complex and influential politicians and public figures, apparently compiled struggle should be led: political, economic and social, but “al- as a target of influence by the Representation. The reader will be ways in the national spirit”. In the field of foreign policy, the fore- surprised to find what a wide range of the then social and political ground task was to gain “recognition of the rights of Bulgarians elite in Europe had found a place in these lists. Special attention in Yugoslavia and the Bulgarian character of Macedonia”. Domes- was given to journalists and the press in Europe. The aim was to tic policy focused on the need to develop “political consciousness go public and to awaken and engage the international opinion. and solidarity between Bulgarians in Yugoslavia and to prepare The effect did not take long to come. The petitions and all activi- them for self-dependent political struggle in Macedonia”. In eco- ties of the Representation of the Bulgarian minority in Yugoslavia nomic terms Shalev envisaged economic advancement for Bulgar- took their rightful place in the columns of the European press. At ians in Vardar Macedonia by creating modern agricultural and the peak of petition campaign in 1930-1931 Shalev’s name often stockbreeding farms and their cooperation. Craft guilds needed appeared in Bulgarian, Serbian and European newspapers. The modernization and consolidation to escape “the economic gap campaign of the Bulgarian petitioners from Macedonia entered and pauperization”. The foundation of available credit institutions the agenda of current international politics and became a part of was necessary in order to maintain trade and production “in the international news in Europe. In the private archive of Dimitar hands of local Bulgarians”. Social field included giving land to Shalev are preserved, collected and carefully arranged by him, “poverty-stricken Bulgarians” and securing “pauperized urban materials related to the petition campaign in the European press. population and preserving them from the bad influence of the For understandable reasons (their quantity is impressive!) these conqueror”. Shalev thought that most tactically correct would be materials could not be included in the present Collection. The to start with the League of Nations. Hardly was the former deputy tempted reader, however, has the opportunity to see them, as well mayor of Skopje aware at that time that it was these large plans as the overall personal archive of D.Shalev, which has been sub- that he drew with such fervor and altruism that would cause jeal- mitted at the will of his grandson Shalev (bearing the first name ousy of the IMRO leaders and bring him so much trouble and of his grandfather), for storage and reference in the Central State conflicts. Beyond the main initial task, the petitions process to the Archives of the Republic of Bulgaria in Sofia. League of Nations, which will be discussed later, feverish activ- The campaign of the three petitioners was cleverly used by

24 25 IMRO and the leadership of legal immigrant organizations to Orlov understood what was going on and gave a dreadful howl. boost the morale of the Bulgarian population in Vardar Macedo- The priest was in a really delicate situation as the Russian Church nia and the immigration in Bulgaria. Dozens were the exchanged was dependent on Belgrade. He wrote an angry letter to the spon- letters, telegrams, greetings, etc. between the Representation and sors of the Memorial Service, accusing them of misleading him the numerous Macedonian refugee organizations. It is clear how and deliberately “taking advantage of his open-heartedness…”. seriously Shalev, Anastasov and Iliev looked upon this part of Eventually, the incident faded, but it was thanks to the wise be- their activities in Geneva. Their responses to various Macedonian havior of the Yugoslav representative in Geneva. Sensing the trap Brotherhoods in Bulgaria are carefully compiled, filled with re- in which his country could fall, the plenipotentiary minister and spect and compassion. They are written in correct, literary, Bul- permanent representative of Yugoslavia in LN, Shumenkovich or- garian language. There is no sign of any attempt at shuffling, us- dered the consul Petrovich to require from Orlov a written expla- ing perfunctory or stereotypical text in their responses. nation of the manner in which the memorial service was ordered and offered his superiors in Belgrade to react only if the incident swelled. *** The Representation of the Bulgarian minority in Yugoslavia had been active throughout the whole period of its existence until In line with the propaganda activities aimed at raising public 1934. The content of this Collection is an eloquent proof of the awareness of the Macedonian question, the Representation was latter. In its most fruitful years – 1930 and 1931 – the Representa- thinking of organizing a service in memory of the Macedonian tion turned into some sort of ‘parallel’ center of Bulgarian foreign Bulgarians killed fighting with Serbian oppressors. It was decid- policy on national minority issues. The leading direction in its ac- ed that the memorial service would be held in Geneva Orthodox tivities, of course, was the lodging of appeals to the League of Na- Church, the Russian Church. According to the confessions of the tions. church Archpriest Serge Orlov, he was misled by Anastasov and Shalev, who visited him and asked (probably against the respec- tive charge) a memorial service to be held at the temple. Orlov, The Petitions who initially did not feel any doubt as to the honorable gentle- men, lawyers, a former member of the Serbian Parliament, and a The Representation submitted to the League of Nations seven former mayor of Skopje, agreed. The Memorial Service was held complaints which received the status of petitions and were subject on 8 February, 1930. The list with the names of the deceased was to the established procedure. Four of these petitions were direct, given to Orlov at the last moment and he read them during the one was sent through the Pan-Bulgarian Union ‘Father Paisius’ service. The list includes the names of Todor Alexandrov, Mara and two came through the Bulgarian Exarchade. The raw statis- Buneva, the assassin of general Kovacevic, Ipokrit Razvigorov, the tics, however, is unable to reveal the true scope of petitioning at father and brother of Ivan Mihaylov, Michelle Gavrilov and Hristo that time. Besides these seven documents dozens of additional Mihaylov and many more revolutionaries – a total of 70 people statements, explanations to previously filed petitions (Memoirs), and “all other killed in Macedonia from 1913 onwards’. Messages letters, complaints on various specific occasions were deposited for the Memorial Service appeared in the Geneva newspapers. at the Secretariat of the LN. The idea of ‘exponential’ increase in

26 27 the number of complaints in favour of Bulgarian minorities un- therefore a real danger existed that the text of the petition would der foreign dominion belongs to Dimitar Shalev. Shalev’s scheme fall into the hands of Serbian authorities before it was filed in Ge- received the full support of the leadership of IMRO and the le- neva. The documentary part of the present Collection begins with gitimate refugee organizations in Bulgaria. A mass campaign to the petition of 14 January, 1930, so the reader has the opportunity send complaints to the World Organization was launched and it to get acquainted with this impressive text. Therefore, any more receives the approval and support of the entire Bulgarian society. thorough presentation of the document in questions is rendered In the second half of 1930 numerous letters, statements, resolu- unnecessary. On 1 March 1930 the three petitioners wrote another tions, appeals, etc. were addressed to Geneva in support of the pe- letter to the LN Secretary General, Sir Eric Drummond, with the tition lodged by the Representation. The archives of the League of complaint that their petition had sparked new outrage on Bulgar- Nations in Geneva store over 200 such complaints. They were sent ians in Vardar Macedonia. The letter was attached to the main from different cultural, professional and social organizations in petition and became an integral part of it. In May of the same the country – community centers, sports associations, craft asso- year, the Representation lodged in the Department of Minorities ciations, labor teams, etc. Associations of Macedonian Bulgarians of the LN one of the most impressive and well-prepared docu- from all over the world and Students’ Unions joined in, as well. It ments related to the same petition. This is an extensive Memoir is no exaggeration to say that the LN was literally inundated with on the legal, political, social and cultural situation of the Bulgarian complaints in favor of Bulgarian minorities under foreign domina- minority in Yugoslavia. The Memoir was served on the Secretary tion. General of the League of Nations, the diplomatic representatives of Psychologically, most important is the fate of the first peti- the Great Powers signatories of the Saint Germain Peace Treaty of tion, as this was the first complaint filed in Geneva directly by 1919, and all countries members of the Council of LN at the time. representatives of the Bulgarian population of Macedonia under A great deal of effort was devoted to popularizing the Memoir in Serbian rule. The petition was lodged with the Secretariat of the the European press. A press release was specially prepared for the LN on 14 January, 1930. It was lodged by Dimitar Shalev and purpose. Numerous letters were sent to interested countries and Dimitar Iliev. After joining the Representation, Grigor Anastasov organizations. submited at the LN a written declaration of his solidarity with The introduction to the Memoir is an address of the three the campaign. In the upper right-hand corner of the document Macedonian representatives on behalf of the oppressed Bulgarian is written – Skopje (Uskyub), December, 1929. The author(s) and national minority in Yugoslavia appealing to the world commu- place of creation of these documents still remain unclear. Accord- nity to ensure their legal minority rights. Eight applications follow. ing to Serbian police sources, the text was written in Sofia and There is a document about the political conditions under which delivered to the petitioners by the Bulgarian Embassy in Belgrade. the Bulgarian national minority lived in Yugoslavia and the devel- For me, a more likely version is that it was really created in Sofia, opment of legal struggle for minority rights. Another application but Shalev and Iliev receive it by IMRO Foreign Representative is a list of killed without trial Bulgarians in Macedonia in the last Simeon Evtimov, who resided mainly in Geneva. It is hard to im- years: over 200 people. More than 20 pages are filled with cases agine that an experienced conspirator like Ivan Mihaylov would of atrocities committed over the Macedonian Bulgarians. A sepa- agree such a document to be delivered to Shalev and Iliev in Yu- rate list (5 pages) refers to cases of rape. A number of excesses of goslavia, provided that they were about to leave the country and the authorities: robbery, torture, etc. are additionally described.

28 29 The text of the petition submitted by the three petitioners follows, something that did not exist. The ‘considerations’ of the Yugoslav as well as a copy of their letter to the Yugoslav Foreign Ministry government arrived in Geneva on 1 May, 1930 as an extensive six- on 5 February, 1930, in which they inform the Yugoslav authori- page statement. The very first sentence left no doubt about the po- ties about their activities and share their hope that their campaign sition of the ruling circles in Belgrade. “The Yugoslav government would be properly understood and accepted by Belgrade. maintains its declaration of 14 October 1927, that in the Kingdom The petition of 14 January, 1930 was the most carefully and of Yugoslavia does not exist any Bulgarian national minority! The expertly prepared complaint on behalf of the Bulgarian national Slavic population in South Serbia (this was the official name of minority under the Serbian government to that day. Indicative in Vardar Macedonia at the time) does not differ from the remain- this respect was the initial reaction of the Department of Minori- ing Serb population and does not constitute minority neither of ties in the LN. After careful analysis of the content of the docu- language or nationality nor of religion… Therefore, there can be ment by the Department officials it was unanimously agreed: all no question of protection of national minority.” Moreover, Bel- procedural requirements had been met. There were a considerable grade insisted the petition to be declared ‘inadmissible’ because number of testimonies for violation of the provisions for minori- of using “rude and arrogant language regarding the Yugoslav au- ties laid down in St. Germain Treaty. The following more specific thorities”. There was “malicious” propaganda and the actions of findings contained in the complaints were pointed out: Bulgarian “Shalevich, Ilich and Anastasovich are part of the criminal strug- population in Macedonia under Serbian rule was practically de- gle of the revolutionary terrorist committee against Yugoslav au- prived of political rights; Bulgarian schools were closed and teach- thorities”. According to Belgrade after the revolutionary commit- ers were banished; Bulgarian churches were seized, and bishops tee (understood as IMRO) was forced to abandon the tactics of and priests were exiled or killed; the cultural institutions of the “comitadgji”1 invasions due to measures taken by the authorities Bulgarian minority - community centres, libraries, etc. were de- and “resistance” of the local population, since 1924 onwards they stroyed; the use of Bulgarian language was banned; Bulgarian had turned to terrorist attacks. Belgrade considered that petition- endings of surnames were replaced with Serbian; baptizing of ing was part of this tactics as each petition to the LN was accom- newborns with Bulgarian names was forbidden and free celebra- panied by a terrorist attack. Therefore, the Yugoslav government tion of traditional holidays was not allowed; representatives of the declared that it did not feel obliged to present their objections to local Macedonian intellectuals generally were not accepted to state the contents of the petition, as in their opinion it was completely and municipal positions and so on. illegal, and its authors were tools of the terrorist (Macedonian) The decision of the Department of Minorities to declare the Revolutionary Committee in Bulgaria. petition ‘admissible’ means that it took the path of the established However, all allegations made ​​in the complaint, without ex- procedure, and the first requirement was to send it to Belgrade ception, were rejected in a supplementary statement. for consideration. Serbian diplomacy decided to stick to the long tried line of conduct, which helped its tactical plan without much effort to counter such actions, but in the long, strategic term con- 1. The term Comitadji means “a rebel, member of a secret revolutionary society” and refers to members of tributed to disintegration of the state of Yugoslavia. The core of rebel bands operating in the during the final period of the , fighting against Turkish the Serbian argument was that there was not Bulgarian minority authorities in Macedonia. The term is often employed to refer to groups associated with the Internal Mac- in Yugoslavia, therefore it was impossible to violate the rights of edonian Revolutionary Organization and the Ilinden-Preobrazhenie Uprising (source: Wikipedia)

