Introduction 1 I Conceive of the Inner Court As a Group of People
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Notes Introduction 1 I conceive of the inner court as a group of people permanently in the ruler’s presence (i.e., the emperor’s extended household, including empresses, eunuchs, and top artists) and the outer court as those in temporary proximity to the ruler, who were entrusted with the power to discharge governance or to administer the bureaucracy (i.e., civil-service officials, from high ministers to library staff). Based on Spawforth 2007. 2 Barnhart 1999, 20–23. The Li Cheng style became especially significant after the Mongol conquest as an essential aspect of loyalist community, culture, and identity. Barnhart argues that paintings in Li Cheng’s style became “embodiments of the form of exile, hardship and loss” suffered by surviving Song loyalists. 3 According to SKZM 112, the first four of the six chapters of LQGZ or Lofty Message of Forests and Streams were “the words of Guo Xi annotated by Guo Si.” These four chapters were: Shanshuixun 山水訓 (Advice on landscape painting), Huayi 畫意 (Ideas in paint- ing), Huajue 畫訣 (Secrets of painting), and Huati 畫題 (Painting topics). Henceforth all LQGZ chapters—except for “Notes”—will be cited here as authored by Guo Xi, but with the understanding that the book likely represents a joint effort by father and son, with varying levels of collaboration in each chapter. See Foong 2006, 131–38, for a discussion of the versions Guo Si compiled in the 1080s, 1110, 1117, and 1120, as compared to extant editions. 4 LQGZ Shanshuixun (SHQS 1:498). Alfreda Murck (2000, 34) argues that this statem- ent was not written by Guo Xi but rather ghost-penned by his son Guo Si. Guo Si was indeed deeply involved with his father’s writings as editor and publisher; however, I find it difficult to distinguish the writing of Guo Si from that of Guo Xi so specifically. Guo Si appears to have published the Shanshuixun chapter as Shanshui juezuan 山水訣纂 (Compilation of the secrets of landscape painting) in 1110; he then republished the chap- ter a decade later as part of an expanded LQGZ compilation. See Foong 2006, 133. 5 Pine trees are already associated with gentlemen in Jing Hao’s 荊浩 (ca. 870–ca. 930) Bifa ji 筆法記 (The record of the brush), but this explicit comparison of the central mountain to a ruler may be Guo Xi’s own. Cf. translation in Munakata 1974, 43, n. 54. 6 Powers 1998, 17–20. 7 Other renditions of xiang and shi are as “appearance” and “effect” (Bush and Shih 1985, 153), and “significant figure” and “disposition” (Powers 1998, 19). François Jullien explores xiang as “image-phenomenon” (1995, chap. 15) and treats shi, “vitality,” in rela- Notes to pages 12–18 tion to military and moral strategy, poetics, aesthetics, and brush use in calligraphy and painting. Jullien also discusses shi in Jing Hao as “fervor through form” (Jullien 2009, 189). 8 Murck 2000, 36. 9 The terminology of host and guest peaks appears in two other texts that may date to the eleventh century: “Secrets of landscape” 山水訣, attributed to Wang Wei 王維 (699–759), and “Discussion on landscape” 山水論, attributed to Li Cheng 李成 (919–67). See Bush and Shih 1985, 143. 10 Fong and Watt 1996, 144–45. Caron Smith (1990, 283), in quoting Alexander Soper’s idea, notes that tripartite compositions were familiar in Buddhist and Daoist iconogra- phy and lent further resonance to this secular pattern. 11 This unusual reading of depictions of the northern landscape as a nature denuded by the need for fuel is that of the geographer Tuan Yi-fu (1970, introd. and 130–31). 12 For example, XHHP 12 records several examples of specific places in Jiangnan depicted by Juran 巨然 (act. ca. 960–80) and held in the imperial collection, including a depic- tion of Mount Zhong 鐘山 near Nanjing. Xu Daoning 許道寧 (ca. 970–1051/2) painted murals of Mount Zhongnan 終南 and Mount Hua 太華, located south and southeast of Chang’an, on two walls of a pavilion in that city. See THJWZ 4 (Soper 1951, 58–59). 13 Characterized by Susan Bush (1983, 132–33), after Nakamura 1965. Decades of research on Zong Bing’s crucial but difficult essay have focused on identifying the literary roots and religious context(s) of the text as the basis for translating its language and central themes. Scholars debated the extent to which this treatise, even though it cites the Confucian classics, is indebted to Neo-Daoist ontologies and/or to the Buddhist world- view. William Acker (1954–74, 2:131–32) classifies Zong Bing’s essay as exemplifying a Daoist approach to landscape painting, as does Xu Fuguan (1966, 240–41), whereas Japa- nese scholarship has tended toward reading the text in relationship to Zong’s Buddhist writings and the teachings of Huiyuan 慧遠 (344–416) at Mount Lu. 14 Shen Yue 沈約, Song shu 宋書 (Documents of the Song) 93, translation in Soper 1967, 16. 15 Munakata Kiyohiko (1976, 310) suggests that Zong Bing is not arguing for the efficacy of all landscape represented pictorially but of sacred mountains in particular. Elsewhere, he discusses the ambiguous term lei in the sense of ganlei 感類, as “sympathetic response according to objects of like-essence.” 16 Tang-dynasty texts record fifth-century landscape-painting traditions in the east coastal region, practiced by the Dai family of Buddhist sculptors and painters of Zhejiang and by the Zong family in the Jiangling/Mount Lu area, the most well-known being Zong Bing. Scholars have not recovered what these pictures actually looked like: landscape painting’s formative period is known mainly through the lens of later texts and through impressions from images that feature landscape elements as pictorial backgrounds. On the beginnings of landscape paintings as map like drawings in the earliest subject terminology, e.g., “mountains and rivers” (shanchuan 山川), see Ledderose 1973. And see 80–81, n. 64 for the Qin-dynasty 秦 painter Lie Yi 烈裔, said to have depicted the Five Marchmounts 五嶽, the four great rivers 四瀆, and the fiefs 列土 as maplike drawings. 17 The scholarship on the religious and literary ideologies of the famous and sacred moun- tains is extensive. For the principle themes, I have benefited especially from Munakata 1991; Kleeman 1994; He Pingli 2001; Hartman 2009; and Fu Li-tsui 2009, esp. chaps. 1 and 2. See Wu Hung 1995, 172–73, for one treatment of the imperial parks described in rhapsodic poetry. — 242 —.