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“REVOCATION AND REVITALIZATION OF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN (1970 to 2010) AN ANALYTICAL STUDY”

Researcher: Muhammad Abbas Haider Khan Roll: No, 18 Session 2010-2013 Ph.D (History)

Supervised by: Dr. Aftab Hussain Gilani Associate Professor

Department of History The Islamia University of Bahawalpur

The Islamia University of Bahawalpur

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY

DECLARATION

I hereby declare that this thesis entitled ―Revocation and Revitalization of Democracy in Pakistan (1970-2010). An Analytical Study” is a result of my personal research, except where I have indicated my indebtedness to other sources. I hereby certify that this thesis has not been submitted for any other degree.

Muhammad Abbas Haider Khan Roll No. 18 Ph.D. (History) Session: 2010-2013 -

The Islamia University of Bahawalpur

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY

Certificate

I hereby recommend the thesis prepared under my supervision by Muhammad Abbas

Haider Khan entitled ―Revocation and Revitalization of Democracy in Pakistan (1970 to 2010). An Analytical Study” is accepted in partial fulfilment for the degree of Ph.D. in History.

Dr. Aftab Hussain Gillani Associate Professor Chairman Department of Pakistan Studies The Islamia University of Bahawalpur

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The Islamia University of Bahawalpur

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY

Date: ______

Final Approval

It is certified that the dissertation entitled ―Revocation and Revitalization of Democracy in Pakistan (1970 to 2010). An Analytical Study” Submitted by Muhammad Abbas Haider Khan S/O Muhammad Afzal Khan in our judgement is of sufficient standard to warrant its acceptance by The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, for the award of the degree of Ph.D. in History.

Supervisor: ______

External Examiner: ______

Chairman: ______

Department of History

Dedication

My Parents whose love and affection can never be forgotten. Their prayers are authenticity of success for me.

Preface

The history of Pakistan is an imagery of social, economic and political paradigms, which reflect the true essence of democratic procedure. After a careful pondering, it becomes clear that some of the features of democratic process like attempt at building constitution, holding fair and free elections, regulating judicial process, role of feudalism, raising business class in form of authoritarians and the political unrest, need to be addressed. In Pakistan, political, social, economic and cultural progress under the democratic process has remained a debatable matter till date. Therefore, we are to put an end to all objections regarding democratization in Pakistan forthwith for the welfare of the masses.

Pakistan came into being on August 14, 1947 with an inherited British administration. Pakistan did not have its own constitution, the British government handed over Independence Act 1947 after some necessary changes. It was actually India act 1935. After the death of the founder Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Khawaja Nazmuddin came as the successor of Quaid-i-Azam. At Liaqat Ali Khan martyrdom, he stepped down from the post of Governor General and became Prime Minister. Malik Ghuhlam Muhammad succeeded the offices of Governor General and he dismissed Khawaja Nazmudin without permitting him to test his right to remain in the office through a vote of confidence in the Assembly.

Mohammad Ali Bogra was appointed as the new Prime Minister of Pakistan. When he wanted to reduce the power of Governor General to dismiss Prime Minister in India Act 1935, Guhlam Muhammad had dissolved the assembly. This matter was challenged in the court. The court gave verdict to hold new elections. Consequently, Pakistan Muslim League (PML) came in the position to make government successfully under the leadership of Chuadhary Mohammad Ali. He set up a committee to frame a constitution. After the debate of more than eight years, a constitution was finally agreed upon in 1956.

Sikindar Mirza who had been replaced by Guhlam Muhammad, was declared as the first President of Pakistan, according to constitution 1956. Pakistan suffered in democratic predicaments during the year of 1957. Sikindar Mirza called General Ayub

Khan to declare the state of emergency on October 7, 1958. Later on, Ayub Khan abrogated the constitution of 1956 and promulgated Martial Law on October 27, 1958. Now an authoritarian rule was started in Pakistan.

General Ayub Khan introduced local self-government system known as Basic Democratic System. He promulgated the constitution 1962. His efforts, to give progress in industrial zone, were praise-worthy because masses could get benefits from them and even Pakistan was making progress economically by leaps and bound. He resigned from the office of President because of the agitation of masses in 1969. He handed over the sway to the Chief of Army Staff Yahiya Khan. This step weakened the democracy because the constitution 1962 did not allow him to do so. However, he got over power to Yahiya Khan without caring the constitutional obligation.

Yahiya Khan held the elections 1970. Pakistan People‘s Party (PPP) and Awami League got success in these elections. A long political conversation had been started between Sheikh Mujeeb-ur-Rehman and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, which ended without any result. Consequently, East Pakistan was separated from West Pakistan. The elections of 1970 had declared the PPP as the second-largest party, now had become first-largest party in the National Assembly after the separation of East Pakistan. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto remained the only leader in West Pakistan, who was in the position of ruling the country. Therefore, he took reign of the country without any hurdle. This period is considered as democratic regime for spreading the connotations of liberty, freedom, self- sovereignty and self-dominion in the masses. It deals with the charismatic Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto‘s familiarity in masses and development of democracy under the banner of Islamic socialism. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto gave us the Constitution 1973 and new administrative structure, which became a source of inspiration for the coming bureaucracy. He bred idealistic people, who provided the society a divergent democratic, rational approach.

After the sway of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Zia-ul-Haq‘s regime was started, which was famous for his Islamization policy. He held non-party elections, which provided authoritarian sort of so-called democratic system. The period of reconstruction of democracy from 1988-1999 had a significance in democratic history of Pakistan. The governments of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif with specific periods did give

vii nothing to masses except disappointments. Both the leaders discharged their democratic duties without keeping the sentiments of masses in view. However, democracy could not do anything except to adopt unconceivable dimensional approach, which was condemnable in any circle of democratization.

General Perviaz Musharraf took over on October 12, 1999. H abrogated the constitution 1973, and dismissed democracy. Later, he took over the charge of Chief Executive. He named the regime of PML-N as the sham democratic time. However, his effort for the genuine democracy was not appreciated in political circle. It was regrettable that the damage to the democratic process through martial law was not for the first time in the democratic history of Pakistan. Musharraf introduced local self- government policies, Legal Framework Order (LFO) and Seventeenth Constitutional Amendment for his personal interest. PPP and PML-N signed the ―Charter of Democracy‖, in London during the month of May 2006. The basic agenda of this accord was to restore the democracy in Pakistan and make some future programs to strengthen the democracy.

The National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) commenced a new argument among the political parties and Musharraf. This deal was struck between Benazir Bhutto and Musharraf. Benazir came back to Pakistan. Later on, even Mian Nawaz achieved opportunity to come back to the country and to take part in politics. Musharraf created conflicts with judiciary to dismiss the Chief justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhary. It became the cause of starting Lawyer‘s Movement countrywide. Later on, the reinstatement of the Chief Justice proved its significance in Pakistan democratic process due to its historical victory. It changed the political scenario and created courage in the democratic spheres to put forward their democratic manifestoes.

In 2008 elections, PPP and PML-N got the historical victory. PPP made a collation government, which could not run more than six months. PPP government passed the 18th and 19th Amendment Bills, recommending the NFC award, which was a marvelous achievement. The role of judiciary remained pro-active in this regime. The Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Chaudhary took suo-mooto actions for several times to ease the situation. PPP government considered it intervention in the administrative

viii work. Consequently, a confrontation was commenced between the two institutions, which were pernicious for the democratization in each and every respect. It was an urgent need of time that both the institutions should have worked keeping in view the respect of one another. Later on, there were so many endeavors done for the survival of democracy and strengthening of the reconciliation. Moreover, it is the need of the day that this endeavors would continue with more emphasise to pursue the people in order to adopt the democratization for their upward mobility.

The democracy also performs a significant role in creating the nationwide harmony. All the groups of society are equal in the democratic set up, and are not disparaging. The democratic traditions like equality, justice, tolerance and liberty are real essence of democratic society. It forbids the non-democratic tactics like persecution and victimization of the citizens. It provides equal rights to all the citizens. Every one, the government official or the non-government official is considered accountable in any democratic state without any discrimination. Every official has to pass through the stern process of accountability. Certainly, he is also punished for his inability or carelessness. Thus, an honest administration emerges in the democratic state. In other words, democratic state ensures the prosperity of masses with highly applauded reforms in all the sectors of State.

Absence of democracy breeds grouping among the people, which is malicious for state affairs. Hence, there is deepest urge of time to form true democracy in the country, which reduces the sense of deprivation among the masses. It pursues the rich classes and masters of the government to take such measures, which are appreciated by the masses. After getting valuable arguments, we should take advantage from democracy to get rid of undemocratic elements. Indeed! The democratic problems in divergent segments of life can be solved by more democracy. Europe has taken several centuries to flourish democracy in their society. We are still a nascent nation; therefore, we need more time to develop democracy in Pakistani society. Pakistan has been availing upon all opportunities in strengthening the democratic values, since 1947 because its progress concentrates in democratization. In other words, Pakistan is following the democratic principles and approach in its social, economic, political and other strata of life enthusiastically, vigorously and dynamically.

The brilliant light of democratization knowledge made me fancy, in the way of humanitarianism. Therefore, I concentrated on giving a new dimensional approach to masses through conveying democratization. It is hoped that the democracy will flourish in Pakistan. Everybody will get the fruit of democracy without any hurdle. I have an optimistic approach about the democratic standard that it will be used vigorously and enthusiastically in education, cultural associations, economic institutions, industrial progress, social sectors, liberal mature teaching, and conversation of the essential philosophies and ideologies of democracy.

Mohammad Abbas Haider Khan

Acknowledgement

I thank Almighty Allah who is the most beneficent. I have completed this study under the title ―Revocation and Revitalization of Democracy in Pakistan (1970 to 2010). An Analytical Study‖. I have interpreted and used research methodology with the help of my supervisor Dr. Aftab Hussain Gillani. I am thankful to him that he made me acquainted with this research journey. I show gratitude to Dr. Abdul Razaq Shahid Chairman of the Department of History Islamia University Bahawalpur for guiding me during this research work. I adore former Chairman of the Department of History Dr. Shahid Hassan Razvi for his encouragement, cooperation and affection. I am thankful to Dr. Muhammad Kurshid Department of Pakistan Studies, Islamia University Bahawalpur, who gave me guidance during my whole research work. It is my great privilege to work with Dr. Anwar Sabir former head of Urdu Department, S.E. College Bahawalpur. I thank Professor Manzoor Mohsan Shah, former Head of the Department of English, S.E. College Bahawalpur for guiding me. I am thankful to Professor Amir Awan, Department of English Punjab College Bahawalpur who helped me to rectify my thesis language. I am thankful to Dr. Akhtar Ali, Chairman Department of Education and Jamshad Khokhar Advocate High Court, who helped me a lot. I am indebted to most humble personality Professor Dr. Musawwar Bukhari, Department of Political Science, Islamia University Bahawalpur for helping me to complete this research work.

I wish to acknowledge with thanks the help of the Library staff of Islamia University Bahawalpur, Jhandeer library Malsi, Central library Bahawalpur and Punjab College and University of Central Punjab (UCP) library Bahawalpur Campus.

My cordial thanks are for my mother, my sister and my brothers, Husnain Haider Khan, Sajjad Haider Khan, Shahzad Haider Khan and Dilshad Haider Khan, who contributed in their own way during the completion of my research work.