30 31 The petition, together with the objections of Belgrade and all porters of extreme actions, among who was Ivan Mihaylov him- the other supplementary materials were submitted to the Com- self, once again were in a position to prove ‘right’. mittee of the Three, who were to decide its further fate. In this case Dimitar Shalev and Grigor Anastasov did not have any in- it consisted of the Polish representative Zaleski (Chairman) and tention of giving up the fight. Even before the final decision on members - British Foreign Secretary Arthur Henderson and the the first appeal was taken, on 9 May, 1930 in LN a new petition Finn Mr. Prokop. The Committee was concerned primarily with was lodged, the so called ‘Passport’ petition, which caused a lot the question of the origin of the petition. Meanwhile, British intelli- of ‘headaches’ to Serbian diplomacy. The story around it was in- gence agencies submitted reports that Shalev and his companions teresting and illustrates Shalev’s talent to benefit from any, even were related to IMRO. Beyond any doubt, Henderson had used seemingly hopeless situation. Macedonian representatives left his influence in the Committee of Three and having quite conven- Yugoslavia with regular passports, whose term was limited and ient information about the petitioners’ contacts with IMRO, par- soon expired. They submitted an application to the Yugoslav con- ried further development of the complaint. In those circumstances sular office in Switzerland to extend their validity. Naturally, Bel- it was decided the petition to be left without any action taken as grade rejected the application and this was used as a pretext for “it did not provide satisfactory guarantee for its origin”. Some a new complaint. It was pointed out that the refusal to extend the consolation to the petitioners had probably been the fact that the validity of their passports on the grounds that on 14 January, 1930 Committee refrained from ruling on the claim of the authorities in they had submitted a petition to the LN was a violation of their Belgrade that there was no Bulgarian minority in Yugoslavia. natural rights laid down in the Peace Treaties. “We take the liberty In London were pleased with the decision: “In view of the of exposing this fact to the respected League of Nations - wrote complications that could occur if the Macedonian issue was to be Macedonian delegates – one of many examples characterizing the debated in the League of Nations, and the still living hope that this legal status of the Bulgarian minority in Yugoslavia and the ac- issue (Macedonian) can be solved by itself with time, we welcome tions of Yugoslav authorities against their subjects – Bulgarians the decision, due to what is essentially avoiding the danger of rais- from Macedonia, whose only transgression is that they are Bul- ing the issue in Geneva” – says one of the experts in the Foreign garians, they feel Bulgarian and want to speak and pray in their Office. mother tongue.” The actual failure of the first petition of Dimitar Shalev and Belgrade was unpleasantly surprised by the fact that the peti- his companions sadly echoed in the hearts of all Macedonian Bul- tion was initially declared ‘admissible’ and was sent for ‘consid- garians and in Bulgarian society as a whole. Hopes that the Mac- eration’, although derived by the same three people who had been edonian question would be debated in Geneva and as a result real declared ‘IMRO tools’. The complaint was classified as admissible improvement for the population in Vardar Macedonia could oc- on the grounds that it was not related to minority issues and the cur were blighted. From a psychological point of view, this failure situation in South Serbia but referred to “personal situation of three reflected negatively on the activities of the Representation. Soon, individuals who are related to the League of Nations”. Naturally, one of its members, Dimitar Iliev was shaken in faith and conse- Belgrade insisted that it should be declared ‘inadmissible’ due to quently left Geneva. A serious defeat was inflicted on the already its origin, and so the question again came down to the next Com- fragile hope that it was still possible, by lawful means, to win any mittee of Three. This time it was composed of: President – Sokal benefits for the Bulgarian population under Serbian rule. The sup- (Poland) and members - Lord Cecil (UK) and Matos (Guatemala).

32 33 On 3 October 1930 the Committee decided that the Yugoslav gov- tions’. These were three complaints - one signed by Grigor Anas- ernment’s objections could not be accepted because it regarded tasov and Dimitar Shalev and two with the signatures of the Sko- “individual civil rights” of the three petitioners and therefore it pje Metropolitan Neophyte and Metropolitan Boris relating was not possible the petition to be declared ‘inadmissible’ based respectively to Skopje and Ohrid eparchies. There are seven appli- on its origin. With that the duties of this Committee ended and the cations: the Sultan’s decree on the establishment of the St Bulgar- case was directed to a new commission to examine it on its merits. ian Exarchate from 1870; the Sultan’s decrees for the appointment The procedure was dragged until the spring of 1931. Eventually, of Skopje, Ohrid and Veles Metropolitans; Memorandum for the another committee consisting of three representatives from Nor- Bulgarian national Church in Macedonia; Statement of the Second way, Venezuela and the Republic of Ireland decided that there was Secretary in the “British Embassy on the Bulgarian Exarchate and no reason to refer to the Council of the LN and stated the proce- the Serbian Church”. A photographic image of the original decree dure on it to be terminated. The reason pointed out for the rejec- of the Exarchate was applied. Тhe title page of the first petition tion of the petition was violations, “administrative in nature”. says that it is presented on behalf of the “Bulgarian population in The next step in the petition campaign is indicative of the cre- Macedonia under Yugo-Slavian power and on behalf of the Bul- ativity Dimitar Shalev put in his efforts to overcome the ‘proce- garian Exarchate in ” and it seeks “restoration of dural tricks’ of the officials in the League of Nations. His idea was the Bulgarian National Church in Macedonia and its six Dioceses to remove one by one the reasons used to reject the complaints. of Bulgarian clergy and their rights unlawfully suspended in 1913 Since the first petition of the Representation was diverted under by Serbian authorities”. The request for recovery of the six Bulgar- the pretext of “uncertain origin” Shalev decided it to be resubmit- ian dioceses before the Balkan wars, in fact meant that the case en- ted, but from a source that could not be described as “uncertain”. gaged Greece, as well. The Petitions, signed by Skopje and Ohrid For this purpose, Macedonian representatives turned to the pan- Metropolitans submitted in Geneva to the LN Secretary General Bulgarian Union ‘Father Paisius’. With minor revisions to the text, in person by special delegation of the Bulgarian clergy banished the complaint was filed with the LN again, this time signed by the from Vardar and Aegean Macedonia, led by the High Priest Hilar- Sofia Metropolitan Stefan. Indeed, it was difficult the head of Or- ion Nishavski. Besides Geneva, the delegation visited , Paris, thodox Church in Bulgaria to be regarded as “uncertain source” London and Berlin. With their impressive beards and Orthodox and the petition was initially recognized as ‘admissible’. As an robes, Macedonian Bulgarian clergy were exotic view and their experienced lawyer, D.Shalev relied on another ‘trick’ as well. pictures were tempting for the front pages of European newspa- The information in the second petition was the same, but as the pers. The procedure on ‘clerical’ petitions was dragged by the LN first one of 14 January was not discussed on its merits, this one officials until 1934. As might be expected, Serbian and Greek au- should be formally accepted as new. However, ‘the trick’ prepared thorities strongly objected to the allegations of violations of rights by D.Shalev did not pass. In January 1931 another Committee of of the Bulgarian minority within their respective rule. Besides the Three with representatives from Venezuela, Poland and the UK usual statement that no Bulgarian minority existed in Yugoslavia, rejected it on the pretext that it repeated the complaint of the three Belgrade proclaimed that the existence of two religious authorities petitioners in January the previous year. belonging to two branches of the same Church in one country was In May 1931 another impressive and extremely well prepared out of the question. According to them, the Bulgarian and Serbian petition campaign was undertaken, the so called ‘Clerical peti- Orthodox Churches were identical in terms of dogma, as well as

34 35 in religious ritual. As for the liturgical language, it was neither September, 1931, which, like the previous one, contradicted Saint- Serbian nor Bulgarian, but Old Slavonic. Germain Treaty and specifically the provisions for minorities in it. Different were the arguments of the Greek government. Ac- The complaint stated that in Macedonia under Yugoslav rule lived cording to Athens the local population in Aegean Macedonia with more than 1 million Bulgarians. The period from 1912 to 1915, Bulgarian national consciousness had moved to Bulgaria under when Macedonia was ruled by decrees and that from 1919 until the Convention for the exchange of populations in 1919. Data from 1929, when the Vidovden Constitution1 was in force, for Macedo- the final report of the Joint Bulgarian-Greek Commission was cit- nian Bulgarians in the was a period of their ed, which showed that more than 101 000 Bulgarians had left the denationalization and assimilation by the Servbs. “During these territory of Greece and settled in Bulgaria. The several “slavic- two periods, as well as from 6 January, 1929 to 3 September, 1931 speaking” cores that were left in the country (later the Greek gov- - a regime of , and after 3 September 1931 to ernment acknowledges that their number reached 80 000 people), these days - claim Anastasov and Shalev - Bulgarians in Yugosla- was inspired by the “purest Hellenism” and their attributed cul- via have lived through and suffered their most difficult days of tural and religious aspirations were “fiction created by Macedo- the era of their Revival in recent history.” They add: “These hard nian revolutionary organization”. Such were the real intentions of times for Macedonian Bulgarians are characterized by an abso- the authors of the petition, who according to Athens “have long lute prohibition of the Bulgarian language and Bulgarian books in severed all ties with those minorities”. That was precisely why the their great homeland and the destruction of the Bulgarian School Greek government refrained from specific objections to the con- and Bulgarian Church and all cultural and national institutions tents of the petition, as it generally challenged its ‘admissibility’. which the Bulgarians had in Macedonia even during the regime The Petitions along with the declarations of the Serbian and of Turkish slavery.” Greek governments were discussed repeatedly for more than two Needless to say, the fate of this complaint was no different years by the appointed Committee of Three. In fact, it would be from the fate of the others. The reasons for the failure of all com- more accurate to say that they were dealt with by various commit- plaints made by the Representation of the Bulgarian minority in tees, as meanwhile their members constantly changed. Additional Yugoslavia and, in general, of all petitions in favour of the Bulgar- information from Belgrade and Athens was required several times. ian national minorities are the same as those that underlie the fail- Numerous reports and resolutions followed, but the end result ure of the revisionist powers to enforce changes in the procedural was no different than any other LN decisions on appeals related rules during the Madrid session of the LN in 1929. The factors of to rights of the Bulgarian national minority under foreign domina- the status quo, the winners of World War I, in the face of the En- tion. The three petitions were left without any action taken. The tente Powers and their satellites still dominated international rela- investigation ended with the conclusion that it was unnecessary tions and countered any attempt for a breakthrough into revision- to address the Council of the World Organization on the issues, ist direction. Raising the issue of the rights of Bulgarian national subject of the petitions. minorities under Serbian or Greek power was rightly considered In the early 1932 another petition was lodged, the last of a series of petitions of the Representation on Bulgarian national minority in Yugoslavia. It was called ‘Constitutional Petition’. The reason 1. The Vidovden Constitution was adopted on Vidovden, a holiday celebrated in Serbia and especially the in this case was the new Constitution of Yugoslavia, adopted on 3 Western Outlands.