Muhammad Abbas Haider khan

Contents

Preface ...... vi

Acknowledgement………………………………………………………………………xi

List of Abbreviation ...... xiv

Abstract…...... xvii

Introduction……………………………………………………………………………xix

Chapter 1 ...... 1

1.1 Democratic Scenario of Pakistan Until 1969 ...... 1

1.2 Democracy During Pakistan Movement ...... 8

1.3 Democracy in Pakistan ...... 14

Chapter 2 ...... 28

2.1 Evolution of Democracy in Pakistan (1970-1977) ...... 28

2.2 Downfall of Democratic System ...... 59

2.3 Second Regime of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto ...... 67

Chapter 3 ...... 71

3.1 Revocation of Democracy in Pakistan (1977-1988) ...... 71

3.2 Islamization of Zia ...... 76

3.3 Controlled Democracy ...... 78

Chapter 4 ...... 98

4.1 Reconstruction of Democracy in Pakistan (1977-1988) ...... 98

4.2 First Regime of Benazir Bhutto ...... 100

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4.3 Nawaz Government First Regime ...... 110

4.4 Benazir Bhutto Second Regime ...... 126

4.5 Second Tenure of Nawaz Sharif ...... 132

Chapter 5 ...... 139

5.1 So-Called Democracy (1999-2008) ...... 139

5.2 Musharraf Regime ...... 142

Chapter 6 ...... 180

6.1 Revitalization and Futuristic Democracy in Pakistan (2008-2010) ...... 180

6.2 Future of Democracy in Pakistan ...... 196

6.3 Views of Politicians about Democracy ...... 204

Conclusion……………………………………………………………………...…… 209

Appendices ...... 221

Bibliography ...... 232

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List of Abbreviation

ABN: Asian Business News

ADB: Asian Development Bank

ADBP: Agriculture Development bank of Pakistan

ANP: Awami National Party

APWA: All Pakistan Women‘s Association

ARD: Alliance for the Restoration of Democracy

BBC: British Broadcasting Association

BISP: Benazir Income Support Programme

BPC: Basic Principle Committee

BRD: Bank of Reconstruction Development

CDA: Capital Development Authority

CDC: Commonwealth Development Corporation

CPB: Central Parliamentary Board

DAC: Democratic Action Committee

EBDO: Elective Bodies Disqualification Order

FAO: Food And Agriculture Organization

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FBR: Federal Board of Revenue

HUBCO: Hub Power Company

IJI: Islami Jumhuri Itehad

IMF: International Monetary Fund

INC. Indian National Congress

JI: Jamat-i-Islami Pakistan

LFO: Legal Framework Order

MMA: Muhtihida Majlesse Amal

MNA: Member of National Assembly

MPA: Member of Provincial Assembly

MQM: Muhjar Qaumi Movement

MRD: Movement for Restoration of Democracy

NAB: National Accountability Bureau

NDRA: National Database And Registration Authority

NDF: National Democratic Front

NDP: National Democratic Party

NEC: National Economic Commission

NFC: National Finance Commission

NEPRA: National Electric Power Regulatory Authority

PCO: Provisional Constitutional Order

PDM: Pakistan Democratic Movement

PDP: Pakistan Democratic Party

PML: Pakistan Muslim League

PNA: Pakistan National Alliance.

PODO: Public Office Disqualification Order

PPP: Pakistan People‘s Party

PTI: Pakistan Thrieki Insaf

SAARC: South Asian Association Regional Cooperation

SAP: Social Action Programme

SCBA: Supreme Court Bar Association

TI: Tehrik-i-Istiqlal

WAPDA: Water and Power Development Authority

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Abstract

Democracy is a modern system of conducting the State affairs. There are many more systems of administrating State dealings but the democracy is the idealistic and beneficial for human race. Samuel P. Huntington has divided modern democratic era in three phases. Pakistan is going through third wave of modern democratic phase. Pakistan has inherited democracy from the former colonial rulers of the undivided subcontinent. This study has depicted the promotion of democracy in Pakistan, usually since independence and prominently from 1970 to 2010. Pakistani democracy and its formation demands to take such measures, which are favourable for stabilizing democracy. Thus, the numerous voices of people will give birth to democracy. An important aspect of the study is the broad use of electronic media and internet information, major part of it is the interviews from politicians, technocrats, experts, sociologist, lawyers and economist, just to ensure the reliability of the study. The primary and secondary sources are also used in this study. The primary sources for this study are official documents, statements, regional and international surveys, reports, interviews and official record issued by the government and other archival sources. The secondary sources are books, journals, and newspapers to express the works of democracy in globalized world and Pakistan respectively.

The all panorama of thesis is as under: The first chapter comprises introduction of democratic period from pre-partition times in this part of the world in the fifth decade of eighteen century in Calcutta. However, there were a few democratic institutions present in British ruled India. In 1885, they nurtured Indian National Congress (INC). Later on, to represent Muslim community in the subcontinent All India Muslim League (AIML) was formed in 1906. After the creation of Pakistan in 1947, the democratic process in Pakistan was in its inception, the leaders like Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah as Governor General and Nawabzada Liaqat Ali Khan as Prime Minister of Pakistan, were leading the caravan of democracy in Pakistan but after them democracy was derailed because of much political upheaval. Ultimately, Pakistan came in the grip of Martial Laws since 1958. The Chapter two deals with Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto era. In between Martial Laws, there was a short period of democratic rule of Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, who brought the nation on the path of democracy by framing unanimously accepted constitution of 1973 of

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Islamic Republic of Pakistan. Eventually, the undemocratic forces of Pakistan ended his democratic rule. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was an industrious leader, his sophisticated decisions and nationalization policy under new democratic regime exhibited new phenomenal dimensions, which was appropriated for the democratization. The Chapter third elaborates democracy during General Zia-ul- Haq period in which Zia abrogated the constitution of 1973 to have perpetual grip over rule in Pakistan. General Zia held Presidential Referendum in 1984, non-party elections 1985, which proved to be useless for the democratization. Chapter four consists of unstable democratic first and second regimes of Mohtrama Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif. Both did not fulfil their democratic obligations, rather they promoted confrontational politics in the Pakistan. The Chapter fifth argues about the democracy during General Pervaiz Musharraf regime in which he held Referendum and Elections 2002, as a result King Party (PML-Q) got Sway and ruled over country in form of so-called inflexible or coalition democratic government. PML- N and PPP signed ‗Charter of Democracy‘ with all pomp and show. On the other hand, in 2007, democracy was derailed in Pakistan due to political predicaments in form of proclamation of state of emergency and abolition of judiciary. The Chapter six deals with Pakistan People‘s Party government (PPP) beginning from 2008, it restored the judiciary, amended 18th and 19th amendment successively. At the bottom of this thesis, conclusion has given in which all considerations of democratization in Pakistan have been analyzed.

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Introduction

There was a time when monarchy was the order of the day. The word, which uttered from the lips of the king, had considered equivalent to law and nobody allowed to protest. The people bore up cruelties and atrocities silently. There was no end of their sufferings. It was an essential part of their lives to suffer in silence. Nobody was his or her sympathizer. They were at the mercy of the favourite people of the kings and the Might was always right. The kings were in fact no less than a dictator; they followed their own sweet will along with unlimited powers. They had enslaved their subjects without any thought of welfare of the people. They lived in grand palaces away from their subjects and led a luxurious life. However, today it is not happening in the globalize world due to democratic principles but only where these principles are applied properly. With the emergence of democracy, all authoritarian rules have been promulgated invalid. Democracy has provided us broad and liberal view with specific democratic ideology and philosophy, which are source of acknowledgement of humanitarianism.

Democracy is the representation of the numerous voices of people who have strong faith in democratic philosophy. Democracy is the source of relief for social, economic, ethical and political problems. It stimulates healthy political competition. It interrelates with judiciary, parliament and administration. It will not be wrong to say that democratic people play vital role for forming constitution, which is essential for any civilized nations. Citizens of Globalized world not only protect their rights in democratic enlightenment but also recognize their responsibilities as liabilities. Now democracy has become an essential part of their lives and they participate into democratic affairs without any hesitation. As Such, they will attain their sovereignty this way.

The word democracy has commonly used in the context of a political state in which ideologies are also appropriated to other institutions, such as universities, labour union public companies or civic organizations. The definitions of democracy in varied books have described in different ways, and the varied ideas have used at disparate era of history in diverged contexts, which were essential for progress of democracy. The Political formations, or anticipated political system emphasized on undemocratic systems. For example, Aristotle distinguished rule of the democracy from the rule of a single person‘s monarchy, tyranny or aristocracy. He also thought that there was a good and a

xix bad modification of each system. The Socrates provisions have produced the basis of systems at haphazard unsystematic choosing representatives from the citizens. For example, Aristotle illustrated the law courts in Athens, which had chosen by lot as democratic and expressed elections as monarchic. It had assured that ethnic groups prepared themselves for utilizing in shape of participatory democracy. Democracy used to point up a structure, looking for consensus. Democracy has described in diverse ways but many researcher and thinker have originated its definition by following their school of thoughts. The other scholar‘s definitions of democracy are as follows: Professor Seeley defines it as the, ―Government in which everyone has some share‖.1 Dicey defines it as the form of a government in which ―the governing body is a comparatively large fraction of the entire nation.‖2 Bryce says, the word democracy has been used ever since the time of Herodotus to denote the form of a government in which the ruling power of a State is largely vested, not in any particular class or classes but in the members of community as a whole. He further adds that the ruling power in the community belongs to the majority, which is the only way of determining the will of the community‖.3 Abraham Lincoln said, ―Democracy is the government for the people, by the people, of the people‖.4 Sir Stafford Cripps argues, ―By democracy we mean a system of government in which every adult citizen is equally free to express his views and desires, upon all subjects in whatever way he wishes and influences the majority of his fellow citizens to decide according to those views and to implement those desires‖.5 Albert Waeal narrates, ―In a democracy important public decisions on the questions of law and policy depend, directly or indirectly, upon public opinion formally expressed by citizens of the community, the vast bulk of who have equal political rights‖.6 Gettell expresses it as ―the form of government in which the mass of population possesses the right to share in the exercise of sovereign power‖.7 Beethm has exemplified, ―Democracy as popular control of a collective system of decisions making‖.8 Abert illustrates, ―A form of government in which public policy depends on system, sometimes indirect, way upon public opinion.‖9 Modern Democracy

1Mazhar-Ul-Haq, Political Science, Theory And Practice, (Lahore: Bookland, 2010), 363. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. 4 S.K. Sharma and Urmila Sarma, Western Political Thought (From Bentham to Present Day),Volum- II(New Delhi: Atlantic Publisher and Distributors,2006),411. 5 Ibid. 6 Albert Weale, Democracy, (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 18. 7 Haq, op. cit., 363. 8 Weal, op. cit., 18. 9 Ibid., 24. xx has demarcated by Dicey as a ―form of government in which the governing body is comparatively a large portion of the entire nation‖.10 James Bryee has demonstrated, ―democracy in more concrete terms ―as a government in which the will of the majority of qualified citizen to constitute the great bulk of the inhabitants, roughly at least three- fourth‖.11 Besides all these, there are so many definitions of democracy, which have been elaborated different ways in encyclopaedias. The encyclopaedia Britannica describes, ―Democracy is a form of government in which the citizens exercised the same right not in person but through representative chosen by and responsible to them, known as representative democracy‖.12 The New encyclopaedia writes, ―The Political system in which the people of a country rule through and form of government they choose to establish‖.13 The Cambridge Concise Encyclopaedia is showing, ―Democracy is a form of government in which the rule by the people is contrasted with the rule by few (oligarchy) or by one (Monarchy or Tyranny)‖.14 Grolier International encyclopaedia narrates, ―Democracy is a form of government in which a substantial proportion of the citizen directly or indirectly participates on the ruling state‖.15 Oxford English Dictionary states, ―A government by the people in which the sovereign power resides in the people as a whole, and is exercised either directly by them (as in the small republic of antiquity) or by the officers elected by them‖.16 Similarly, he again expresses, ―State or community in which the government is vested in the people as a whole‖.17

Among political theorists and different definitions of democracy, there are many contending conceptions of democracy. Under minimalism democracy is a system of government in which citizens give teams of political leaders the right to rule in periodic elections. According to this minimalist conception, citizens cannot and should not ―rule‖ because on most issues most of the time, they have no clear views or their views are not very intelligent. The aggregative conception of democracy holds that government should produce laws and policies that are close to the views of the median voter with half to his

10 Editorial Pakistan And American Democracy, Daily Dawn Karachi, February 3, 1975. 11 Ibid. 12 Robert P. Gwinn, Peter B. Norton, The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, Volume, 4 (Chicago: Pan American and universal copy right, 1991), 5. 13 Leon L. Brain, Funk and Wagnall, New Encyclopaedia, Volume, 8. (USA: Junk & Wagnall Corporation, 1876), 121. 14 David Crystal, The Cambridge Concise Encyclopaedia, (London: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 215. 15 William .D. Halsey, Grolier‘s International Encyclopaedia ( New York: Macmillan 1982), 75-93. 16The Compact Edition Oxford English Dictionary Volume, 1.(United State: Oxford University Press,1971),683. 17 Ibid. xxi left and the other half to his right. Deliberative democracy based on the Nation that democracy is government by discussion. Deliberative democrats contend that laws and policies should base upon reasons that all the citizens can accept. The political arena should be one in which leaders and citizens make arguments, listen and change their minds. Another conception of democracy is that it means political equality between all citizens. It also used to refer to societies in which there exists a certain set of institutions, procedures and patterns, which perceived as leading to equality in political power. First among these institutions is the regular occurrence of free and open elections that used to select representatives who then manage all or most of the public policy of the society.18 No doubt, Democracy provides democratic liberties and equal rights to the citizens because it observes its philosophy narrowly.