36 37 precisely as such a threat. And that is so because the relatedness is Peace Treaties. Generally, legality and the legal basis were con- of this issue with the Macedonian question was direct. If the Mac- stantly emphasized as an integral feature of the Representation. edonian question was stirred up, that would endanger the overall Despite frantic efforts in this direction, however, internationally, it postwar territorial and political structuring of the Balkans and of was considered a form of potential Bulgarian revisionism, as an as well. Indicative in this respect are the find- integral part of the overall revisionist front in European interna- ings set out in a strategic document of the British Foreign Office tional - Memorandum on the Macedonian question. The drawing up of relations between the two world wars. Therefore, the attitude this ‘strategic’ document was triggered by the activating of the of the anti-revisionist block of the Entente winners against the ac- campaign for guaranteeing the rights of Bulgarian national mi- tivities of the Bulgarian petitioners was markedly hostile. This can norities at the end of the 1920s. The experts on Southeast Europe be seen most clearly in the attempt to spread the prepared by the in the Foreign Office made ​​it at the end of 1929 and included in it Representation Memoir supporting the first petition of January a special section dedicated to the urgent problem of the attitude 1930, which was mentioned above. All official representatives of of the League of Nations to the Macedonian question. The conclu- the countries that had signed Saint Germain treaty met it with sion was clear: no matter what course the events in Geneva took, stony silence, and France’s ambassador in Bern even refused to with the possible raising of the Macedonian question, the World accept it! Deliberately cool was the reaction of the LN Secretary Organization did not have the capacity to achieve a favorable deci- General, Sir Eric Drummond. sion on it. Moreover, it was envisaged that the possible debates on It was natural, therefore, support for the cause to be sought it could lead the LN to schism and irreparable crisis. Furthermore, in two major directions: national and international non-govern- the expert opinion of the Foreign Office was that even debating mental organizations involved in minority issue and revisionist- different sides of the Macedonian issue as minorities in Macedo- minded formations - German, Hungarian, Albanian, Turkish, as nia, for example, would inevitably grow and lead to the raising of well as opposed against Belgrade, Croatian and Slovene national- the whole problem with all its possible fatal consequences for the ist structures. Amongst the organizations in the first direction that World Organization. This justified the firm conclusion that British the Representation of the Bulgarian minority in Yugoslavia main- interests dictated to keep “thorny” Macedonian issue as far away tained active links with can be indicated the International Union from Geneva as possible. of Societies for the LN and several of its national sections, the Inter-parliamentary Union, the Congress of National Minorities, etc. In the second direction typical examples were the warm rela- International activities tions with the German Society for the Rights of Nations, Germany League of LN in Czechoslovakia and especially – the Hungarian Regarding the international activities of the Representation Revisionist League. The most significant result in this direction plans were very ambitious. The aim was to establish a center to was achieved in November, 1930 in Budapest. A protocol for joint manage and coordinate the legal struggle for the minority rights action with the Hungarian revisionists was signed. The idea was of the Bulgarians remaining after the wars to live under foreign to place a Permanent Office to uphold the rights of national mi- domination. The petitioners rigorously adhered to strict legal norities in Yugoslavia. The Hungarians committed themselves forms of activity based on the provisions for minorities in the Par- to attract the German minority and the Bulgarians were to en-

38 39 sure the cooperation of the Albanian and Turkish minorities. The Seeking Support from London protocol was signed by Dimitar Shalev. Although it was nothing more than good wishes, the Association was indicative of the vast Preparations for the visit to the British capital began shortly scale of Dimitar Shalev’s plans to expand international pressure after the arrival of the petitioners in Geneva in the spring of 1930. on Belgrade. Later IMRO strongly reacted to the petitioners’ at- In relation to this, support from the Bulgarian ambassador in tempts to establish themselves as the second, legal, center of the London, Pancho Hadjimishev was sought. The experienced dip- fight against the oppressive regime in Yugoslavia. Possibly, IM- lomat gave them the right advice – to address the Balkan Com- RO’s attitude played its part in blocking the development of this mittee. Certainly, Hadjimishev himself, promised full support idea, especially as the funding of the Representation depended on for the success of the action, but warned that the potentiality of the Organization and personally on Ivan Mihaylov. official Bulgaria in that area was quite limited. Dimitar Shalev The direct influence of the European capital cities occupied and Grigor Anastasov were fully aware of this. The Balkan Com- an important place in the plans of the Representation. In this case, mittee and personally its chairman, Lord Edward Boyle were the mostly propaganda effect was sought, attracting the attention of most sincere well-wishers of Bulgarian petitioners in whole West- the press and public opinion, but hopes were cherished as well, for ern Europe. Lord Boyle wholeheartedly offered his hospitality, as the achievement of specific positive results. Initially, the petitioners well as his willingness to contribute to the reception of the Mac- planned visits to the three capitals of the victorious Great Powers edonian representatives not only in the restricted Bulgarophile – Paris, London and Rome. IMRO however, approved only one of circles but also in Foreign Office and by the Labour Minister of them - to London. The motives were understandable – the Paris mis- Foreign Affairs, Arthur Henderson. Soon the planned visit was sion was doomed, and the visit to Rome was reasonably deemed in- hampered by a very serious obstacle. After the refusal of Belgrade appropriate, as the suspicions about links between IMRO and Italy to renew their passports, the petitioners appeared to be without on anti-Yugoslav basis at that time were already too strong. valid documents. Dimitar Shalev and Grigor Anastasov were The situation in London was different. We already point- distinguished by their perseverance and tremendous spirit. They ed out that the second Labour Government of MacDonald was did not lose heart and in October 1930 wrote a letter to Hender- in power at that time. One of the established Bulgarophiles and son, briefly describing the situation they were in as a result of former chairman of the Balkan Committee, was a the refusal of the Yugoslav authorities to renew their passports Cabinet Minister. Generally, at this time due to the coincidence and requested to be allowed to visit London. For Foreign Office, of a number of circumstances, it seemed that in power in Britain however, the lack of valid documents for identity was a welcome were ‘our men’. This impression, of course, was deceptive. The pe- pretext for refusal to grant their request. The British foreign of- titioners, the IMRO and the whole immigration and public opinion ficials were already wondering how to turn down this unwanted in Bulgaria were to realize that the illusions of having ‘our men’ and even annoying visit. The efforts of the fragile Bulgarian lobby in power in London was one thing, and permanent interests of the in London were not sufficient to break the firm British position imperial foreign policy – quiet another. Nevertheless, hopes were towards a defeated former German ally like Bulgaria. But when it high for the visit of the Macedonian representatives in the British seemed that the problem with the passports was an insurmount- capital. Objectively speaking, this visit was one of their most sig- able obstacle, it was resolved in a miraculous way. With the help nificant international activities. of their allies, the Hungarian revisionists, Shalev and Anastasov

40 41 managed to obtain Hungarian identity documents, entitling them place in one of the halls of the Parliament in London. The Memoir to travel in Europe. These were not exactly passports but kind on the state of Macedonian Bulgarians in Yugoslavia, especially of passage documents issued under an international convention, prepared for the occasion, was presented. Later they managed to recognized by the LN. The British Consul in Budapest, without distribute tens of copies of that Memoir, which essentially is a re- consulting London decided that everything was alright and is- port on the Macedonian question. Contacts were established with sued entry visas to the UK. many prominent members of the British public – politicians, par- Frustrated by long waiting and overcome by reasonable sus- liamentarians, journalists. picion that they will come across some obstacle at the last mo- One of the most significant successes achieved by Shalev ment, Shalev and Anastasov decided to travel to the British capi- and Anastasov in London was their participation in the ongoing tal, despite the unsuitable time – Christmas Eve and New Year. dispute in the newspaper “Manchester Guardian” about the pro- Travel expenses were covered by the Bulgarian government. The tection of national minorities. The inefficiency of the League of troubles with their Hungarian ‘passports’ prompted the outbreak Nations was criticized in this respect as well as the treacherous of a ‘mini’ diplomatic row between London and Budapest. The behavior of the Great Powers and especially Great Britain regard- documents from the archives of the Foreign Office included in this ing the commitments they had made to the minorities. Shalev and Collection show that at one time the Foreign Office was not far Anastasov sent to the newspaper specially written article titled from the idea of undertaking diplomatic measures against Buda- – “The problem of minorities. Macedonian Bulgarians in Yugosla- pest for illegal issuance of identity documents of the Macedonian via.” In its issue of 10 January, 1931 the newspaper published the representatives. Eventually, these plans were abandoned, but if letter of Edward Boyle, written into the same spirit. After leaving nothing else, they revealed how frustrated and disappointed the the island, the two petitioners continued their active correspond- Foreign Office were by the unexpected appearance of the Bulgar- ence with the editors of the ‘Manchester Guardian’. The results of ian petitioners in Britain. Shalev and Anastasov, however, held their activities in the capital Dimitar Shalev and Grigor Anastasov valid British visas and on 14 December arrived at Vistoria Station summarized in a comprehensive report that was sent to the Bul- in London. Despite the difficulties associated with the Christmas garian government and the leadership of IMRO. festivities, their visit may be considered as definitely successful. One other activity aimed at showing the true face of the re- The hosts of the Balkan Committee were really dedicated to the gime of power in Yugoslavia involved the Bulgarophile commu- cause. Lord Edward Boyle was making frantic efforts to arrange nity in Britain. In September 1932 the British MPs Rhys Davies a reception in Foreign Office (there was no hope for a meeting and Ben Riley, traveled to two of the most problematic parts of the with the Minister) but all was in vain. Nevertheless, the achieved Yugoslav Kingdom - Croatia and Macedonia. It was intended that results were remarkable. The visit of the two petitioners to the Yu- the collected impressions would be summarized in two reports goslav Embassy was made public and the refusal of the Ambas- to be published. Ben Riley and Rhys Davies were prominent La- sador Djuric to receive them hardly contributed to improving the bour activists, Members of Parliament. Davies held the responsi- image of the state of Yugoslavia among British society. On 19 De- ble position of Deputy Minister of British Home Office in the first cember Shalev and Anastasov were officially presented to the Bal- Labour government in 1924. They were both involved in Balkan kan Committee. The prominent Bulgarophiles, Noel and Charles issues. Ben Riley was Deputy Chairman of the Balkan Committee. Buxton were also present. The Balkan Committee meeting took Their contacts with the Bulgarian petitioners are traced back to

42 43 the petitioners’ visit to London. A year and a half later, Ben Riley learn that the journey of the two MPs was actually funded by a turned to Dimitar Shalev for support concerning his forthcoming Croatian organization called Committee “Croatia” and the Rep- trip to Macedonia. Shalev responded with enormous enthusiasm. resentation of Bulgarian minority in Geneva, i.e. IMRO. It turns Evident is his hope that the visit of the British Members of Par- out that even the “toothless” paper bearing the signatures of Ben liament in Vardar Macedonia could become a kind of indictment Riley and Rhys Davies was paid by the sweat and misery of the poll of the oppressive Serbian regime in the region. Dimitar Sha- laboring peasant from Petrich through “taxes” collected by IMRO lev sent Ben Riley detailed (10 pages!) guidance on how to carry from the , vineyards and poppy plantations in Mac- out the poll in Serbian Macedonia. It will not be exaggerated to edonia. Alas, the reality in authentic documentary sources is usu- say that this letter of D.Shalev contains a summary of his views ally harsh. on the way that the defense of the Bulgarian population in Vardar Macedonia should be led. Above all, he pointed out that the Ser- bian government denied the existence of Bulgarians in their part Relations with Bulgarian Governments of Macedonia. In this regard, he recommended Ben Riley to ad- dress the clarification of several issues: if freedom was given to The relations of the Representation with the Bulgarian author- the Macedonian population how would they define themselves ities were dynamic and followed the logic of the development of according to their national sentiment; what part of the population Bulgarian foreign policy in the period from 1930 to 1934. Until the of Macedonia were Bulgarians; were there any other nations in the fall from power of the Democratic Alliance government in June area - Turks, Greeks, Albanians, Vlachs, Jews, Serbs and what was 1931 they were excellent and followed a descending development their approximate number; what was the political, legal, economic afterwards, which logically ended with the suspension of the Rep- and social status of the Bulgarian population; what was the policy resentation activities by the government of after of the central government towards them. Shalev insisted on re- the coup of 19 May, 1934. vealing the truth about political assassinations and political proc- It has already been pointed out that the initiative for the es- esses; the policy of Serbian banks, which destroyed economically tablishment of the Representation in Geneva probably belonged Bulgarian population; the state tobacco monopoly, which pursued to the Prime – Minister Andrey Lyapchev and Foreign Minister the same goal; the nature of agricultural reform in the area; not Atanas Burov. Thus, the Democratic Alliance government ap- allowing Bulgarian to state and local government posts and many proved and funded the campaign of the petitioners. Moreover, the other issues. campaign itself could easily be seen as part of Bulgaria’s foreign Alas, hopes again would be in vain. In October 1932 the re- policy at the time. The foreign policy of the Alliance government port by Rhys Davies and Ben Riley entitled “Personal impressions was careful and moderate, consistent with the very limited politi- of the visit to Serbian Macedonia in Yugoslavia” was published as cal, economic and military capabilities of the country at that time. a separate booklet. The content, however, was too disappointing Any adventurous inclinations were out of the question. Actually, as the authors did not go beyond the narrow boundaries of the this was not only wise, but the only possible behavior of the Bul- Balkan Committee in London. None of the questions set by Dimi- garian state to fundamentally the most important goal of any for- tar Shalev was given an answer. The disappointment was even eign policy – maintaining the integrity and security of the state. greater, and the readers of this Collection will feel it when they However, Lyapchev and Burov did not allow any compromise

44 45 with the national interests of Bulgaria. No aspect of the Bulgarian The letter also reveals that during their stay in Bulgaria, which national question had been surrendered, none had been sacrificed will be discussed below, the two delegates had a private meeting at the expense of another. Even in purely theoretical terms, no di- with Alexander Malinov. rection of the Bulgarian national program had been removed: nei- Gradually, however, the political environment, both interna- ther to the north – Dobrudja, nor to the south – onto the Aegean tionally and in Bulgaria, began to turn against the activities of the Sea and the protection of what was left of the Bulgarian presence Bulgarian petitioners. The issue of the protection of the national in Aegean Macedonia or to the west – Vardar Macedonia and the minorities lost its relevance on the European political scene. The Western outlands. situation on the Balkans also changed. As the negotiations for the The main axis around which revolved Bulgaria’s foreign pol- signing of the progressed the hostile ring around Bul- icy under the leadership of Lyapchev and Burov was taking into garia tightened further. This inevitably affected Bulgaria’s foreign account the reality of international relations, compliance with the policy, for which a priority task became the achievement of a break- terms of the peace treaties and defending, as the situation allowed, through in the foreign isolation of the country. It was decided that the Bulgarian national interests. Due to lack of other options, the the Representation in Geneva had become unnecessary in view of League of Nations was seen as the most serious patron of the coun- the new foreign policy realities. On 31 March 1933 the Bulgarian try. That is why to the issue of the protection of minority rights of ambassador in Bern delivered the message that the financial sup- Bulgarians under Romanian, Greek and Serbian domination was port from Sofia was ceased. Dimitar Shalev wrote a new heartfelt paid so much attention. In fact, for Bulgaria this was the only way letter to Malinov’s successor – Nicola Mushanov but to no avail. to defend its national interests, which were laid down in the Peace However, he remained in Geneva trying to continue his activities. Treaties. In this sense, the Representation of the Bulgarian minor- In the autumn of 1933, Shalev wrote several reports to the Prime ity in Yugoslavia should be considered not only as an organization Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Mushanov on his meet- that was supported by Bulgaria, but also as an integral part of its ings with Hungarian revisionists and Serbian opposition leader foreign policy at the time. Pribichevich, who was then a political exile. The reports are very Even though informally, the petitioners enjoyed the full co- valuable indeed, they are written as professional diplomatic re- operation of the Ministry of Foreign and Religious Affairs in So- ports. Dimitar Shalev tried to act as a sort of ‘freelance’ diplomatic fia. The reports of Bulgarian plenipotentiaries in foreign countries representative to Bulgaria, but his efforts came to nothing. In Feb- proved that. Pancho Hadjimishev from London, general Valkov ruary 1934 the Balkan Pact was signed. On 19 May, 1934 a coup from Rome and especially Mikov from Bern tried whatever they was mounted and ​​Mushanov’s government was overthrown. For could to help the petitioners’ campaign. The delegates of the Rep- the new cabinet headed by Kimon Georgiev a priority were im- resentation were even allowed to use the diplomatic mail of the proved relations with Yugoslavia. It was believed that this was royal embassy in Bern for their campaign. The untroubled time the way to counteract the Balkan pact. IMRO was also eliminated. in the relations between the Macedonian delegates and Sofia con- The Representation in Geneva had no place in such policy. Left tinue during the office of Alexander Malinov (June-October 1931). without resources and support, Dimitar Shalev was forced to go In a heartfelt letter from 5 August, 1931 Shalev and Anastasov back home to Bulgaria. turned to the new Bulgarian Prime Minister with a request to “continue the moral and material support” for the Representation.

46 47 Relations with IMRO tation and actually did not fulfill the orders of the powerful leader of the revolutionary organization. By a fortunate coincidence, just The relations between the Representation of the Bulgarian at that moment the problem with the Hungarian ‘passports’ was minority in Yugoslavia and the IMRO were ambiguous and com- resolved and that allowed them to go to London – a visit that al- plex. Initially, of course, everything was fine. The three petitioners ready had the approval of the Central Committee of IMRO. The left Yugoslavia successfully thanks to the arrangements made by successful visit to the British capital eased the emerging crisis but IRMO. Besides funding, the organization of the action was pro- not for long. vided by the overseas representative of the Central Committee in A new, very serious problem arose. If the three petitioners had Geneva, Simeon Evtimov. The petitioners were even allowed to cherished any hopes that they could keep secret from IMRO the use the code of the Overseas Mission. In an exceptionally friendly funding from the Bulgarian government they were soon disap- tone the Central Committee and Ivan Mihailov personally greeted pointed. The omnipresent revolutionary organization had agents Anastasov, Shalev and Iliev on their successful leaving Yugoslavia everywhere. Meanwhile, the conflict with Simeon Evtimov devel- and the lodging of the first petition. Excellent was the opinion of oped into outright warfare. The crisis in the relations between the the prepared by the Representation Memoir, which in May 1930 petitioners and the IMRO was a fact. A very harsh letter from Ivan was sent to the Great Powers and the Council of the League of Na- Mihaylov was received in January 1931. The leader of the revo- tions. Generally speaking, the campaign was highly appreciated. lutionary organization raised several sets of problems. The mis- Over time, however, tension emerged in the relations with IMRO. understandings between Simeon Evtimov and the Representation The disagreements were typically not fundamental. The plans of were described as “unacceptable”. The petitioners were accused the petitioners and especially of Dimitar Shalev came into conflict of demonstrating “unnecessary and harmful” independence. Ne- with the leadership ambitions of Ivan Mihaylov. The leadership of gotiations with the Hungarian revisionists in Budapest presented IMRO and its leader personally feared that the Representation in the Central Committee with a fait accompli. It was emphasized Geneva would become a second parallel center of the fight against that it was impossible for IMRO to develop relations as “one or- Serbian domination. Moreover, it had the potential to slip out of ganization to another” and that the lodging of the petition “does control due to the distance from Bulgaria, Shalev’s ambitions and not mean the beginning of a new Macedonian organization” with so on. Particularly serious was the conflict between the petitioners which IMRO would have to “establish contacts as such”. As “un- and the overseas representative of the organization Simeon Evti- acceptable” were qualified the relations with the Bulgarian author- mov. Reasons were the same. Gradually, the conflict deepened. ities as well. As a result Shalev and Anastasov were summoned Establishing lasting contacts with Hungarian revisionists and to Sofia. The two petitioners were aware that such meetings with attempts to establish a “permanent political office” for joint ac- Vanche (Ivan) Mihaylov were quite ‘scary’ and set off for Bulgaria tion against Belgrade with representatives of the Hungarian, Al- with sinking hearts. Actually, the meeting Shalev and Anastasov banian, Turkish, German, etc. minorities exhausted the patience had with the leadership of IMRO was quite successful. The cor- of Ivan Mihaylov. In November 1930, he informed the petitioners respondence that followed shows that although formally the Cen- that he believe their mission was “rounded”, i.e. completed and tral Committee continued to believe the campaign was ‘rounded’ issued instructions that they should return to Bulgaria. It was a that did not mean termination of the activities of the Macedonian miracle that Anastasov and Shalev managed to save the Represen- delegates in Geneva. Ultimately, the plans for creating joint repre-