Samuel P. Huntington claims in his Book, ―The Third Wave‖, that the spread of democracy on a world has gone in waves over the last 150 years. The first wave over a number of countries on Western Europe, the USA, parts of the British dominions and in some places in South America from the middle of the nineteenth century until around 1920. However, in the 1920s and 1930s democratic governments had replaced by authoritarian regimes in Germany and Austria and in the several countries in the Western reintroduction of democracy in the countries. From around 1960, democracy was experimented with several of the new States of Africa and Asia but by around 1970, one party and military rule had followed. Military juntas seized power in Greece and in several South American and Asian Countries.19 Huntington thinks he can observe third wave of democratization commencing with the fall of the military juntas in Portugal, Spain and Greece in 1970s, continuing in the next decade with the reintroduction of democracy several South American countries and then sweeping over Eastern and Central Europe and parts of South-East Asia and Africa.20

The context of contemporary democratization is the growth of ever-deeper forms of interconnectedness between societies, social groups, businesses and organizations and across state boundaries. The original debates about the causes presumed that the main forces for democratization were all rooted in particular Nation-states. Even there started

18 Michael D.Harkvy, The New Webster International Encyclopaedia, The New Illustration guide, (USA: Trident press international, 1998), 300. 19 Kjetil Selvik and Stig Stensile, Stability Change in The Modern Middle East, (London, New York:I.B.TAURIS, 2011), 206. 20Ibid., 207. xxii the Third wave; international factors had seen as secondary. Huntington‘s seminal study of the third waves was path breaking in this regard, for it identified global factors as a principal cause of democratization. Although not all thinkers would agree that global factors are necessarily the most important, it is undeniably true that they have taken considerably more seriously today than in the past. 21

There are at least five main and interlinked ways, in which globalization shapes democratization processes:

1-Culturally, though the creation of a global communications network, new social media and element s of a global culture; 2-Ideologically, through the diffusion of the ideas (Frequently liberal norms and values but sometimes also counter-hegemonic ideas); 3-Economically, through the establishment of a global capitalist economy; 4-Politically, through the demands for the provision of global governance; 5-Materially, through the influence of pro-democratic, resource-rich international actors.22 There are two major globalized democratic systems, which are following the most democratic countries of the world. These two democratic systems are parliamentary system and presidential system. The parliamentary system has led by Great Britain while Presidential system led by United State of America. These democratic systems have briefly discussed so that we could evaluate comparative and analytical democratic result.

Presidential System

A political system in which the position and powers of both Chief of state and head of government are vested in a president whose election, duties and powers are constitutionally independent of the legislature. The oldest instance of presidential government is the United States of America, but other prominent example include Finland, France under the Fifth republic and such Latin American democracies as Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, Mexico, Uruguay and Venezuela.( Switzerland has

21 Jean Grugel & Matthew Louis Bishop, Democratization, A Critical Introduction, (UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), 11. 22 Ibid. xxiii a hybrid of presidential and parliamentary government that most scholars classify as closer to a presidential system.).23

Parliamentary System

A political system in which the legislatures are selects the government of the day, the premier, Prime Minster or chancellor and the ministers (the Cabinet) according to the party strength as demonstrated in elections. In this system, government has a dual responsibility to the people as well as to the parliament. Such practices are normal in political system, which rest on the common democratic principles of governance. They do not occur in dictatorial or totalitarian systems (most of which are single-party system).24 Japan, Spain, the United Kingdom, The countries of Scandinavia and the Benelux countries are parliamentary monarchies. Among the parliamentary republics are Hungary, Italy, the Czech Republic, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the French Third and Fourth Republics.25

This study has been an analytical and critical argument on the democratic system of Pakistan. In Pakistan, democracy is functioning in divergent forms, which became basic cause of the failure of democracy in the past but recently; consistency has come in democratic process from some years like symbolically and ironically in Pakistan. The democracy and its merits and demerits have been discussed and suggestions given for the progress of democracy in the Pakistan. The hypothesis of the study in hand has done: (i)- To prove the origin and continuation of democracy in Pakistan with historical prospect. (ii)- It has exposed that the authorization of democracy can entirely made with social, economic and political alteration in Pakistan. (iii)-It has affirmed that the democracy can promoted with true democratic doctrines.

Although theoretical democracy has a lot of literature, yet my research is a varied experience in this respect. I have observed democracy in a new dimension, which give me a new vision. Moreover, my motivation behind this research has to expose all enticements of democracy so that, the common people could get democratic benefits without any hurdle. No doubt, democracy has emphasised on the philosophy and logic of

23 Lispset,Volume III, op.cit., 996. 24 Walter J. Raymond, S.J.D., PH.D. Dictionary Of Politics, ( United States Of America: 1980), 483. 25 Lispset,Volum III, op.cit., 911. xxiv humanitarianism through divergent forms of democracy, which have laid down their influence on any society positively. I have penned down completely panorama of ―Revocation and Revitalization of democracy in Pakistan 1970 to 2010 an analytical study‖, in which the democratic history work will be conveyed as a source of inspiration for the coming generation and fluctuated Pakistani authoritarian culture into democratized social order.

The objective of the present study is to bring all the matters under debates, which are interrelated with democracy in Pakistan. The researcher has made endeavours to present ample information regarding embezzlement, corruption and dishonesty in social, economic and political systems and pursue the messes, how can they get rid of them. It has given an analytical point of view, which has been encapsulated all problems and achievements of democratic system of Pakistan. The objectives of the study can elaborate as (i)- To bring this study under debate for such matters which are obstacles in flourishing democracy in Pakistan. (ii)- It provides guidance for the future politicians, economists, bureaucrats, sociologists, industrialist and social welfare reformists. (iii)- To pursue the people how can they perform their duties and get their rights. (iv)- To highlight democratic process and its significance in Pakistan with sustain democracy. (v)- It has explained all error or omission in democratic system of Pakistan and find out its solutions.

There is great quantity of works on democracy, and political affairs in Pakistan and the globalized world. The democratic scholars have written a lot of literature work on democracy. However, an endeavour has collected to argue all primary scholarly works on this topic.

Lawrence Ziring 26, in his book Pakistan in Twentieth Century: A Political History describes the political history of Pakistan. He has explained administrative performance of Civil-Military government in chorological way and analysed it with historical events. It has narrated political programmes and their implementation in Pakistan democratic locomotion with all democratic episodes in a different frame. This book gives us plenty of work on Pakistan democratic history. This book, by a leading scholar, is the definite history of Pakistan. Commencing with an exam of the public and

26 Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan In the Twentieth Century: A Political History, (Karachi: Oxford university press , 2011). xxv the military that formed the construction of sovereign, predominantly Muslim country within the subcontinent, Ziring stipulates an incisive and comprehensive narrative of the events that affects Pakistan's progress in the following seventy years.

Ayesha Jalal 27 in his book Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia mentions the authoritarian role in South Asia. She has made an analysis of the state building and consolidation issues in South Asian politics. She has argued on the democratic rules in India and Pakistan, supremacy of bureaucracy in the words decked with jewels. Her observation on democracy in South Asia, presented in this book. To her, democracy should enhance through practical actions, having strong belief that it will give incentive to people. Stimulating the opinion that a distributed colonial heritage led to antagonistic designs of political growth in South Asia and democracy in India and authoritarianism in Pakistan and Bangladesh have been analysed. Ayesha Jalal argues that, regardless of dissimilarities in form, central political authority in each country has antagonized parallel threats from ethnic and regional movements. She has compared state edifices and political procedures, democratic processes, rights of citizenship, sovereignty of these countries.

Saeed Shafqat, 28 in his book The political System of Pakistan and Public Policy, gives detail of the political system of Pakistan from 1947 to 1989, democratic progress, Bureaucracy, military role and civil regimes in Pakistan. He has also discussed public policy, economic policies, and reforms during 1947 to 1989, in all the governments‘ regimes and Civil-Military relations. This book has enough literature on democracy and military regimes in Pakistan in the given period. This book points out the public policy of different governments in social, economic and political fields.

Hamid Yusuf,29 in his book Pakistan: A Study of political Developments 1947-97, narrates the complete fifty years political history. He has discussed Martial Law and civilian governments‘ regimes and their participation in the developmental projects. This book has also debated on foreign policy of Pakistan and solved the problems, which make this book interesting for the readers more than any experience. It explains the political

27Ayesha Jalal, Democracy And Authoritarianism In South Asia, (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publication, 1969). 28 Saeed Shafqat, Political System Of Pakistan And Public Policy, (Lahore: Progressive publishers, 1989). 29Hamid yusuf, Pakistan: A Study Of Political Developments 1947-97( Lahore: Sang-e-Meel publications, 1999) xxvi dilemma of Pakistan, for example, how did Military and Civilian governments governed after one another, and how it created debate in a broad spectrum? It has narrated the economic, political and social issues, which have perpetual importance for remedy in the minds of masses. It is a marvellous book on democratic history about the Pakistan and judicial mixture of information of all the episodes of history.

Hamid Khan,30 in the Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, examines the political and constitutional history of Pakistan. It has discussed the regimes of civilian and military governments since 1947 their constitutional work and political measures. This book has encapsulated all the regimes of political history of Pakistan and democratic system in Pakistan. It also argues about the constitutions of Pakistan 1956, 1962, 1973, and constitutional amendments, which have amended with the passage of time. It gives diverse literature on democracy in Pakistan. The book analyses constitutional development in Pakistan from its conception to the present day. It provides a case-by- case account of making constitution in Pakistan and includes all pertinent documentation regarding this. Constitutional developments have explained in the context of the social and political events that shaped them.

Prof. Rafi Ullah Shehab, 31 mentions in his book The Political History of Pakistan, about the political history of Pakistan from pre-colonial period to 1993. He has discussed the political, social and economic problems of people of Pakistan, which pins down the scholarly work in a unique way. It has pointed out the significance of the creation of Pakistan and after independence put it into sovereignty. He has written all the political events with factual sources. He forces masses to get lesson from the passing events and mends their ways in the right dimension. It is a fact; history is a source of inspiration for the coming generation. In others words, he wants people to access democracy in the easiest way so that every common person could understand democratic philosophy and its importance.

Muhammad Waseem,32 in his book, Politics and the State in Pakistan, elaborates about the politics in Pakistan and its merits and demerits from the Independence Day. He has discussed about four decades of the political history of Pakistan and elections, and

30 Hamid Khan , Constitutional And Political History Of Pakistan, (Karachi: Oxford University press, 2001). 31 Prof.Rafi Ullah Shehab, The political History Of Pakistan, (Lahore: Dost Association, 1995). 32 Muhammad Waseem, ―Politics And The State On Pakistan”(Lahore: Progressive, 1989). xxvii such democratic governments, which declare their sovereignty in form of superior power. These governments should profess null and void every unfair contract with masses due to the fear of accountability. No, doubt, they tried to hide all realities and corruptions from the masses only for their personal interest. He has debated democratic resource as well as its benefits in the history of Pakistan. He has elaborated the importance of democracy and its functioning in bureaucracy, elections and politics in Pakistan. Muhammad Waseem pins down the policy of Pakistan is consideration of the authority structure of the state as heritage from British India. He has described the state as composed of the hub of institutes of the military, bureaucracy, the legal and constitutional authority and political players because of the development of the constitutions. This book gives ample information and knowledge about democracy.

Stephen Phillip Cohen,33 in his book, The Idea of Pakistan, defines internal development works and administrative policies of different governments in Pakistan. He has argued about the role of Army and civilian governments in Pakistan‘s democratic history. He indicates the weakness of civilian government and attitude of the masses about democratic process. He has discussed importance of educational democratization in Pakistan and debated on all democratic matters, which have great significance in Pakistan democratic culture and society. Stephen Cohen updates his critically praised book by giving a distinguishing view of significant events in the region; especially the damaging earthquake in Kashmir and it‘s after affects. Cohen notices how the calamitous event has influenced Pakistan's political, military, and economic structures, as well as its relations with other states.

Safadar Mahmud 34 elaborates, in Pakistan political Roots and Development 1947-1999, about the Pakistan political history and constitutional making process. He has discussed the democratic period and military regimes in analytical way. He has exposed all the causes, which put obstacles in flourishing the democracy in Pakistan. He has also discussed Pakistan foreign policy and put stress on its merits. He gives ideas for the promotion of democracy in exceptional way, which will be benefited for Civil-Military governments in future. The focus of the book is upon Pakistan‘s troubled political history. It deals with valuable visions of Pakistan‘s foreign policy, constitution making and the

33 Stephen Philip Cohen, The Idea of Pakistan, (Islamabad: Vanguard Books, 2005).. 34 Safader Mehmood, Pakistan Political Roots And Developments 1947-1999, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2000). xxviii distinguishing features of constitutions of 1956, 1962 and 1973, and why and how these did not work effectively. The book analyses in detail the working of the military governments of Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan, and Zia-ul-Haq as well as the working of the elected civil governments of the country.