48 49 sentation of the oppressed national minorities in Yugoslavia were own confession, the government transfers were carried out through approved. The concepts about the further development of the pe- the Director of Joined Bulgarian Banks, branch Yuchbounar Sofia, titioning campaign were also highly appreciated. The most sensi- Peter Djamdjiev. The amount was sent quarterly - three thousand tive issue – the receiving of subsidies from the Bulgarian govern- francs per person, i.e. six thousand francs plus the additional costs ment was also agreed. The petitioners promised ‘solemnly’ that of maintaining the office, postage, etc. Archival evidence suggests they would not take any more money from the Bulgarian govern- that for the journey to London, petitioners had received assigned ment and even expressed the opinion that it would be right to find funds separately. Perhaps similar amounts they received for their means of Macedonian origin and return the amount taken. other trips to different cities in Europe: Budapest, Istanbul, etc. Shalev and Anastasov successfully returned to Geneva and In a letter to Prime Minister Mushanov, Shalev noted that he continued their activities. The tension between them and IMRO had received financial support till March 1933. He insisted that was not completely overcome and periodically flared up. Again, he should be paid the support for April, May and June, and the the reasons are the two most sensitive issues in the relationship cost of returning to Bulgaria of his family and household. There between them - getting money from the Bulgarian government is no information so far whether the money was paid. Neverthe- and the desire of the Representation to escape from the ‘shadow’ less, Dimitar Shalev remained in Geneva until the spring of 1934. of IMRO. In May 1931 Ivan Mikhaylov wrote another letter to Most likely this was possible thanks to the subsidy from IMRO. Geneva. IMRO leader was downright infuriated that Shalev and It is not known how the money from the Revolutionary Organiza- Anastasov had been bold enough to take money from the govern- tion was received. The most logical assumption is that was used ment again and to negotiate with the Hungarian revisionists as the same channel which financed the overseas representative in representatives of the pan-Bulgarian union “Father Paisius”, i.e. Geneva Simeon Evtimov, responsible for the issuing of the news- as something separate from IMRO. paper “La Macedoine”. The data about the amount of the subsidy With a lot of tact and diplomacy the two petitioners managed is not very accurate either. Ivan Mihaylov wrote that personal sup- to appease Vanche Mihaylov’s wrath although they did not deny port would be provided “in accordance with the life standard” in accepting money from the Bulgarian government. Although the Switzerland. In another letter is noted that the amount spent was original harmony in the relations between the petitioners and the of around 500-600 thousand levs. Since the letter was dated May IMRO was never fully restored, Shalev and Anastasov continued 1931, a simple account indicates that the subsidy was of about their successful work in the coming 1932 and 1933. The funding three thousand levs per month. Naturally, the numbers are quite and support of the revolutionary organization was the decisive tentative. To facilitate the reader, we should point out that in 1932 a factor for the existence of the Representation in Geneva. loaf of bread in Bulgaria cost about 8 to 10 levs. Information from the personal archive of Dimitar Shalev and other sources show that the petitioners’ lives in Switzerland were without any unnec- The Funding essary luxuries, they could even be defined as quite modest. The coup of 19 May, 1934 and the elimination of IMRO meant As we already pointed out the Representation of Bulgarian an end to the activities of Dimitar Shalev in Switzerland. Remain- national minority in Yugoslavia received funding along two lines ing entirely without funds, he was forced to return to Bulgaria. - from the Bulgarian government and from the IMRO. On Shalev’s

50 51 the Bureau of the same party for the city of Skopie and the Skopie Dimitar Shalev: district. The Party Club members also knew about my nomination. The citizens of Skopie welcomed it with unconcealed enthusiasm. Memories of the Trial Bulgarians and Turks openly declared that they would support it. There were also Serbs who honestly preferred my candidature to in Skopie in 1927* that of some Serbs from Belgrade. But the police in Skopie, as well as the Interior Ministry in Belgrade were firmly against my nomi- Elections for a National Assembly in the Kingdom of Serbs, nation. By the express command of the Great Župan1 Vildovich Croats and Slovenians had to be conducted on 11 September, 1927. and the desire of Skopie Metropolitan Barnabas some Serb offi- In Skopie rumour already had it that I was also a candidate for cials, members of the Radical Party Council in Skopie, had already national representative of my hometown. The election campaign started an unfair campaign against me. Leading the campaign was in its peak. Political clubs were in full activity, as well. Almost were Marko Gugle, Head of Rail Traffic and Vasa Stoyanovich, Di- every day more and more candidates for national representatives rector of Posts and Telegraphs. And when I managed to thwart the of Macedonia came from Belgrade. Among them were acting and nomination of Dragomir Obradovich, then Minister in Vukichev- former ministers such as Veliya Vukichevich, Dragomir Obradov- ich’s choice cabinet, for a representative from Skopie, the authori- ich, Vlayko Kotsich, Kosta Kumanudi, Vasa Jovanovich, Iliya Shu- ties’ bitterness against me reached its climax. At that same time, in menkovich and others. The son of the Prime Minister Vukichevich a meeting held in Skopie Županiya2, at which were present: Veliya also hastened to come, along with one of his relatives, someone Vukichevich, Prime Minister and Minister of Interior, Vlayko Ko- called Mladenovich, then director of the Belgrade National Thea- tsich, also minister, An. Vildovich, Skopie Great Župan and Panta tre. This posse on parliamentary mandates in Macedonia and Old Yovanovich, director of Skopie Trade School, a decision had been Serbia was best described by Grigor Bozhovich in his articles in taken that my candidature should not by any means be allowed as the newspaper “Politika” titled “Through the Election Chase”. At it was perceived as anti-Serbian and against the State. As a result that time I was First Deputy Mayor of Skopie, elected for the third of this meeting Vildovich was ordered to thwart any attempt of time. I belonged to the Radical Party and was Vice-chairman of my nomination either on the Radical Party lists or on independent civil electoral lists. When the above mentioned individuals met in the Županiya, I was there too, but in the next room together with

* The Memories were written personally by Dimitar Shalev about his arrest in Skopie on the 11 Au- Vasilie Shtarbich, Marko Petrovich, Iliya Vukashich, Atsa Aksen- gust, 1927 and prosecution for treason. The manuscript is not dated, but the fact that the memories tievich, Dobritsa Matkovich and others. Then I first happened to are written on the back of stencil prints of documents issued by the League of Nations shows that meet Matkovich. We sat next to each other and Shtarbich shook this had happened during his stay in Geneva. We can be certain that they were written after May hands with Matkovich. The former asked the latter if he knew me 1931 as this is the date of one of the documents, on the back of which part of the manuscript was and pointing at me, added: “This is Shalevich, whose nomination found. The dating is confirmed indirectly by the contents of the memories. From them it becomes clear that during his arrest on 11 August, 1927 his father Yanche Shalev was alive and when they were written he had already died. Yanche Shalev died in November 1931. Personal archive, Bulgar- 1. Župan – a title of various positions amongst South Slavic peoples. ian language, manuscript. 2. Županiya – a country subdivision, like county or canton.

52 53 Vildovich is so afraid of. He’s not scary, is he?” Matkovich smiled, words: “Mr Shalevich has the floor. Please, come to the tribune.” gave me his hand, introduced himself and said he had heard about Belgrade rulers left Skopie embittered and that same night, after me, but did not know me personally. At that time Matkovich was midnight, several Serbian rebels had knocked on the door of my Great Župan of Bitolya. He had arrived in Skopie on the com- home threatening that they would kill me because I was Bulgar- mand of his Minister, V. Vukichevich to receive instructions from ian and defended the Bulgarians. That night, by coincidence, my him personally regarding the forthcoming elections at the Bitolya family and I had been visiting a friend of mine and, as we stayed Županiya, when in line with the top political will the following until late, he was wise enough to ask us to sleep in his house. In national representatives had to be chosen: Ivan Vatiparmakov and the morning, frightened, our landlord told me about the incident Vasilie Shtarbich. The nomination of Yovan Kirkovich had to be and kindly admonished me to beware of “those dogs”. thwarted. And so it happened. The above decision I managed to Let me also say that after my conversation with Kotsich, leav- learn that very moment by the Minister Vlayko Kotsich person- ing Skopie Županiya, on the stairs I met Georgi Hadji Aleksov ally, to whom I introduced myself as a radical and mayor of Sko- from Veles, who told me that he came from Veles on the invita- pie without giving my name. On my request to be informed of tion of Vildovich to see Vukichevich. To his question what was the decision taken in conjunction with the candidatures so that new, I told him everything in a few words. Hadji Aleksov, just like I can share it with my friends-radicals, Kotsich told me that Sha- Kotsich, with a familiarity grimace on the face, patted me on the levich’s nomination for Skopie had been rejected as well as that of shoulder and in his Veles accent said: “Come on, Shalev, do you Atsa Aksentievich for Veles on the explicit insistence of Vildovich. think Georgi is capable of agreeing to a combination against you?” Instead of Shalevich as a local person was recommended Georgi In half an hour Georgi became a candidate for national represent- Hadji Aleksich, who was to parry Aksentievich too, the latter be- ative but was not elected for various reasons. To ensure myself ing unwanted as well. I thanked him and, saying “Goodbye” I greater freedom of action and to be able to develop greater activ- told him that I was the Mayor Shalevich. Kotsich felt really em- ity, I handed in my resignation as Deputy-chairman of the Party. barrassed. Apparently, he was uncomfortable so, to make things However, it was not accepted. I did not hide my discontent, on right, he began patting me friendly on the shoulder and assuring the contrary, unambiguously made it clear that at the upcoming me that the reason for not accepting my candidature was that the elections for National Assembly in Skopie there would be more Prime Minister Vukichevich wanted me to be elected Chairman of than one election list. The political moment, in my judgment, was Skopie municipality at the first elections and thus to come later as important. It had to be endured. Having consulted my friends, I a representative of the National Assembly. Kotsich invited me on did some preparatory work for an independent civil election list. behalf of Vukichevich to speak to the great public meeting, which Atsa Aksentievich, former national representative, proposed to was supposed to take place in the evening of the same day in Sko- be a candidate for Veles on my list. I refused him on the pretext pie where Vukichevich and the other guests from Belgrade were of not going to run in the elections. He asked me to recommend about to speak. I promised I would go, though I had decided for him some of my friends who would accept to be included in his myself not to go, but even to ask my friends not to go either and list as candidates for Skopie and Skopie district. For Skopie I rec- so to sabotage the meeting. So I did it. The meeting was poor- ommended Blagoy Popov – lawyer and for Skopie district Shefki ly attended. The Prime Minister Vukichevich and his entourage Ramiz – teacher. were said to be very disappointed. Kotsich sought me with the The more known my decision was to fight to the end, the more