Mohammad Waseem,35 in his book, Democratization in Pakistan: A Case Study of the 2002 Elections argues on the electorate system of Pakistan, which is very necessary for making democracy strong. He pointed out all merits and demerits of electorate system, which rectified to stop monopolisation. This book focuses on 2002 elections and political activities after elections very deeply. It is a marvellous book on democratization. The author‘s scholarly work is praise-worthy. This book is an essential reading for understanding the process of democratization in Pakistan under General Pervez Musharraf. The book has divided into three parts: the pre-election institutional, constitutional, and political changes; the 2002 election dynamics based on party activity and campaign issues; and the post-election process of government formation in the Centre and Provinces.

Charles H. Kebbedy and Cynthia Botteron,36 in their book, Pakistan 2005, depict the military bureaucracy and elite‘s role in Pakistan politics during 2005. The PML (Q) king party participated in so-called democratic process as ruling party. This book narrates political matters and General Pervaiz Musharraf government measures to restore so- called democracy. This book elaborates the significance of electoral system and finds out rigging, corruption and embezzlement issues to eradicate these vices and put their remedy in democratic procedures through scholarly and research work. It conveys the political, foreign policy and economic matters, faced by country. It has envisioned at the non- specialist spectators although researchers and policy-makers will find the book useful.

V.Y. Belokrenitsky, V.N. Moskalenko,37 in their book, A Political History of Pakistan, 1947-2007, narrates about the political and democratic history of Pakistan. This book describes the political history of Pakistan from the time of Partition until Musharraf‘s government. In considerable detail, the authors have described the main

35 Mohammad Waseem ”Democratization In Pakistan: A Case Study Of The 2002 Elections,(Karachi: Oxford university press, 2006). 36 Charles H. Kebbedy and Cynthia Botteron,“Pakistan 2005”(Karachi: Oxford university Press, 2006). 37 Vyacheslav.Y.Belorenitsky and Vladimir N. Moskalenko, A Political History Of Pakistan 1947-2007, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013). xxix features and predominant trends. The aims and achievements of the successive governments are analysed with particular attention to the interplay of socio-economic forces and interests. The country's foreign policy has examined in the context of the regional and global situation.

Meghnad Desai and Aitzaz Ahsan,38 in their book, Cross-border Talks: Divided by Democracy, argue about the future and progress of democracy in India and Pakistan in hopeful manners. The book, in the Cross border Talks series, examines why India is a democracy, while Pakistan is not. Meghnad Desai identifies the revolutionary decision of the constituent assembly to adopt universal adult franchise as the key to the survival of democracy in India. The overwhelming desire of the leaders of the independence movement many of whom were educated in England was for a democracy Westminster style. The adoption of this model led to the demands for inclusion from lower and backward castes and creed. Today Indian democracy is a heady and vigorous mix of ethnic and immigrant group‘s class cleavages as well as rural, urban and north south divisions. Aitzaz Ahsan argues that at the time of partition while India had a strong middle class and political structure and a subordinated civil and military bureaucracy but in Pakistan, the situation was opposite. It inherited a strong feudal class an insignificant bourgeoisie and an entrenched civil and military bureaucracy. These vested interests have never relinquished their control over the country and have in the process, choked the spirit of democracy there. Benazir Bhutto,39 in Daughter of East, describes empathically her efforts for the restoration of democracy in Pakistan and rises up her voice for humanities. This book provides ample information about the Benazir Bhutto‘s destiny and PPP‘s efforts and intentions, which were made experiment on the bases of democracy. She was beautiful and charismatic, the daughter of one of Pakistani most popular leaders Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. From her upbringing in one of Pakistan's richest families, to the shock of the contrast of her Harvard and Oxford education, and subsequent politicization and arrest after her father's death, Bhutto's life has been full of drama. She had narrated her difficulties that how she endured atrocities for the restoration of democracy during Martial Law period, which always remained source of inspiration for her party-workers. She was adopted

38 Meghnad Desai and Aitzaz Ahsan “Cross-Border Talks: Divided By Democracy”(New Delhi: Roli Books Pvt. 2005). 39 Benazir Bhutto ―Daughter Of East” (London: 1988). xxx democratic values, philosophy, traditions, and this book contains essence of her biographic panorama. It is unique book.

Hamid Yusuf,40 in his book, Pakistan in Search of Democracy 1947-1977, argues about the democratic development in Pakistan. This book has clarified that Pakistan democratic system inherited from British but after the existence of Pakistan, our political history looks unsuccessful to adopt westernize democracy. It had examined critically all aspects of democratic history of Pakistan in keeping with particular culture and tradition. It has taken notice of all omission and commission so that the reader could not lose their attention during reading it.

Ian Talbot,41 in Modern History of Pakistan, says about the political history of Pakistan. He has discussed theoretical literature about democratic history of Pakistan in chronological order. He has narrated merits and demerits of democracy in Pakistan in marvellous way. This book encapsulates all historical events, which are related social, economic and political issues. His work elaborates the democratic history of Pakistan in analytical and comparative context. This book fills the need for a broad, historically sophisticated understanding of Pakistan, a country, which is understood by many in the West only in terms of stereotypes-the fanatical, authoritarian, and reactionary other, which is unfavourably compared to a tolerant, democratic and progressive India. Pakistan is in reality a complex plural society, which although greatly shaped by the colonial inheritance and circumstances of its birth, is also experiencing rapid change. Talbot's approach breaks down stereotypes and assists in answering the vexed question of why democracy has succeeded in India, while Pakistan has been subject to long periods of authoritarianism during its seven decades of existence.

Maleeha Lodhi,42 the author of the Pakistan‟s Encounter with Democracy, depicts on the turmoil, that the years of instability and conflict, were indicative of a necessary controlling society‘s dilemma conversion to democratic system. She has taken critical view of Pakistan politics from 1990 to 1993. It is a Collection of essays, articles, news reports and analyses; previously appeared in various Pakistani newspapers and journals, during 1990-1993. She depicted all panoramas of troika politics, which destroyed the

40 Hamid Yusuf, Pakistan In Search Of Democracy 1947-1977, (Lahore: Afro-Asian Publication.1980). 41 Ian Talbot, Pakistan A Modern History,( New Delhi: Foundation Books,1999). 42 Maleeha Lodhi, Pakistan‟s Encounter With Democracy, (Lahore: Vanguard, 1994). xxxi democracy and its original shape. Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto conflict and its impact on democracy affirmed in analytical way.

Benazir Bhutto,43 in her book, Reconciliation, Islam, Democracy and The West, says about the role of Civilian and Military government in promoting democracy in Pakistan. She has also discussed west involvement in democratic procedure in Pakistan and its endeavours for the enrichment of democracy. She has clarified that the democracy is only way to achieve aim and goals. Therefore, she has emphasized on the promotion of democracy and reconciliation policy with their opponents. In this book, she has elaborated different events of her political life. It is a unique book of Pakistan political history and it gives a lot of material relating Pakistan‘s democratic history. In this book, Bhutto's thesis is that democracy and Islam are not mutually exclusive. At the end of book, she quotes the Quran a lot, noticing that civil rights guaranteed for both men and women according to the Quran. In addition, to prove her points that Islam and democracy are not mutually exclusive, she gives a brief history of a number of Muslim countries, noting that their difficulties with the democratic experience were often the result of colonialism or Western meddling.

S.Akbar Zaidi,44 the author of Issues in Pakistan‟s Economy, argues about the economic issues that are very important for the promotion of democracy in Pakistan. Pakistan economy was remarkable after some time of emergence of Pakistan but soon went towards decline. It failed to maintain the high growth in agriculture and manufacturing which it experienced in the 1960s, after a difficult start in the first decade following independence. The 1970 for a host of reasons, most beyond the control of the incumbent government, were not even a patch on the 1960s, although surprisingly in the 1970, the economy performed better than it did in the 1950s. Towards the end of the 1970s, and for much of the 1980, until at least 1988, the high-growth pattern re-emerged though being qualitatively different from the growth performance of the 1960.The economy in the 1980s seemed to be on a higher plain than that of the 1960s. This book provides new facts about the interpretation of areas of the economy and times periods that have not evaluated by researchers or academicians.

43 Benazir Bhutto, Reconciliation, Islam, Democracy And The West, (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2008). 44 S Akabar Zaidi, Issues In Pakistan‟s Economy, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2007). xxxii

Khawaja Amjad Saeed,45 in his book The Economy of Pakistan, has emphasized on the economy of Pakistan, which is essential part of democracy. If economy is strong, the democracy will be strong. This core textbook covers Pakistan‘s economic framework, its economic planning, policies, and the Government‘s strategy in pursuing these policies. The author combines all three subjects in one complete book presenting the information systematically. The economic data used, is the latest information from the Pakistan Economic Survey 2004-2005, State Bank of Pakistan Annual report 2004-2005, the World Bank Development Report 2006 and the Asian Development Bank Report 2004.

Democracy has taken ample time and passed through many historical experiences and it needs more efforts to flourish in Pakistan. It has been the heritage by British before the independence. Unfortunately, in Pakistan democracy is not becoming successful because of authoritarian undemocratic cultural influence. The democratic process, indeed, is functioning like a doctrine of necessity but could not make conspicuous place in administrative sphere. The one democratic government has corresponded to another democratic government to transfer of power only in a form of so-called immature democratic process. The democracy, which is functioning and has been passing through many predicament phases during the period of 1970 to 2010, is considered possessing class‘s democracy and indeed! It has produced authoritarianism in Pakistan.

This research has based on qualitative and descriptive research taking the analysis of concerned study. It is very difficult to get accomplished purpose in history. It is neither feasible nor desirable but endeavours have made to get democratic purposes and put off the biases. Besides all these paperwork, there are some significant key questions, which are essential to make analysis of this study. (i) Why did democracy not make progress during military and civil rules? (ii) How did authoritarian rule devastate the democracy? (iii) What is the role of hereditary politics in Pakistan? (iv)- Why did feudalism rule over the country? (v) Why the elections were manipulated in Pakistan? (vi)Why is constitution necessary for the survival of democratization? (vii)- How was culture of democracy permitted into Pakistani culture? (viii)- Is Pakistan a democratic state? If Pakistan is not a democratic state, how can it be made democratic country? (ix)- Whether Martial law or Democracy, which instrument is better for bringing comprehensive economic reforms? (x)-What is the role of middle class in democratic process in Pakistan? (xi) What is role

45 Khawaja Amjad Saeed, The Economy of Pakistan, (Karachi: Oxford University press, 2007). xxxiii of political parties in flourishing democracy in Pakistan? (xii)- What are the salient features of democracy in Pakistan?

xxxiv

Chapter 1

1.1 Democratic Scenario of Pakistan Until 1969

The emergence of democracy in Pakistan was very local culture and traditional till decades. It passed through many phases in shape of ―Panchyaat‖ system (jury for just). Before the advent of Islam in this region, Hinduism was prominent faith. All the localities were under the religious suppression. It became the cause of the devastation of human rights. Hindu society was divided into hundred thousand divergent caste and creed systems but the four major castes had significance in Hindu society. They were Brahmans, Kshatriya, Vishay and Shudders. The Brahman had special importance in society due to religious domination. The religious priests (Brahmans) had indulged the masses in religious superstitions, they were based on injustice, ignorance, prejudice, personal enmity, lawless and so many others social evils. They oppressed the society to prove themselves superior in matter of religion. According to Abu Rehan Alburuni, ―The main and most essential point of the Hindu world of thought is that which the Brahmans think and believe, that they are specially trained for preserving and maintaining their religion‖. 1 It was a despotic society, which emerged only for powerful people, and used today in term of ‗authoritarianism‘.

When Aryan tribes‘ first arrival was in the Pakistan area, its oldest male member led each tribe. Day to day decisions have made by the ―Sabah” or the council of elders. Occasionally the tribe would meet in general assembly called the “Samiti” to discuss problems.2 The reign of Raja Chandragupta Vikramsitya as claimed by the Hindus, was the golden period of their ancient history. However, with the passage of time, the Hindus society degenerated. The Brahmans started the persecution of the Buddhists and they in order to get rid of the supremacy of the Brahmans were ready to co-operate with any foreign invader. At this period of history, Muslims appeared on the political scene of the sub-continent. It had recorded by Allama Balazari that when the Muslims invaded Sindh, the land was seething with Buddhist-Brahman enmity.

1 Dr, Edward C.Sachu, Alberuni‟s India, An Account of Religion, philosophy, Literature , Geography, Chronology, Astronomy, Custom, Laws and Astrology of India About A.D., Vol. 1, (Lahore: Feroz Sons, 1962), 49. 2 J.Hussain, A History of the People of Pakistan, Towards Independence, (Karachi: Oxford University press, 1997), 29.

The helpless Buddhist extended their hands in friendship towards the Muslims.3 Islam entered in India through Sindh. That is why Sindh called gateway of Islam. Muslim ruled on India for about 1000 years. The British can in as merchants. In 1600, the British traders, after getting royal permission from the Queen of England, established East Indian Company for the purpose of trade. The Mughal emperor Jahangir facilitated the company and exempted it from the various trade taxes, which made British happy and they built many trade centres in India. When Shahjanhan became emperor, the company succeeded in getting more facilities and concessions. After the death of Aurangzeb, the later Mughal Kings were weak and lost control as central authority due to internal intrigues and weak political condition of India.