54 55 rumors floated around in the city that I was about to be arrested against my murder but for my arrest.) or even murdered. I checked the news and it was justified. Police These circumstances required prudence and quick action. I had prepared the necessary documents for my arrest. felt my position among the people growing stronger and more ro- At that time at Skopie police prison were Pane Shosholchev bust. This made me happy and excited me. At a public meeting in – tailor, Lazar Malezanov – carpenter, Slavko Pankov – cobbler Skopie, in the hall of the theater “Balkan” the citizens of Skopie, and others who were accused under the State Protection Act as irrespective of party affiliation, came in great numbers to hear my members of IMRO. In the same prison were Bulgarian students speech, despite agitation by the police against the meeting. Cool- from Macedonia, accused under the same law as members of the ness and composure never left me for even a second. Despite all Macedonian Youth Secret Revolutionary Organization (MYSRO). the cares and troubles I found time each The Great Župan, Vildovich and Prelich, the legal advisor of Sko- morning from five and a half to six and a half to sit at home pie Županiya, the investigator Mih. Antonievich, Deputy Mayor of in front of a canvas of a young artist from Galichnik, Dim. P., who Skopie and Stepanovich, who in July replaced Antonovich, was painting my portrait. It was the beginning of August. I left with the help of Captain Ivko Yosich, Commander of Skopie Gen- home early. At six-thirty in the morning I was out in the street. darmerie, through a horrible torture of the named above citizens First I would go past the building of my own house, I began to of Skopie, done at night in the premises of the Gendarmerie and build in June the same year. Then I would walk along the charshi- in Skopie Turkish cemeteries “Gazi-Baba”, had managed to extort ya1 which in Skopie opened at 7 am in the summer and only after a confession against me to charge me under the State Protection that, at around 8 o’clock I would go to the municipality where I Act as an intellectual leader of the Bulgarians in Macedonia and engaged in work for the community and got informed about the a member of IMRO. These details were provided by two Serbs, political situation in general. After lunch, until about 4 in the af- separately, without any benefit for them, but simply because they ternoon I would remain home where my friends came and we dis- were my friends and were inspired by my work as a freedom-lov- cussed our behaviour further in the election campaign. ing person, for which I am forever grateful to them. In addition, On 11 August, 1927, in the morning when I came out of the two Albanians from Skopie, my excellent friends and companions house, I noticed that on a corner opposite my home stood the po- from childhood, M.A. and H.M. told me that at the beginning lice clerk, Branko Serafimovich, from the Skopie police station. It of August in Vukichevich’s office at the Interior Ministry in Bel- was quite early, 6:40 by my watch. Serafimovich greeted me and grade, in the presence of Panta Yovanovich, Nikola Sapundjich, walked along with me. To my question what he was looking for Shain Idrizi and Georgi Hadji Aleksov (all candidates for national so early in our neighborhood said he was entrusted with a job representatives of the Skopie district for the upcoming elections task. We began a small talk and soon came to the Police Station from the list of Vela Vukichevich) my destiny was being decided: which, incidentally, was not far from my home. When I was about whether to be killed or arrested. A definite decision had not been to go along the stone bridge over the Vardar River, Serafimovich taken. Vukichevich had said that he would resolve the issue to- saluted and said that the Deputy Chief of Police Mil. Stepanovich gether with the Župan Vildovich. I am forever grateful to M.A. and H.M. for this favour to me. (After I was released from prison in 1928, in a conversation with me the Police officer V.V., son of 1. Charshiya is a market-place, a traditional neighborhood of shops, cafés, and artisans’ work- a senior official in Skopie, V.T., told me that in 1927 Prelich was shops.

56 57 was expecting me in his office. “Well”, I said, “tell him that I will coffee, giving him back the warrant without looking at it and said: come shortly, let him wait.” Serafimovich replied “no”, the order “There’s no need of that.” After a while we left the police station. was that we should go together. So for me it was clear that this day Prelich simply told me to go ahead, they would come after me. I re- I would be arrested. Serafimovich and I climbed the stairs and fused on the pretext that I did not want to take advantage of such a found ourselves in front of the Chief’s office. I knocked and went compromise that was illegal. Stepanovich intervened, saying that in. Serafimovich followed me, saluted and was prompted to leave it would be better if I go alone so that we were not seen together. I immediately. In the office, besides Stepanovich I saw Prelich. The started to laugh saying that it had long been known in the city that latter, seeing me, got up, shook my hand with the words “Hello, I would be arrested. Stepanovich and I went along while Prelich Shalevich” and invited me to take a seat. Stepanovich was only stopped by the shop of Sande Naumov and that of Voya Velkovich, smiling but his face showed unconcealed anger. Prelich pretended who he called with him, apparently, as witnesses. Branko Serafi- to be concerned and made an effort to conceal his slyness. I was movich and a policeman were following us. When we got home, offered a cigarette. I said I did not smoke, and sat on a chair near the policeman remained in the yard, while Prelich, Stepanovich, the window. Prelich was quick to offer me to drink a cup of coffee, Naumov and Velkovich got upstairs and together we went into still pretending to be a man who unwillingly did a job that was un- my study. The clerk, Serafimovich remained in the living room pleasant to him. I said that I could have a cup of coffee with great to watch my wife. I offered coffee and jam to my unusual guests pleasure. Stepanovich was revealing a tension that I managed to but they declined. Prelich proceeded to examine my writing desk notice. For a moment there was silence, which I decided to break. while Stepanovich searched the room. I went to the living room Prelich had just sat next to me. I turned to him while I looked to watch in case Serafimovich planted something in my house to at Stepanovich, who was standing sideways from me, and said, set me up. In a loud voice I told Prelich that I did not trust this “Well, gentlemen, what is so urgent that you decided to come so man and feared that what happened to Toma Monchev in 1923 early and, on top of that, called me too. Do you really need me so might happen to me too. At that time Mil. Puzich had planted in much? Come on, tell me, what’s up?” Prelich slyly smiled, turned Monchev’s house a letter written in Bulgarian at the headquarters to me and said: “You know, Mitko1, we should do a search in your of the in Skopie – a letter which was later claimed to home, it’s just a job, don’t hold a grudge on me. We have a report be written by the Bulgarian Macedonian voyvoda1 , Barlyo. Based against you, but you know how much I love you and respect you. on this letter Monchev was sentenced to five years of hard labor in Mile (Stepanovich) is also coming with us.” “Very well,” I said. prison. Prelich hastened to assure me to have full “Thank you. I’ve long been expecting something like that. Actu- confidence in Serafimovich. My home was thoroughly and ally, I need it to prove my loyalty. But I’m warning you. You won’t comprehensive searched. Each room was carefully examined. Nei- find anything. So, let’s not waste time but go as you have work ther the cellar, nor the ceiling was overlooked. Prelich was more to do afterwards.” I pretended I did not care, while Prelich and restrained but Stepanovich did not fail to turn even the pictures Stepanovich began to laugh. In came the servant who brought the on the walls, as well as the quilts and mattresses in our bedroom. coffee. Prelich handed me the search warrant. I started to drink my

1 voyvoda – war leader – name of participants in the national liberation movement, who lead a 1. Mitko is short for Dimitar squad (battalion, band)

58 59 The search continued until 11:30. It did not lead to the results the Gligor Sidich, serbomaniac, with a Greek mother. Apparently, all police expected. During the search Prelich went out of the house were embarrassed. It was obvious in all of them without excep- once. Later I learned that a clerk from the Županiya had come to tion. They were seemingly concerned, as if feeling guilty because ask about the outcome of the search. After a short consultation they could not protect me from the violence and injustice that were between Prelich and Stepanovich we all went to the municipality done on me. There was a silence that no one dared to break. I was so that my writing table there could be searched. On leaving home sitting in a deep leather armchair against the table of the Chair- I said my farewell to my family. My wife still did not realize the man, behind which the latter was doing some paperwork. He felt danger that was looming. She even quite logically thought that my eyes on him and did not have the courage to raise his head. I would remain home as they did not find anything that would His face was twisted and he looked like someone suffering from discredit me. My two children were still very young – Nedka was syphilis. I can say that at that moment of uncertainty about my already 5 years old but Ivan was not yet aged 4. They did not future I was thinking of nothing. Rather, I felt the chains of slavery understand what was happening around them. Alas, that day in the human soul. The news of my arrest had toured the Skopie vandalism put an end to their carefree childhood. That evening charshiya in no time. I must say that all the Bulgarian and Turkish they learned from their mother the truth about Macedonia and councilors in Skopie municipality had the courage to come im- the misery of the Bulgarian people. They knew that the Serbs did mediately and acquire firsthand information about the incident. not like us because we were Bulgarians. The impressions from the They found me at the Chairman’s office where Prelich came at the 11 August, 1927 are still fresh in the memory of children. At 11:40 same time. Some of them even dared to ask him and me what was we were at the municipality. Prelich and Stepanovich examined going on. I refrained from answering and Prelich, to avoid this whatever was on my desk, as well as in the drawers. They found embarrassing situation for him, hastened to invite me to go out. nothing. I felt a relief. As if some heavy load was removed from The municipality was full of people. Prelich could hardly push my shoulders which previously had burdened me. The fear that his way through. I walked behind him. The citizens still greeted the police authorities could have put something beforehand on my me politely and there were some brave enough to cry out to me: desk in the municipality office had also passed. Prelich, Stepanov- “Don’t be afraid, Mr Mitko!” On the street the situation was the ich, Naumov were broken. At their request I went to the office of same. I even saw tears in the eyes of people hidden in their shops. Chairman Salundzhich, a Tsintsar1 from Skopie, and they stayed All that flattered my heart. Once again I told myself, as I had a in my office to talk to the Great Župan on the phone. Salun- thousand times before, that freedom of the people deserved sacri- dzhich pretended he did not know what was happening to me. fice. Whoever wants to understand the truth about this tragedy of But he was a janitor who had become the laughing stock of other the Bulgarian people, should never forget the draconian measures minorities in Skopie. The regime had promoted him to the post as with which the Serbs destroyed any manifestation of Bulgarian a weapon against Bulgarians, Turks and Albanians. Soon came the identity in Macedonia. other mayors, my colleagues Tefik, Turk, Zulbegovich, Bosniak, It was already past noon when Prelich and I returned to the Ibrahim, Albanian, Rade Kremanets, a Serb from Sumadija and police station. The heat was unbearable. The scorching southern sun had heated the street pavements and sidewalks. I was lightly dressed, with a summer shirt and Panama hat on my head, but