The province of Bengal during 17th century consisted of Bengal, Bihar and a part of Orissa. It was the richest province of the Mughal Empire because of its natural resources and flourishing trade. A Mughal Emperor ruled it, but its people were predominantly Hindus and its trade was mostly in the hands of Hindu merchants‘ princes who had close business ties with European merchants.4 In December 1756 A.D. Clive, Watson and Eyre Coote reappeared with well-equipped troops and fleet of seven warships to march towards Calcutta. Clive took the initiative, captured Calcutta and declared war with the Nawab who was at that time a little disturbed by the news of the entry of Ahmed Shah Abdali into Delhi. He negotiated peace with the English through 5Omichand. According to the agreement, the Nawab promised to compensate the losses, restore the concessions granted to the emperor, and allow them to refortify Calcutta, give them the right of free trade in Bengal and accept Watts to reside in Murshidabad. Thus, the treaty of ―Alinagar‖ was signed on February 9, 1757.6

The Calcutta Council had been formed in Bengal in eighteenth century, which was the starting point of western democracy in India. Although the provisions of Regulating Act 1773 (which came into force in 1774) did not go far enough to be really effective in curbing abuses, it was important as much as it was the first evidence of parliament‘s new concern with administrative machinery in India, and thus its first

3 Shehab, op. cit., 29. 4 S.M. Burke and Salim Al-Din Qurishi, The British Raj in India, An Historical Review, (Karachi: oxford University Press, 1995), 9. 5 Omichund or Amir Chand (died 1767) was a native man in colonial India, whose name is associated with the treaty negotiated by Robert Clive before the Battle of Plassey in 1757. ["Amir Chand (Indian; Male; 1767)". British Museum. Retrieved 24 December 2012.] 6 Dr, M.A. Aziz, History of Pakistan (Past and Present),(Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publisher, 1979), 87.

2 step towards governing that country. The Governor General gave the authority to superintend and control the Governors of Bombay and Madras but it was not stated how he could enforce his wishes. He also saddled with the council of four in which he could be out-voted. In Calcutta Council, Hasting‘s councillors gave him endless trouble. After his retirement in 1795, Hasting was impeached by the parliament.7 Although Calcutta Council was performed an administrative role in Calcutta, yet its political influence cannot be ignored; it gave stimulation to extend democratic rule in India.

The history of democracy commenced and formed a local self-government in India. British government introduced this system for tackling the problems at local level. The basic philosophy of pioneering and organizing the local government system was to enable the people to elect directly. The tradition of Muslim rule in India in the subcontinent was monarchical and non-democratic. This democratic culture was the culture of power. The state was omnipotent the democratic system of government, introduced by British, carried on the tradition of autocratic rule of the Mughal whom they had succeeded. However, it was unique mark of dividing line in the history of India, which they had done by dividing India into two autonomous states. Therefore, they suffered from low governance capability. Their immediate problem was to create an institutional balance. ―So far as the Indian were concerned, it had been, at one time, with minor exceptions, under the Muslim rulers of Delhi in the fourteenth century and was once again being brought rapidly under Mughal rule during the seventeen century. Thus, European and Indians themselves got used to the idea of India being in fact or potentially a single political unite‖.8 The East Indian Company‘s Character, when renewed in 1813 stipulated that a sum of one-lace rupees should spend on the promotion of education of the people of the country. However, the controversy whether this education was to be Western and modern or oriental and classical, delayed the final step. Annexation of Sindh in 1838, of the Punjab in 1849 and of Oudh in 1856, acts symbolized British diplomacy, high-handedness; disregarded of moral scruples in fact led to the complete and absolute supremacy of the British power in the Sub-continent, which was finally, consolidated with the failure of Indians revolt. After the war of independence, 1857 posed the real problem for the Muslim. It was

7 Burke and Qurishi, op.cit., 14. 8 Ishtiaq Hussain Qureshi, The Struggle For Pakistan,(Karachi: University press,1997),2.

3 here that Syed Ahmed Khan got up and decided to offer his own solution to the acute problems the Muslims were facing.9 The creation of the council of Indian in 1858 was another important factor in the situation. In 1858, the council consisted of four members. The Indian council act of 1861 increased the number of councillors to five.10

In 1867, some Hindu leaders of Banaras thought that the use of Urdu, as an official language should be discontinued and replaced by Hindi language, written in Devanagri script. It was a Hindi-Urdu Controversy. Sir Syed quickly and shrewdly realized the Hindu designs behind this agitation and came to conclusion that Hindus and Muslims were two separate and distinct nations with their distinctive cultural identity. He therefore, used the words two nations for the Hindus and the Muslims in 1868 for the first time and this gave his famous ―Two-Nation Theory‖ which became the basis of the Pakistan movement.11 Urdu, in the eyes of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, was the symbol of composite culture that had evolved in India because of cooperative efforts of both Hindus and the Muslims. In anticipation of the future social and political development, he considered that the continuation of Urdu as a meeting ground for both was most essential. Urdu had been in use of court language since 1835 in the Punjab, Uttar Pradesh (UP) and Bihar and both the Hindus and the Muslims used it in their daily conversation as well as for official purposes. However, the British, following the policy of divide and rule, began to show seed of discord here too.12

Syed Ahmed Khan‘s life and mission was, in reality, an Islamic response to the tremendous challenge from the new civilization of the West, which threatened not only social and political institutions of the people but, what was much more important,

9 B.A.Dar, Syed Ahmed khan”s Educational and Political Ideas, Article Daily Dawn Karachi, March 23, 1976. 10 K.v Punnaiah, The constitutional History of India, (Lahore: Premier book House, n, d, ),80. 11 M.Ikram Rabbani, Pakistan Affairs, (Lahore: Carvan Enterprises, n.d), 58. 12 This failure had the same effect on the mind of Sir Syed Ahmed khan as the refusal of the Hindu leaders to accommodate the Muslim point of view in the deliberation of Calcutta on the Nehru report had later on Muhammad Ali Jinnah for both of them reached a stage where the parting of the ways was to come. During his last illness, he had to write in defence of Urdu and the page of ―Alighar Institute Gazzet‖ were devoted to controversy, when the protagonists Hindi presented a memorial of the Lt. Governor of UP in March 1898 for making it the language courts in place of Urdu. Two years after his death. Sir Anthony MacDonnell, the Lt-Governor, issued an order on 13 April 1900 decreeing the use of Hindi in the Devanagari script for certain official purposes. [B.A. Dar, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan Educational and Political Ideas, Article Dawn Karachi, March 23, 1976.]

4 their religious belief their culture outlook, their basic loyalties, in short, their total ideological background.13 From 1858 up to about 1870, nearly British administrators, authors and politicians promptly accused the Muslims for Mutiny. However, in the 1870 a change in British view was obvious. They considered Muslim, as reliable to British government; as such, its confidence had regained on Muslims, it was possible only due to Sir Syed Ahmed Khan‘s efforts.

Some of his antagonists felt that he had unnecessarily subjected the Muslims to confront the Maculian philosophy. This criticism was far from being true. He sincerely believed that ―the Muslims should have in their one hand the philosophy and in the other, the modern sciences and on head, the crown of ―There is no god but Allah.‖14 This readily explains that he was a progressive reformer who wanted to use the medium of education for producing in individuals who would not be alien to themselves nor to their Nation, but would turn out to be true faithful equipped with most modern knowledge.15 In the field of education his services will always remembered, because after being equipped education, Muslim could play their role in practical politics.

The Act of 1872 introduced the Bengal pattern seven years later.16 The oppressive measures imposed by British, such as the rejection of the Albert Bill, and the implementation of the Vernacular Press Act 1878, had evoked intense anger in the Indians. Despite all this, in 1880, the Imperial government introduced an electoral institution with quite a strong element of local self-government. The mass wanted more incentive in this respect. This regained confidence in people of India and they assumed the future of democracy in India. In pursuance of the change concept of local government in Indian as introduced by Lord Ripon, the Act passed during the period from 1883 to 1885, altered the constitution, influences and tasks of local bodies in the province. In 1883, Government of Bengal made two Bills transaction with Municipalities and Local Board correspondingly.17 Pity introduced his bill, which was passed into an act in August 1884. Pity‘s India act of 1884 also removed another

13 B.A.Dar, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan Educational and Political Ideas, Article Dawn Karachi, March 23, 1976. 14 Aziz, 1997,op.cit.,115. 15 Ibid. 16 Seyed Abdul Quddus, Local Self Government in Pakistan, (Lahore: Vanguard Book Ltd, 1981), 48. 17 Punnaiah., op.cit., 53.

5 defect of the Regulating Act.18 Sir Syed Ahmed Khan commenced Aligarh movement, which played vital role for the achievement of Pakistan. A.O. Hume, a retired member of Indian Civil service established the Indian National Congress in 1885AD. This organization worked for home-rule for the people of the Sub-continent and gradual transfer of political power from the British to the local population. A retired servant without the authority of the British government could not plant such an important plan. That is why Syed Ahmed Khan in spite of his loyalty to the new rulers forbade the Muslims from joining this organization.19 The Hindus bigoted policy could see in Hindus revivalist movement. The social and political movements had dominated in India during nineteenth century. These movements were Barhumoo Samaj, Arya Samaj, Theosophical society, Siddhi and Siangtan. These oppressed the Muslims society and interfered, their religion matters; they desired to setup Hindu Raj on the base of majority. It was quite right that the western democracy, which had been adopted in India, gave advantage to Hindus to overcome all authorities and the existence of Muslim remained to be subjugated issue. Muslims tried to find such platform, which gave them sense of liberty and freedom.

British government brought another constitutional change in India. The Act of 1892 increased the number of additional members in the councils.20 There were in British India 812 municipalities apart from three corporations of Bombay, Calcutta and Madras. The boards of 812 municipalities had 13,275 members of whom all but 738 had elected. There were only 6 boards which had official Chairmen on the rural side, the boards had 10,388 members of whom 7,791 (75%) were elected and only 10 boards had official Chairmen.‖ 21

The most important development of the era was the partition of Bengal in 1905. Lord Curzon the viceroy cut the Bengal into two parts only for administrative purposes. However, Hindu community broke out riots and agitation against it. It awoke the Muslims. Hindus commenced outcry on this the issue was above understanding, it might be the result of administrative measures, which had taken by British government. R.C.Majumdar writes:

18 Ibid., 38. 19 Shehab, op.cit., 91. 20 Punnaiah, op.cit., 110. 21 Quddus, op.cit., 63-64.

The scheme for the partition of Bengal was at first opposed by the Muslims along with the Hindus. However, Lord Curzon has visited to East Bengal brought about a change in Muslim feelings. He spread no pains in convincing the Muslims that they would get great benefits from the partition in this was he succeeded to get the favour of Nawab Saleemullah Khan of Dacca, who was the most influential Muslim leader in East Bengal. When the province of East Bengal and Assam had created, the Muslims in general, gradually grew enthusiastic over it. They found in the new province, with a majority of Muslim population a source of strength and centre of their political activities.22

It was social, political and economic advantage for the Muslims of East Bengal but the Hindus‘ attitude was openly indicated bigoted policies against Muslims, which were hidden in hypocritical way behind curtains. Now the Muslims knew that Hindus would not endure their progress in any field of life. The Hindus commenced Swedish Movement in1906 against partition of Bengal. They commenced a boycott of English products in support of “Swedish Movement”. (Indian made cloth).Hindus criticized and agitated it anxiously. Eventually, British government had to discharge the measure of partition of Bengal on Delhi Durbar in 1911. The Delhi Durbar of 1911 prefigured an important change in Muslim politics. The Muslim community felt disappointment on this decision and decided that they would not trust British government because it did not keep attention on the legitimate rights and interests of the Muslims. That was why in December 1912 to January 1913, session of Muslim League, it demanded ―a form of self –government suitable to India.‖23

The Muslim knew well about the hidden contempt of Hindus against the Muslims. Hence, they commenced to prepare their future accomplishment. Later political growth obtained a big step towards Muslims alertness in esteem of their civil rights in India. The first step got in this respect was a Sultan Muhammad Shah Sir Agha Khan called on the viceroy Lord Minto in 1906. The deputation upheld that Muslims in India, according to current assessment numbered over sixty-two million total populations. They declared that under any system of demonstration, complete or partial a nation in itself was more copious than the total population of any first class.

22 R.C. Majumdar, History of the Freedom Movement in India, Vol II, (Lahore: Book Traders, 1979), 218. 23 For the Muslim feeling see R.Craddock, The Dilemma in India (London:1929),147. M.F.O‖Dwyer, As I knew it (London: 1925),175. The Times, Marach.1912;J.D. Rees in Fortnightly Review, February, 1912, pp,310-311, and Al Cart hill, The Last Domination,(London:1924),225-227.

The Muslims demanded separate electorate, seats in legislatures and quota in government services. They also told viceroy that they had established a new political party the ―Muslim League‖ for the preservation of the rights of the Muslims. The viceroy Lord Minto in his prepared reply to the deputation‘s address accepted both the demands.24 Hindus made propaganda against Muslims at that occasion. They considered it a bias against Hinduism. Ayesha Jalal writes, Muslims needed their own political organization. It would not be directed against the Hindus‘ but owed its origin to the necessities of the time‘ and 25MacDonnell‘s Nagri Resolution‖.26

1.2 Democracy During Pakistan Movement

The same years, 1906, Nawab Saleem Ullah Khan of Dacca made efforts to the leading Muslim of India gathering on one platform. Therefore, in December 1906, the ―All Muslim League‖ formed. The central office of the Muslim League was set up at Aligarh. Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk and Nawab Wiqar-u- Mulk were appointed as its joint secretaries for the time being. A sixty-member committee was set up to prepare the constitution of the League within four months and to make necessary arrangement for its first session. In this way, the first All-India based political party of the Muslims came into existence.27 At the Karachi session in December 1907, the League passed into the hands of ―men of influence.‖ Out of 400 elected members, 70 were to be Utter Pradesh (U.P.). Agha Khan was elected as a president though he did not attend a single meeting of the league till January 1910.Provincial Muslim Leagues were founded in all major provinces but most of these provincial League did not toe the line of the central command on account of local pressures. The London Branch of All India Muslim League had founded towards the end of 1907, by Ameer Ali and formally inaugurated in May 1908. Between 1907 and 1909, the Muslim League, both in India and in London made demands for Muslim representation based on their political importance. The response of the government though favourably did not meet

24 I.H.Qureshi, Struggle for Pakistan, ( Karachi: university of Karachi, 1969), 29. 25 The efforts to conflate language, script, and reli gion and especially in respect of Hindi-Urdu divide have a long history that goes as far as 1860s. Anthony MacDonnell‘s ‗1900 Resolution‘ declaring Nagari script equivalent to Urdu opened can of worms . [https://dastaanjmc.wordpress.com/knowtheunknown/shayari/ ] 26 Ayesha Jalal, Self And Sovereignty, Individual and Community in South Asian Islam Since 1850,(Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publication,2000),157. 27 Ahmed Saeed and Kh. Mansoot Sarwar, Trek to Pakistan, (Lahore: Institute of Pakistan Historical Research .2006), 105.

8 the full expectations of the Muslims ―as price paid for their support to the government‖. The Government‘s dispatch of October 1, 1908, ignored the basic point of the position taken up by the Muslim League- separate electorate and political importance. ‖The League was forced to light the fires of Muslim political activity during these years was ―simply phenomenal‖.28

In 1909, Minto-Morley reforms had introduced. It was the time when demand for separate electorate accepted without any hurdle .This imposed to cut brilliant figure on the politics of subcontinent. It was a positive development of British government. After the recommendations ―Bill which, after full consideration by a joint committee and discussion in parliament was passed as the Government Indian Act 1919‖.29 The Montagu Chelmsford report was unusually philosophic in style as well as unconventional in tone. Perhaps, it was more important for its general proposition than for its detailed proposal. It seemed timid by comparison. The principle of reforms were the recognition of the self-government as the goal of the British policy in India, the realization of that principle by instalments and judgment by the British, of the moment and manner of taking each step as a result of the co-operation and responsibility shown. The report was in two parts the first headed ―the material and the second headed the proposal‘.‖ The first was in fine exposition of the situation; but interest as a natural mainly settled on the second part.30

In 1919, Khilafat Movement oppressed British government to take positive measures, which fulfilled the sentiments of the supporters of Khilafat Movement. For this purposes British government took extra constitutional steps but with good destiny. It was a Muslim beneficial movement but the congress participated and fully supported the ―Khilafat Movement.‖ The congress was not active and enthusiastic like Muslims in Khilafat Movement. Therefore, Khilafat Movement could not become successful. The period between 1924 and 1927 saw a number of unity conferences, conveyed in quest of genuine solution of the vexed question of the form and structure contents and mechanics of the constitutional set up against the background of the Hindus and Muslim aspiration. However, most of these conferences founded on the

28 Dr. Mahmoodul Hassan Siddiqui, Muslim Politics (1918 to 1935), Article of Daily Dawn Karachi, March 23, 1976. 29 Qureshi, op. Cit; 44. 30 Dr. Mahmoodul Hassan Siddiqui, Muslim Politics (1918 to 1935), Article of Daily Dawn Karachi, March 23, 1976.

9 rock of Hindu communal intransigence, the question of Muslim majority representation in Bengal and the Punjab remained unresolved. The central all parties of Muslims conference, which was convened at Delhi under the Agha Khan; while reaffirming the Delhi Proposal of 1927, specifically declared as long as Muslims were not satisfied that, the rights and interest were adequately safeguarded in the constitution. They would in no way consent to the establishment of joint electorate whether with or without the condition. Meanwhile both Mr. Jinnah and Mulana Mohammad Ali, who were away from the country, on their return were greatly dismayed at the Nehru Report. The however, made desperate efforts at the All Parties Conference held at Calcutta in December 1928, to seek amendment in the Nehru Report, to bring it in harmony with ―Delhi Proposal‖ but all their pleas and arguments were unwilling. That was the end of the reconciliation efforts between Hindu and Muslim. The parting of the ways had come‖ Mulana Mohammad Ali branded it (Nehru Report) as ―legalized tyranny of the number‖.31 Mr. Jinnah‘s fourteen points responded gravely to the Nehru report because it was against Muslims rights. The Muslims were disappointed from it.32 The rising influence of Pan-Islamism during and after the Khilafat Movement agitation effected a creation fusion of religion and politics in the Muslim community, which created new problems of accommodation within a large non-Muslim polity of British India. The Muslims felt that they were denizen of the two worlds of Islam and India, and therefore could not benefit from territorial Nationalism in terms of Pan-Indian politics.33 Dr. Allama Iqbal explained the Muslims position in his presidential address delivered at the annual session of All India Muslim League at Allahabad:

The units of Indian society are not territorial as in European countries. India is a continent of Human group belonging to different races, speaking different languages and professing different religions…..The principle of European democracy cannot be applied to India without recognizing the fact of communal groups.34

The British motivated natives for making progress in infrastructural and democratic field. They gave political awareness to natives. First, they constructed

31 Ibid. 32 K.K. Aziz, All India Muslim League Conference, 1928-1935(Lahore: Sangee Meel Publication, 2006), 122. 33 Mohammad Waseem, Politics and the State in Pakistan, (Islamabad: national Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, 1994), 77. 34 Waseem, op. cit., 77.

10 road, system of irrigation and opened school, colleges and universities. These educational institutions produced brilliant figure of different fields. As such, Indian society in which hierarchical aspects presented formally in a form of upper class liked Brahman, feudal, entrepreneurs and capitalists have given the opportunity to occupy on administrative authority with the help of British, which produced authoritarianism. The Western democracy introduced in a formed of local self-government system in India. On August 16, 1932, Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald announced the Communal Award. As regards the separate electorates, the Prime Minister‘s statement said that the Government had to face facts as they were, and must maintain this exceptional form of representation. The Muslim‘s representation in Provinces under the Award was as shown in the table.35

Table I/I

The Muslim’s Representation in Provinces.

Province Muslim Total Number of Number of Seats Percentage of Seats Reserved for Muslim Population Madras 7.9 215 29 Bombay excluding Sindh, Bengal 9.2 175 30 Bengal 54.7 250 119 United Provinces 15.3 228 66 Punjab 57.0 175 86 Central Provinces 4.7 112 14 Asam 33.4 108 34 Sindh 70.7 60 34 N.W.F.P 91.8 50 36 Bihar and Orissa 10.8 175 42 Source: Khalid Bin Sayeed, Pakistan The Formative Phase, 1957-1948,(Karachi: Oxford University press, 2004),78.

The All India Muslim League, under the capable leadership of Mr. M.A. Jinnah, was gradually transforming into a people‘s organization. It was now no more committed to protect any stake. The Muslim Indian consciously stood up to safeguard its own language, culture and whatever it had inherited from its past. There was no doubt that the assuming of the responsibility of guiding the political, economic and social destiny of the Indian Muslim was difficult, but the goal was not far to reach.

35 Khalid Bin Sayeed, Pakistan The Formative Phase, 1957-1948, (Karachi: Oxfoird University press, 2004), 77.

The round table conference, held in London provided, the necessary momentum, while the Muslim intelligentsia was moving at as miraculously fast speed to realize the goal. As early as January 28, 1933 Chaudhary Rehmat Ali a graduate student at the University Of Cambridge (U.K.) wrote a pamphlet entitled ―Now or Never‖. In this pamphlet, he advocated a federation of Pakistan, separate from federation of India. But unfortunately the pamphlet did not receive the necessary publicity and went unnoticed for some time. Chaudhary Rehmat Ali and his fellow students who signed that pamphlet were clear in their mind that the destiny of Muslim India lay in carving out an independent homeland.36 The government announced its decisions after considering the various views, forwarded to Round Table Conferences in the form of a ―White Paper‖ in March 1933. In April, a joint Committee of both the Houses, under Lord Linlithgow as Chairman set up to considered the White Paper proposals and make recommendation regarding the future of India. 37 Eventually, Government of India Act 1935 was imposed which had a new democratic and constitutional reform. On the other hand, it gave more stimulation to party politics. As Such, the party politics mass had increased in India due to India Act 1935.38

The elections, 1936, and Congress ministry was miserable thing for the Muslims. The Muslim took a bull by the horns in these circumstances. The Bandee Matram, Wardhaa Scheme and Vidyaa Scheme began for eliminating the identity of Muslims. The beginning of Second World War changed the political scenario of subcontinent. The Congress gave resignation from the ministries. British government appreciated the action and accepted it without any hesitation. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan‘s perception of the real situation of the Muslim vis-à-vis the Hindus blazed the line for the Muslims of the later generations. Except for the brief education, when the emotional commitment for the Muslim Khlafit obsessed the minds of their leaders as well as the masses, both Iqbal and Jinnah in the course of time came round to the position, which had been enunciated by the old man through spiritual insight with which he had fortunately abundantly endowed. Unfortunately, Iqbal died on 1938, later in 1940, the Muslims of India had passed historical resolution which is known as Pakistan Resolution, was the actual demand of separate homeland. Unfortunately, we

36 Aziz, op, cit.,162. 37 Ibid., 79. 38 Dr. Safdar Mahmud, Pakistan Tahrekh Waa Seyasst, 1947-88 (Urdu),(Lahore: Jung Publishers,2000),24.

12 had only one dynamic and par-excellence leader Mohammad Ali Jinnah, now he was president of the Muslim League, who supported the resolution and said on this behalf:

The problem in India is not of an inter-communal character but manifestly of an international one, it must be treated as much…It is extremely difficult to appreciate why our Hindu friends fail to understand the real nature of Islam and Hinduism….. Mussalmans are a nation according to any definition of a nation, and they must have their homeland, their territory and their state.39

With these words, Jinnah started his tireless struggle for Pakistan to come into being. The Muslim League went in all the cities, towns, and villages of Indian to win supporters for the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan.40 The Resolution was unanimously accepted by the participants who had assembled at the meeting place in a large number of unanimously accepted the resolution.41 British government held elections again in 1945-46. Muslim League won all the seats. Now the separation was inevitable. In the elections of 1945-46, Muslim League was successful in Punjab. Muslim League won 75 out of the 86 Muslim seats. Unionist party won 20 seats. Four out of these 20 joined Muslim League, and six moved to other benches.42 Muslim League fought the election overlooking their loyal workers, and adopting the policy of Biraadari politics, making use of relations with relatives and Biraadari. For example, Mayo tribe of Gurth Gano, Ayryans of Lyallpur, and Gujranwala and Jaat of Sialkot have given party ticket.43 These elections were held based on separate electorate and adult franchise. The Muslim League won 434 out of 495 seats of Provincial assemblies while it won all the seats of central assembly, which were 30 in numbers. The Shimla conference and Cabinet Mission could not stop Muslim‘s struggle for separate homeland.