1. Tsintsar – Aromanian or Vlach still felt the terrible heat. Stepanovich had managed to fabricate

60 61 the questions that I had to answer with regard to the allegations evidence that they were active members of IMRO, said that I was against me. A personal search was performed on me as well but a member of the same organization and that they had come to my it led to nothing. While Prelich and Stepanovich consulted each home in 1924 where I had given them instructions for action; that other I sat on a chair to rest. In a while Prelich also took a seat as a mayor of Skopie I had given Petar Todorov a sheet of paper and Stepanovich started asking me some questions. There were with a stamp of Skopie municipality to write a permit for someone no witnesses. I did not ask them why but said that I would like called Milosh Hadji Panzov, so that he could issue a passport with to refer to the law of criminal procedure and requested that the which to leave the country; that I was the intellectual leader of the entire indictment was read to me. Stepanovich took advantage of supporters of the Macedonian cause. Finally, I had to answer why that and said that it was in the interest of the investigation to ask I was arrested. While Stepanovich was reading Prelich was look- the questions one by one and wanted, for greater clarity, to sum- ing at me inquisitively, trying to find out what was happening to marize the meaning of my answers, adding that he would not al- me. When Stepanovich finished reading I asked if that was all. He low me to doubt his fairness. I stood up and protested against said that was enough for now. So I said that was a vicious slander. the way these gentlemen proceeded, reminding them to tell me I could not believe these people had said such a thing for me. The of the official capacity in which they were questioning me. Prelich entire game was clear to me now but if Vildovich had decided to said he was assigned an investigator in this case and Stepanovich arrest me on these grounds I sent to the Great Župan a curse in was his assistant. I began to laugh and said that it was unlawful a Serbian manner. Stepanovich and Prelich jumped over me and and that, under the law, they were not competent persons to inter- began to shout: “You’re crazy ... for God’s sake… Do you know rogate me. Stepanovich tried to threaten me by increasingly rais- what you’re saying?” ing his voice. Finally he added, he had written order, with which I felt the effect of my maneuvers. I saw in these lowlifes two he was specially appointed for this case to lead the investigation executioners of the Bulgarian national spirit in Macedonia who, along with Prelich. I asked him to show me this order. Stepanov- with power and meanness, concealed their nakedness. I beheld ich’s anger grew even more, he started banging his fists on the the baseness of these high representatives of the Serbian govern- desk shouting that he had power and would do as it suited him ment, who killed, imprisoned and tortured with impunity across and if I was not happy about the situation I should complain to the land of Macedonia the most public-spirited sons of the Bulgar- the court. I kept completely calm and said that under no circum- ian nation. I believe that in my behavior Stepanovich and Prelich stances would he get an answer from me and he might as well had seen for the thousandth time the indestructible spirit of the write down that I did not want to answer and would only give my Bulgarians that will forever remain undefeated. I turned to Prelich responses in court. Prelich led me out and left me in the next room and said: “Velyo, I feel really tired.” Prelich tried to calm me down under the supervision of a guard. Five minutes later I was sum- by saying: “Come on, brother, let’s finish sooner and go home. Our moned again. Stepanovich started assuring me that he was doing loved ones are waiting for us.” It was clear that it was not I who it for my good and the way he proposed was in my best interest. was tired but my oppressors. So I said, here’s my answer, come “Maybe, I said, but I’ll defend my position which is lawful.” Then what may. That day had become tedious to me. Stepanovich took Stepanovich, cunning and mean, began to read. I do not remem- the pen, I dictated an answer and Stepanovich put it down word ber literally every word, but the content of the indictment was as for word. I clearly and definitely rejected all accusations adding follows: Slavko Pankov and Lazar Malezanov for whom there was that I was arrested because I was the son of an old Exarchate fam-

62 63 ily and because I graduated Turkish high school and Bulgarian to confirm that I had been informed of the above, I saw that it did University. Then I read what was written down and signed it. That not bear the signatures of Prelich and Stepanovich but only that was how my first inquest ended. The time was three o’clock in the of the Chief of the Vardar police station, Pavlovich. So, Prelich and afternoon. They shut me in a room in the police station guarded Stepanovich did not appear in the document, neither was there a by a policeman. Prelich asked me what I would like for lunch. I signature of the secretary. That was obviously unlawful. I passed wanted some yogurt. My request was satisfied. silently over this fact, determined to use it later as a circumstance After eight hours of humiliation and dragging out I felt men- which vitiated the very investigation from a procedural stand- tally and physically exhausted. I was gratified that I was alone in point. I signed the decision on the condition that, in the statuto- the room. The yogurt was delicious and I ate with appetite. It made ry period, it would be handed over to the lawyer, Drag. Tasich, me feel cool in the unbearable summer heat. There was a couch who I had chosen as my defender. On my behalf, he was going to in the room covered with waterproof cloth where the doctor of bring to the District Court an appeal against that same decision. the police station did his examinations. I stretched out on it to get Stepanovich started to protest again, insisting that I should only some rest. At that moment various images of my life went through put my signature. The rest he wanted me to write on a separate my mind. I tried to become aware of what was happening to me sheet of paper which later he was planning to destroy. and of the possible consequences. I came to the conclusion that, I was standing my ground, insisting that it was better not only based on such evidence, no judge, even the most biased one would because this was the practice, but also because he would not be dare to convict me without exposing himself. On the other hand, bothered with any more writing. Actually, in this way Stepanovi- I thought to myself, this was just the beginning and no one could ch wanted to deprive me of my right to submit an appeal against predict how things would develop. Anyway, I had strong faith in the decision of the investigation authorities. This practice was ap- myself. What tortured me most was the thought about my family plied on political prisoners, as was the case with the students from and the uncertainty that awaited them. With my arrest they were Skopie trial in 1927 and many others. Stepanovich was combative losing the only support in life. I also could not bear the thought and ambitious, yet stupid. I started to laugh at his petulance and of the pain that the news of my arrest would cause to my mother told him, with irony, that what he knew no one would buy. Prelich and father. Soon I had put to myself all the questions that worried was smarter than him and far more cunning, but he knew how to me. Then I felt that hope was really greater than the whole world. conceal his anger and his great hatred towards everything associ- What comforted me was the fact that by persecuting me the op- ated with Bulgaria. pressors were actually persecuting the Bulgarian national spirit in Heavily could suffer those who did not know what kind of Macedonia. My only wish was to find enough strength in myself person Prelich was. But I was not one of them because as a mayor, to show the invaders of our country the power of our national con- ex officio, I was often member of different committees together sciousness. With these thoughts in mind I dozed off. The physical with him and knew that the wolf might lose his teeth but never tiredness was stronger than philosophical reflections. his nature. Prelich knew that complications might occur and has- Five o’clock in the afternoon had passed when the Gendar- tened to intervene, telling Stepanovich to agree to what I wanted merie sergeant Arso came to me and told me that Prelich and because it was irrelevant. Stepanovich was his subordinate and Stepanovich wanted to see me in the next room. Stepanovich read in such cases walked off with his tail between his legs. Once this out the decision for my preliminary arrest. While I was signing it other formality was done, Prelich left saying that he was going to

64 65 the prison to order a room to be prepared for me and when every- other buildings in the neighborhood. On the southeast side of the thing was ready would phone for me to be taken there. A bed was prison were the ruins of the old Kyurchi Inn and on the southwest, mentioned, as well. I asked Prelich to stop by at the municipality on a small but broad plateau rose the huge building of the Turk- and to tell Sapundzhi to send a servant home to bring my bed- ish court now housing the Skopie Gendarmerie. Casting a glance ding in prison. He promised to do that. I remained in the Chief’s was enough to embrace the described scene. I stayed behind to office. wait on a bench in the garden while Prelich and Stepanovich, ac- Shortly before seven in the evening the phone started buzz- companied by the head of the guards went into the building of the ing. Stepanovich said we should go immediately. A horse-drawn prison. A few minutes later a group of nine young people occu- carriage was waiting for us outside the Police station with its hood pied the yard. Some of them went to the fountain to wash, others raised. We got into the carriage and a sergeant sat next to the coach- began to play and chase each other. Among them was Dimitar Gy- man. Thus we set off for the prison. In twenty minutes we were uzelev, originally from Doyran, a former philosophy student, one in front of the prison doors. Although I was a citizen of Skopie I of the dignified men in the process of the Bulgarian students from did not know where the police prison was until that day. I had Macedonia in 1927/1928. That had given me reason to assume only heard that it was somewhere behind the old Turkish court, that these young people were the arrested in May 1927 students near Kurshumli Inn. Vague images of the Skopie prison during -Bulgarians from different parts of Macedonia, charged under the the Ottoman rule flashed through my mind. As a child I had been State Protection Act as members of MYSRO. My assumption was there a few times with my late father to visit some of his friends – right as I listened to them and heard they spoke Bulgarian to each political prisoners. Later I learned that the present police prison in other. I also noticed that they showed visible interest in me. I saw Skopie was built on the ruins of the so-called “Old dungeons”. Be- that in an unobtrusive way Gyuzelev was telling them something tween 1900 and 1912 thousands of Macedonian Bulgarians from about me. Less than five minutes had passed when the door keep- Northwest Macedonia from all walks of life got through it. er hoarsely shouted at them “come on in”. Some of the students Prelich was waiting for us in the small yard of the prison. The tried to ask why they should get in so soon but the door keeper other prisoners were walking around in the large yard and we only angrily repeated his “come on in”. My presence in the prison had to wait for more than 20 minutes while the guards oversaw yard disturbed the established order of the detainees’ usual walk. the prisoners get inside so that they could not see me. Only when Because of me that day the students were deprived of fresh air, but the yard was empty did Prelich decide we should go on. Tall and it was not my fault. I tried to guess what Prelich and Stepanovich thick stone wall separated the prison yards, which were connected were doing at that time. I also wanted to know where Lazar Male- via a large, heavy wooden gate. Left of the entrance was a small zanov and Slavko Pankov were imprisoned. building for the needs of the prison guards and the offices. In front Prelich came back and interrupted my thoughts and guesses. of the building there was a small garden surrounded by wooden The time was already eight in the evening. Soon it would get dark. fences, and several wooden benches. In the center of the large yard The chief of the guards left and Prelich and the door keeper took there was a single storey stone building erected in the shape of a me inside the prison building. There the door keeper searched my rectangle, with small windows with iron bars. Right of the gate pockets. He took my pencil and notepad and asked me if I had there was a fountain from which water flowed abundantly. A tall a pocket knife. I answered that I did not and thus I managed to stone wall stood nearby separating this unusual house from the keep my small pocket knife. Then Prelich took my cane and said