39Ausaf Ali, Broader Dimensions of the Ideology of Pakistan, (Karachi: Royal Book Company,1988), 40-41. 40 Ibid. 41 The resolution was seconded by the number of prominent Muslim leaders from all over the country; Those who seconded the resolution were ― (i) Mulana Zafar Alikhan (ii) Dr. Muhammad Alam (Punjab), (iii) Begum maulana Muhammad Ali Juhar,(iv) Abdul Hamid Badayuni,(v) Chudri Khaliq- uz-Zaman (vi) Syed Zakir Ali (U.P), (vii) Sir Abdullah Haroon (Sindh),(viii) Sardar Auranzeb Khan (N.W.F.P), (ix) Qazi Muhammad Issa (Balochistan) (x) Nawab Muhammad Ismail (Bihar), (xi) Syed Addur Rauf Shah (C.P),(xii) Abdul Hamid Khan (Madras) (xiii) I.I.Chudrigar (Bombay). [M.Ikram Rabbani, Pakistan Affairs,(Lahore: Carvan Enterprisise,nd),154.] 42 Mughes Ahmed, Birddarism (Cast Politics), (Germony : Lambert Academy Publishing , 2012), 21. 43 Ibid.

India and Pakistan had new democratic growth of post-colonialism. The edifice of British Empire started crumbling with the advent of World War II. At the end of the war, it became impossible for the British Empire to linger on with its colonies. This moment had effectively captured by the native masses by waging quite India movement and it became obvious that eventually British will withdraw from India. Now all the focus was to remap India on to the basis of religious affinity. It stirred not only a major controversy but also embittered the communal relations as well. This deterioration of the relations was one of the key factors later in the fragile development of democracy in Pakistan. It affected Pakistan in multiple ways. The leadership that led India‘s camp included Gandhi, Nehru, Patel and Azad who all belonged to Congress. It was a strong and circumspect leadership, who knew that it would have dominant hand in the case of British-exit from India.44 It is a common knowledge that Quaid-i-Azam‘s concept of Pakistan was that of multiparty, federal democratic republic, with an egalitarian economic and social system based on the principle of Islam. The Bengal Muslim League manifesto was still more radical and looked forward still more clearly to a people rule.45

1.3 Democracy in Pakistan

When Lord Mountbatten presented his partition plan to Quaid-i-Azam and asked for his approval, the Quaid-i-Azam did not oblige forthwith as he thought that was the prerogative of the Muslim League Council. India had all the administrative legacy of the colonial rule with itself including financial and military assets. Financial assets have provided to Pakistan after many hurdles yet no complete share was given to Pakistan. Therefore, Pakistan had to start in a way when it had offices in tin sheds without typewriters, pens, papers and telephones.46 The plan of the partition of India announced on Jun 3, 1947, whereas Pakistan won independence on August 14, 1947. A partition council was set up to divide the assets of the government of India between the two dominions boundary commission for Punjab and Bengal were set up, and Sir

44Raja Qaiser Ahmed, Democratic Development In Post-Colonial India, Monthly Current Affairs Digest,(Lahore: A.H. Publishers, January, 2015),105. 45 Dr. Abdul Slam Khurshed , Economic Prospective of the Pakistan Movement As viewed By Contemporary Writers, Article Daily Dawn March 23, 1977. 46 Chudhari Mohammad Ali, The Emergence of Pakistan, (Lahore: Research society of Pakistan University of Punjab, 2003),247.

Cyril Radcliff was appointed as their joint Chairman. Both the parties Congress and the League accepted the due course of 3rd June plan.

The British government passed the Indian independence Act in July. The Congress and the League had named as the successors to the British authority in India. To Mountbatten‘s great disappointment, the Muslim league nominated Mr Jinnah as the Governor General of Pakistan.47 On June 9, 1947, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah said, ―I do not recognize what the crucial form of the constitution is being passed but I reassure that it would be a democratic sorts and personifying the necessary principles of Islam. Democracy is in our soul‖.48 Jinnah was the great Champion of the freedom of the press and upheld civil liberties. He always played the game of politics according to the established rules of democracy. In his speech at Sibi Durbar on February 14, 1948, he said; ―Let us lay the foundation of our democracy on the basis of truly Islamic ideals and principles. Our Almighty has taught us that ‗our decision in the affairs of the State shall be guided by discussions and consultations.‖49 Under conditions of colonial rule, democracy could not expect to strike its roots in the tradition of the people. The vice-regal system of government remained firmly in place until the last day of the British rule, handing down a majestic but an authoritarian tradition of governance, a continuation of a much older tradition to which the successive government have continually tended to revert.50 Liaqat Ali Khan had appointed the Prime Minister of Pakistan and he appointed his cabinets. 51

In 1947, Pakistan was indeed a predominant agrarian, undeveloped, newly independent Nation, with little industry few services, and no infrastructure. In the first few years, Pakistan‘s one of the main concerns was its survival, where adverse international conditions and a precarious domestic situation, with million refugees, made the provision of necessities, the primary task of the government. Attempts, to

47 Shrief al Mujahid, The Radcliffe Award, Aritical Daily Dawn Karachi, 23 Mach 1976. 48 Quoted in Shariful Mujahid, Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah; Studies on Interpretation, ( Karachi:Quaid-e Azam Accademy, 1978),122. 49 Editorial “The Quaid and Democracy‖ Pakistan Times, December 25, 1992. 50Hamid yusuf, Pakistan: A Study of Political Developments 1947-97(Lahore: Sang-e-Meel publications,1999),32. 511:His first cabinet members were: (i) Mr. I.I. Chanderregar (ii) Mr. Ghulam Muhammad (iii) Sardar Abdul Rub Nashtar (iv) Raja Ganzanfar Ali Khan (v) Mr. Jugandhar Nath Mendal (vi) Fazul-u- Rehman (East Pakistan)(vii) Mr. Muhammad Zafar Ullah Khan (viii) Mr. Abdul Sattar Pirzada (ix) Khwaja Shahab-ul-Deen (East Pakistan)(x) Mr. M.A. Gormani (xi) Sardar Bahadar khan (xii) Chudhary Nazeer Ahmed Khan (xiii) Dr. A.M. Malik. [Dr. Safdar Mahmud, Pakistan kyon Tota,(Urdu)(Lahore: Jung Publications,2002),270-272.]

15 restructure the country and to ensure that it was on a strong footing, could make only after the initial political and economic shocks had dealt with.52 Quaid-i- Azam and Liaqat Ali Khan worked diligently day and night for the remedies of problems. On September 11, 1948, Quaid Azam passed away and Khwaja Nazmu Deen succeeded the office of Governor General.

Liaqat Ali Khan and other leader of Muslim League had a full confidence in Quaid-i-Azam and after the death of Jinnah, Pakistan‘s politics were always characterised by a duel for power between the Governor General and the Prime Minister. It imposed negative impact of parliamentary democracy. The leaders of Muslim league, supporting Jinnah, were often western-educated, some at English universities or the Inns of Court. Of the original membership of Pakistan‘s constituent Assembly, over seventy per cent were lawyers or large landowners. Many possessed considerable wealth, which enabled them to enjoy the luxuries of European life.53 Hanief Ramey in his interview stated, ―Muslim League was feudal political party in which powerful feudal had great significance since pre-independence.54 It was difficult for Liaqat Ali Khan to make constitutional work among this hierarchy. However, Liaqat Ali continued his work facing this elite class. He made a committee to resolve the constitutional problems, because Pakistan did not have any constitution until then. Eventually, after complete discussion, the assembly passed 55Objectives Resolution. It was first constitutional document of the new state Pakistan.

In the September 1950, the Prime Minister, Liaqat Ali Khan presented the report of the steering committee of Basic principle to constitute assembly. It advocated a bicameral system that meant, there would be upper and lower houses. Each province was to have equal representation in the upper and lower houses. The version in the

52 S. Akbar Zaidi, Issues in Pakistan‟s Economy, (Karachi: Oxford University press, 2007), 5. 53Allen McGrath, The Destruction of Pakistan‟s Democracy,(Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1996),8. 54 Interview of Hanief Ramey former PPP leaders, quoted from Mohammad Asif Bahli, Syassat Daan,(Urdu)(Lahore: Mawra Publisher, 1988),255. 55 The first significance step towards the framing of a Constitution was taken by the Constituent Assembly in March 1949. When it passed a resolution on the ‗Aims and Objectives of the Constitution‘, popularly known as the Objective Resolution. It laid the foundation of the constitution and indicated the broad outlines of its structure. It was described as the most important occasion in the life of Pakistan, next in importance only to the achievement of independence. The Resolution and the debate on it are of great interest because they bring out the political philosophy of the government of Pakistan and of its principal critics. [Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2009), 73. ]

16 lower houses had based on population. The reports also pointed that Urdu would be the National language. This was unacceptable to the East Pakistan masses who asked Bengali to be a parallel National language.56

In Liaqat Ali Khan‘s Cabinet, there were two groups. The Finance Minister Malik Ghulam Muhammad represented the political forces of the west wing, notably of the Punjab. The Bengali group had its Mujeeb-ur-Rehman who held the commerce portfolio. A similar alignment existed in the constituting legislature. The weakness of government was shown when it had brought on the status book. The public representative offices disqualification act (PRODA) was a threat for confident politicians. The Public protection acts were approved to add to the power of warts custody hereditary. 57

The first decade of economic policy and planning witnessed the attempts of a bureaucracy to keep Pakistan on its feet. The herculean task of building an economic base was left to the State sector as the private sector still in the embryo and did not have the capital to lead and industrial revolution in the country. The windfall gain made by the merchant class during and after the Korean War in 1952, which paved the way for the foundation of industry that the state sector helped to develop and then hand over to the private sector.58

First long term economic plan of the country aimed at growth primarily through the private sector. However, Pakistan Industrial Development Corporation had set up in the public sector to established industries where private capital was either insufficient or shy of investment. Giant projects like the Karachi Shipyard and Karnafuli paper Mills were set up by PIDC. There was a spurt of industrial and commercial activity. Lyallpur (Now Faisalabad) in the Punjab was becoming a centre of textile industry. The establishment of industries and the rise of commerce began to transform the metropolitan port of Karachi beyond all recognition. Naraian Ganj, in East Pakistan, became the centre of the jute industry. Financial institutions of the state bank of Pakistan, Pakistan industrial Finance Corporation (PIFCO), later to become

56 Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan in the twentieth century, A political History, (Karachi: Oxford university press, 2012), 79. 57Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan(Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2005), 67. 58 Ibid.

17 the Industrial Development Bank (IDB) and Pakistan Agriculture Development Bank (PADB) of Pakistan were established. Banking in the private sector was undergoing expansion.59

In October 1951, Liaqat Ali Khan was martyred and Khawaja Nazimuddin was appointed as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Liaquat Ali Khan was one of few politicians left who could hold back the tide of authoritarianism, which was already threatening the fragile democracy in Pakistan. Milk Gulam Muhammad, Finance Minister of Pakistan persuaded Khwaja Nazim-ud-Din to step down from Governor General and become the Prime Minister even as he implicated the post of Governor General. Kawaja Nazimu-Din did so and Malik Ghulam Muhammad took advantage of this opportunity, he became the Governor General of Pakistan. In early 1953, Pakistan suffered to grave food shortage and severe economic problem leading to civil unrest.60 In April 1953, Ghulam Muhammad dismissed the government of Nazimu- Deen and appointed Muhammad Ali Bogra as the Prime Minister of Pakistan.

The resentment in East Pakistan against Muslim League was increasing day by day. The East Pakistan opposition parties decided to form a political United Front. All opposition parties felt that they contested election against each other, which caused Muslim League to gain victory in many constituencies. It was strengthening the Muslim League politically.61 First, the idea of formation of United Front had given by the Youth League. They were communist and Ganatantri Dal (GD).62 Later Awmi League and KSP adopted it. The idea of formation of United Front steadily spread in others opposition political parties. It was a difficult task because of character dissimilarity among the leaders like Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy, Fazul Haq, Mulana Bhashani and Mulana Athar Ali. The political parties like GD and Nezam-e-Islam (NI) had difference of opinion in their programmes. However, all opposition political parties, Awami League (AL), Kareshek Sarmikee Party (KSP), GD and East Pakistan Communist Party embraced a political meeting in November 1953. It had been decided that they would manage individual platform as opposition Front to contest the Muslim League based on their political programmes and policies. They had authorized

59 Yusuf, op.cit., 40. 60 Ibid.,51. 61Akhtar Hussain, Politics of Alliance in Pakistan 1954-1999, Ph.D. Unpublished Thsis, (Islamabad: Quaid-i-Azam University, 2008), 5. 62Ibid.

18 their respective leaders to conduct mediation on this matter. Thus, The Awami League (Al) and Karashk Sermaeek Party (KSP) leaders met for this purpose and they reached an agreement of establishing United Front.63 In 1954, elections held to form second constituent Assembly of Pakistan. Muslim League was defeated badly in these elections and the United Front which was known as‖ Jugtu Front‖ won the elections in East Pakistan with 223 seats. It was the first general election after the emergence of Pakistan. This election had held based on adult franchise under separate electorate. The total candidates were 1285 for 304 seats.64 The distribution of 237 Muslims seats was as follow:

Table II/I

Distribution of Muslims Seats along with respective strength of the parties with the UF.