66 67 that he would give it to my wife along with my pencil and note- and the sun were. One more time I realized that the most valu- pad. I threw a cursory glance around to look at the location of the able thing in life was freedom. But at that time I had neither sun cells. My cell was number five. Prelich, in turn, hastened to assure or fresh air, nor freedom. My mind ran from one thing to another. me that this was the best and most hygienic room in the prison. Whole periods of my life passed through in seconds. The past was Moreover, he said, the walls were whitewashed and the floor was rolling in my mind like the pieces of a kaleidoscope. I do not know cleaned the same day so he believed there would be no bugs. Then why it came to my mind to count the number of doors from my he said goodbye to me and wished me “good night”, with his cell to the street. They were five. But let no one think that I had any typical sly smile. The door keeper locked the door and I was left intention to break open these doors to feel free again! God forbid, alone behind the padlock. My first task was to examine the cell I was never stupid enough to think that a head can break a wall. Prelich praised so much. It was pretty small, long and narrow, On the contrary, I had always believed and maintained that only with a high ceiling. On its northwest wall, high above, there were systematic and smart work can lead people to positive results. In two small windows with iron bars. The walls were thick and their this line of thinking I came to the conclusion that I still needed to lower parts were damp. The door was wooden, more than 8 cm do something, some magic, so to say, to open these five doors in thick, with an iron coating inside and a small grid in the middle. front of me. I got up and started to walk again around the room. Inside, in the corner next to the door, was a small wooden keg, As I came to the door I decided to have a careful look at it. Some which smelled awful. Several holes in the floor showed that there names were inscribed with a nail on its iron coating. I did not were mice, too. But what impressed me most was that there was try to read any of them. It was quite dark and I said to myself I neither hanger or chair, nor table or bed. Indeed, to that day I had could leave it for some other time. Instinctively, I pushed the door. no clear idea of ​​the prison cell and its furnishings, and what I had It turned out that the lock from the outside was a little loose. The seen in the motion pictures was quite different. “So these were the door opened 2-3 cm but I hastened to close it back. The night chill Macedonian prisons”, I could not help whispering to myself. I put began to be felt in the room. The windows were open and with my hat on the floor and sat on the lid of the keg to rest. But soon I jumps I tried to close them. The electric lamps of the prison yard had to give that pleasure up, because on top of the lid was nailed were switched on. Two beams of light came into my room. I saw a handle that made sitting uncomfortable. Besides, the smell was the shadows of the iron bars of the windows on the opposite wall. disgusting. I felt cold. I started to walk around the room, back and This picture was typical of a prison cell. Only now I started to forth, doing exercises to warm up a bit. Silence reigned all around. look for the light switch. In the darkness I managed to see that No sound was heard. My own steps sounded somewhat unusual a light bulb was attached in the middle of the ceiling. That made in the small cell and I decided to quit walking. I leaned against me glad. But soon I was disappointed to find that the lights were the wall. After a while I squatted down, but this position seemed lit from outside. Anyway, I was glad that even here in this miser- uncomfortable as well – I had never rested like that before. Then able situation there would be joy and sorrow. I was gratified with I sat on the floor cross-legged. I could have sat longer that way the constant changes in life. And really, how dull would life be if but the floor planks were curved. Damn it, I thought, what will it were always the same. In the corridor I heard the heavy meas- become of it? Of course, my mind was constantly working. What ured footsteps of hobnailed boots. I held my breath and listened. else could I think of but how to get out of this damp and stinking It seemed they stopped at each cell. The lamp was lit in my cell, hole as soon as possible. Suddenly I felt how precious fresh air as well. The lighting was very poor. I decided to take advantage

68 69 of the closeness of the door keeper and to ask him if I would have thin. He was trying to look like someone who did important and the lights on all night. I knocked on the door. Soon a hoarse voice confidential tasks. He pretended to be tough and gave the impres- came from the corridor: “Don’t knock.” So, I thought, it was for- sion of vicious and bad-tempered person. bidden to knock. Yet, the doorman approached, opened the door I made another attempt to close one of the windows. Once and asked me: “What is it, sir?” I liked the way he addressed me. I again I started jumping, but without success - the windows were hastened to ask what his name was. He replied that he was called quite high in the wall. I heard the door keeper stamping down Bozho. So I asked “uncle Bozho” if my bedding had arrived. I the corridor with his hobnailed boots. I thought he was coming received a simple and straightforward answer: “I don’t know.” to bring me the candles. I stopped jumping to look serious. My Not feeling offended I went on: “Excuse me, are the lights on all assumption was right. Uncle Bozho unlocked the door and hand- night?” The response was: “No, if you want light you have to buy ed me the candles and the matches. He gave me back the rest of candles.” I liked this response even more. I had found something the money I had given him for the purchase. I thanked him very to occupy myself with. I asked him to buy me a dozen candles much for the favour, and he used the occasion to ask me where I and a box of matches. Before “uncle Bozho” had locked the door came from and what I did professionally. I told him I was a citi- I asked him who the head of the prison guards was. The reply zen of Skopie and a Mayor. Then he asked me if I wanted to buy that followed was: “Lieutenant Alexander Zhirich.” I knew him. something for dinner. I hastened to thank him once again, tell- He had the reputation of a disciplined and conscientious guard. ing him he was a very good man. Bozho gave a little smile and Bozho locked the door in my face and I remained inside, trying to said: “Depends on the person.” “Then I’d like a tin of sardines, read in the poor light what was on it. I managed to read the name one-two lemons and a packet of biscuits, please.” Bozho took the of Veli Tayta and that of Panche Bondikov. Perhaps those people money I gave him. Before he left I asked him to call lieutenant had inhabited the cell before me. The fate of Veli Tayta, a famous Atso as I had something to tell him. “Good, Mr Mayor, but he Albanian Kazak was terrible. Once the Serbs had deceitfully cap- is having dinner in the city. When he comes back I’ll tell him.” tured him, one morning the authorities killed him in the Skopie Uncle Bozho locked the door and walked away. Left alone again, Pass, not far from the highway Skopie-, under the pretext I began to rub my hands not only because of the cold but with that he had tried to escape. The name of Panche Bondikov, now contentment, whispering to myself: “Uncle Bozho is a good man. deceased, was also familiar, and I knew him personally. He was It won’t be difficult to come to terms with him.” I realized that he born in Veles and had spent a long time in the Skopie prison. The did not know who I was. Obviously, Prelich and Stepanovich had Serbs had accused him of some actions carried out between 1915 their reasons to hide this fact even from the door keeper. I tried to and 1918 in Macedonia and Moravia, pointing him out as their find what these reasons were. I came to the conclusion that, in any author. He was tried and convicted. After serving his sentence, he case, I should be extremely cautious about everything that sur- departed for Bulgaria. rounded me and that I should take everything with suspicion and As it had been quite late already I doubted that I would receive caution. More than half an hour had passed when Atso and Bozho my bedding. With nightfall the room had become pretty cold and, came together. Atso greeted me kindly and politely handed me as I mentioned before, I was quite lightly dressed. My only hope the shopping. Bozho stood at attention and tried to look as serious, was lieutenant Atso, whom I thought I might ask for a blanket. stern and silent as possible. Atso looked surprised when I asked Uncle Bozho was older, probably around fifty, short and rather him for a blanket. He apologised saying that he had only one and

70 71 it was for him. “Then, I said, get a blanket from my home.” At I got absorbed in philosophical musing. I could give an accurate that moment we heard the ringing of a bell – one of those that account of the importance and power of society, the state, the au- hang from cattle’s neck. Atso turned to Bozho and said: “Run, thority, each one of us and so on. I could see various moments of Bozho, quick!” When Bozho went away Atso told me that he did the past. But the future was shrouded in complete obscurity. With not dare give me a blanket because he had strict orders for me. these thoughts I jumped out of bed and started to walk around Then he quickly locked the cell and hurried away. I had learned the room. I decided to think neither of the past, nor of the future. two more facts: first, that Atso had explicit instructions about me The present was important, or rather the near future. But I felt it and secondly, that the bell that chimed was a signal to call the was hard to fulfill my decision. One’s life is inextricably linked to door keeper or the Chief of the prison guards. What joy I felt when the past and one cannot be indifferent to the future. Lost in the in a few minutes Atso and Bozho brought me a mattress, a quilt, labyrinth of memories and desires I heard the city clock struck a pillow and a sheet wrapped in a blanket. They led with them a nine in the evening. Soon the lamp was switched off and darkness gipsy man, very miserably dressed. Bozho was very rude to him. fell into my cell. At that moment I saw the shadows that the iron From their conversation I understood that the man’s name was bars of the windows cast on the wall. A single electric lamp was Vehbi. Under Bozho’s order Vehbi went to change the water in the left lit in the yard. That image gave me a weird impression and keg. Atso asked me if I had water for the night. I said “no”. Bozho I realized where I was. However, tiredness got the better of me went to fetch one of his water bottles. Apparently these were the and I decided to try and get some sleep. I undressed and crawled rules. Atso said “good night” and went away. Bozho waited for under the quilt. I felt how fortunate I was to have a mattress in the Gipsy with the keg. Vehbi was very quick but Bozho seemed prison. Many ill-fated fellows must have spent weeks and even to curse him mechanically, just out of habit. Before locking the cell months on the bare floor. But one can be harder than iron. What Bozho asked me if I wanted to go to the privy1. I accepted with is important is not to lose one’s nerve. With these thoughts I had gratitude this favour. Only someone who has been in prison can fallen asleep. I woke up several times during the night but every understand the meaning of this attitude toward a detainee. Then I time I fell asleep again. There was dead silence in the prison. Only saw that opposite my cell there was a privy. Bozho went to fill the occasionally could be heard the steady steps of the night watch, bottle with water. Relieved, I went back to my room. I laid the bed- who went around the building. The next morning I woke up at the ding on the ground and stretched on it. Bozo found me in this po- usual time I used to get up when I was free. It was five and twenty sition. He gave me the bottle and said, “Good night, Mr Mayor”. I by my watch. It was pretty cold in the cell. Although the windows wished him “Good night” and added, without being asked, that I were open all night, the air in the room was very bad. My back was very tired and would go to sleep at once, as I felt rather sleepy, felt strange as I was not used to sleeping on the floor. However, I and I would not need the candles that night. Left alone again, was quite fresh. The uncertainty began to torment me again. I did I really went to bed but asking myself whether I would be able not want to get out of bed. Moreover, I had no idea what I was go- to fall asleep so easily and so soon after all I had been through ing to do all day. So I remained lying on my back and watching that day. That was the first night I was about to spend in prison. the ceiling and the walls of the cell. Maybe these were the silly hours that a prisoner spent, that so badly affected his mental and physical life. Then I was possessed by a sense of resignation. The

1 privy – old-fashioned – toilet thought that a man could put up with the situation in which I

72 73 found myself, filled me with fear. Damn it, I thought, I should try to take my mind off these troublesome thoughts. I heard clamour IN MEMORIAM coming from the prison yard. I could distinguish among the other voices that of lieutenant Atso who was giving orders about the Dimitar Shalev* cleaning of the yard. Suddenly there was an unusual noise: shout- ing and clatter of chains, accompanied by vulgar Serbian curses. The guards shouted without stopping: “Get out, get down, quick.” My ears pricked up at these sounds. That was new and unusual for me. I jumped out of bed and ran to the door to hear and under- stand what it was all about. The prisoners were going down to the yard to get some fresh air. There was cheerful shouting and joking, too. Turkish and Albanian language dominated. Occasionally a Serbian word was heard.

* Ivan Shalev is the son of Dimitar Shalev

74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 FROM SKOPJE TO GENEVA Dimitar Shalev Defender of Minorities in the League of Nations

Compiler, introduction – Dimitar Mitev Biographical essay – Ivan Shalev Artist of the cover – Zheko Alexiev Translation – Mariela Boycheva Logis

96 Още стотици книги на дейци родени в географска област Македония

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