A Distribution of Muslims Seats Respective Strength of the Parties Within the UF

United Front 223 East Pakistan Awami League 143

Muslim League 09 Krishik Sarmik Party 48

Independence 03 Nazam-i-Islam Party 19

Khalifat-i-Rabbani party 01 Ganatantri Dal 13

Source: Dawn Karachi 20 October 1954

Table III/I

Distribution of the Seventy two Non-Muslim Seats. Party Seats Party Seats

Schudel Cast Federation 27 Gantridal 3

Congress 24 Budhist 2

Minority United Front 10 Independence caste Hindu 2

Communist Party of East Pakistan 4 Christian 1

Source: Morning News, 4 April 1954

63Ibid. 64Ibid., 11.

It was a great concern for the Muslim League but she became successful to make government in centre. Chudhary Mohammad Ali became the Prime Minister He formed his cabinet.65 His cabinet members had par-excellence qualities. Milk Gulam Muhammad resigned from the office of Governor General and Skander Mirza became Governor General of Pakistan. One thing, which was becoming a phenomenon in East and West, was to prepare a federal system constitution. However, the Prime Minister Chudhary Muhammad Ali paid special attention on constitutional work. The Prime Minister Chudhary Muhammad Ali and his team had commenced the constitutional work after getting offices. He appointed a committee for this task. The committee framed a constitution, which presented in the National Assembly of Pakistan in January 1956. It promulgated on March 23, 1956.66 The designation of Governor General changed into President. Hence, Sikander Mirza became the first President of Islamic Republic of Pakistan according to constitution of 1956. Everybody appreciated the constitutional efforts of Prime Minister Chudhary Mohammad Ali. The politicians considered it a big victory of democracy. Besides all this, the government led by Choudhary Muhammad Ali had to deal with many problem in East Pakistan both Political and economic political crisis within the ruling party ended with Chaudhri Muhammad Ali resignation.67

After Choudhary Muhammad Ali resigned, Hussain Sheed Shuharwardy became the Prime Minister of Pakistan. In October 1957, Skander Mirza dismissed Shuharwardy and appointed Ibrahim Ismail Chanderrigar as the Prime Minister. The Chandrrigar government could survive only for three month; then in December 1957, Malik Feroz Khan Noon replaced him.68 When Farooz Khan Noon resigned from the Prime minister offices, President Skindar Mirza called General Ayub Khan to control the situation. He obeyed the order and put on emergency on October 7, 1958, and later he imposed martial law. G.w.Chudhry commented, ―On 7 October 1958, democratic process was suspended in Pakistan and the country began to be governed by an

65 The Cabinets members of Chudhray Mohammad Ali are: (i) Dr. Khan Shahab (ii) Mr. A.K. Fazlee Haq (iii) Mr. H.I. Rahmat Ullah (iv) Dr. Abid Hussain (v) Mr. Kamni Kumar Datta (vi) Pir Muhammad Ali Rashdi (vii) Mr. Anwar-ul- Haq Chudhary (viii) Mr. A.L. Baswas(ix) Mr. I.I. Chandi Regar(x) Mr. hamid- ul-Haq Chudhry(East Pakistan) (xi) Syed Amjad Ali (xii) Mr. M.R.Kayani (xiii) Mr. Abdul Sattar.2: Minister of State: (i) Sardar Ameer Azam Khan (ii) Mr. Laitif-ur-Rehman Khan (East Pakistan) (iii) Mr. Akshay Kumar Das. (Mahmud,op.cit., 277-278.) 66 Mushtaq Ahmed sheikh, Pakistan Studies, (Lahore: New star book depot, nd), 92. 67 M.D. Zafar, A Short History of Pakistan, (Lahore: Aziz Book Depot, 1985), 190. 68Rabbani, op.cit.,230.

20 authoritarian system under Martial Law Regulations‖.69 Later, on October 27, 1958, General Ayub Khan took the control of the country and he exiled President, Sikander Mirza.

General Ayub Khan desired to extend his rule to grip the administration; therefore, he set up his cabinet.70 After taking action against the corrupt officials, General Ayub khan turned to the politicians. He wanted to eliminate the influence of the politicians from the body politics because he considered them responsible for the past ills of the Pakistani society. To keep these politicians out the Public Offices, Disqualification Order (PODO) and the Elective Bodies Disqualification Order (EBDO) had promulgated in 1959.71 According to various estimates, action under PODO and EBDO was taken against 5000 to 6000 corrupt politicians. They were disqualified from taking part in politics or holding any office of responsibility for a certain number of years. The government promised to publish a white paper about these politicians but it never done. The Martial Law temporarily solved the problems caused by the misconduct of the corrupt politicians. Masses appreciated the working of the Martial Law regime and a sense of stability prevailed all over the country.72

In accordance with the promises made by him to restore democracy, President Ayub launched comprehensive and far-reaching scheme of local self-government popularly known as ―Basic Democracy‖. It was new idea to uphold and flourished democracy in Pakistan after the political dilemma. It was a marvellous programme of Ayub Khan in which had only purposed to extend his sway. All aims depended upon its inspiration in society or in its democratic state of mind. G. W. Chudhary wrote:

While introducing the Basic Democracies Ayub Khan forcefully pointed out that experience has shown that semblance of a Western Democracy could not

69 G.W. Chudhary, Constitutional Development In Pakistan,(London: Longman Publisher,1969),136. 70 The Members of Ayub Khan Cabinet are: (i) Lieutenant General Muhammad Azam Khan (ii) Lieutenant General W.A. Burki (iii) Mr Muhammad Abrahim (East Pakistan (iv) Lieutenant General K.M. Shiekh (v) Mr. Abul Kasim Khan (East Pakistan) (vi) Khan F.M. Khan (vii) Mr Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (viii) Mr Hafeez-ur-Rehman (ix) Mr. Muhammad Shoaib (x) Mr. Hib-ur-Rehman (xi) Mr. Manzoor Qadar. [Dr. Safdar Mahmud, Pakistan kyon Tota,(Urdu)(Lahore: Jung Publications,2002), 286-287] 71 Shaheb, op.cit., 251. 72 Ibid.

transplanted or imposed upon a soil that was not prepared for its healthy nourishment and growth.73

Ayub Khan concluded in these words, we have approved the system of Basic Democracy has been approved by us after a vigilant study of the trial of other countries and of the distinctive conditions existing in our own. It is not compulsory for us to follow, recklessly, the type of democracies to be set up in other republics. We have to work according to the necessity of our own nation and the wisdom of our own people‖. It was his philosophy, which held true over here, but with the passage of time, it was criticised intensely in public opinions. They pondered it as a self-necessity of Ayub Khan, he did not have any care of masses, and rather, he wanted to govern over the country with these kinds of packages. He legalized all his provisions with the help of his subordinates overnight. He handed over the constitutional work to his loyal that made framework of constitution 1962 to perpetuate and strengthen his position.

Ayub Khan sought to give the country a political system initially conceived as free form party-politics. The structure of Basic Democracies proclaimed by president Ayub Khan in May 1959 provided for the polls of 80,000 Basic Democrats, equality distributed between East and West Pakistan. The members of Basic Democracies elected the members of Unions Council in the villages, and the town committees in the cities areas. They selected the members and Chairmen. The upper three tiers (Tehsil Council, District Councils and Divisional Councils) were composed differently; they consisted of representatives of the lower tiers as well as official nominees. These upper tiers were presided over by the officials, who were the ex- officio Chairmen. 74 The political process thus moved towards the local self- government model of the variety of Basic Democracies under the overall directive control the bureaucracy.75

When we took review about Basic Democracies in positive way a large number of schloars disagreed with it. They considered it ambiguous point of view, hence, we should esteem all critics and put forward to find out a real and genuine result without exaggeration. Richard V. Week says:

73 Chudhary,op.cit., 138. 74 Yusuf, op.cit., 72. 75 Ibid.

The role of Basic Democracies is left vague. The constitution provides no formal lonk between the Union Councils and higher groups with the centres of power in government. The amount of responsibility, they have depended upon the President and his adminstration. Their influence on the course of government is in formal except when the Basic Democrates are asked to vote for members of the assemblies, for a President or in a referendum.76

General Ayub Khan‘s regime was famous for its increase export on large scale. The ratio of GNP increased 6.7 per cent in 1965. However, since exports would continue to be a small portion of GNP, It should be possible to find markets for the country‘s growing exportable surpluses, particularly in manufactures.77 The educational target of the perspective plan reflected not only the view that increased education was a benefit to the entire society, but chosen for their economic impact. As the third plan put it, ―No illiterate country has over achieved significant economic development, and an educated community with highly trained leadership does not remain economically backward.‖78

Pakistan‘s overall balance of payment s had a deficit of Rs. 6 corers in 1964-65 as total receipts at Rs. 607 crores were exceeded by total payment of Rs. 613 corers.79 The industrial production increased and met with a large measure of success with these efforts. As a result, the country had attained self-sufficiency in a wide range of consumer goods. The emphasis was on the developing of more important industries like steel, machine tools, heavy electrical and heavy mechanical complex, automobile, petrochemical etc.80 Due to adverse climate factors; production of major agricultural crops remained static during 1965-66, according to preliminary estimates. Increases have registered in the production of cotton and jute, counter-balanced by a fall in food crops. During 1964-65, agricultural production increased by 3%. In 1964-65, the area under major crops was 5.71 crore acres compared to 5.46 crore acres in 1963-64. Production during the same period increased from 4.08 corer tonnes to 4.47 crore

76 Vidya Dhar Mahjan, Select Modern Government, (Delhi: S. Chand & Co, 1980), 520. 77 Government of Pakistan, The Third Five Year Plan 1965-70,(Islamabad: Planning Commission, June 1965), 23. 78 Ibid.,26. 79Government of Pakistan ―Economic Survey, 1965-66” (Rawalpindi: Economic Adviser, Ministry of Finance, 1966), XXV (25). 80 Ibid.

23 tonnes. The increased occurred in food as well as non-food crops.81 Mostly scholars consider that a green revolution came to Pakistan agriculture through capitalistic farming. However, some contradict over this, who was the leaders of this, change in the mode of fabrication and in agriculture technique. According to Shahid Javed Burki and others prominent scholars:

They believed that the rapid agricultural growth had led by a new breed of dynamic middle class farmers, who were capitalist to start with. These farmers had been created by the shifting of political power under Ayub Khan, who, Burki, argues, through the Basic Democracy scheme took away political power from the traditional big landlords and gave it to the middle class landowners. These were the middle-class farmers, owning between 50 and 100 acres of land in the Punjab, who produced the revolution in Pakistan agriculture. Ayub Khan‘s creation, the rural middle class, was considered as a new powerful and independent factor in the political system‘, which had been released from the political and rural control of the landed aristocracy and emerged as the traditional profit maximize.82

Although the economic influences of the Green Revolution were simply noticeable, with increase in total production and growing profits, the social and political influences took a little longer to appear. The economic issues that had social and political influences were the dislocation of labour, both at the low end of the range in the system of sharecroppers and at the high end, where those with land sold or borrowed out to neighbours; upgraded rural-urban relocation as an upsurge on consumerism. The appearance of small townships nearby agricultural zones, that were exhausting capitalist process, and therefore required innovative and diverse services. There was also alteration of attitude towards education, especially amongst the big farmers. Hamza Alvi the most prominent scholar gave his views about Ayub‘s industrial and agricultural revolution:

He argued that the revolution in mechanical, technology and chemical technology, which now employed in agriculture, is making new demands upon the capabilities of the farmers. They are becoming increasingly aware

81 Ibid, XVII (27). 82 S.Akbar Zadi, Issues in Pakistan‟s Economy, (Karachi: Oxford University, 2007), 31.

of the values of education in terms of their own situation, namely for better farming and coping with new technologies.83

Even then, it could not show impressive progress in social sectors. Education did not consider vital during Ayub regime. Ayub Khan paid special attention towards economic progress of the country. He was a good administrator. That is why every social, economic, political sector worked in accordance with his direction. Consequently, Pakistan was making progress rapidly. World and Asian countries admitted it. Mostly, Asian countries desired to get assistance in this respect.

In 1958, Ayub Khan had promised a speedy return to constitutional government. In February 1960, an eleven-member constitutional commission was established. The commission recommendations for direct elections, strong legislative and judicial organs, free political parties and defined limitations on presidential authority went against Ayub‘s philosophy of the government. Therefore, he ordered other committee for revisions.84 The commission submitted its report in May 1961. It recommended presidential form of government, adult franchise, revival of political parties system and a powerful legislature. In the recommendations of the commission, the Basic Democracy system found no place in the evolution of future democratic process. These recommendations were against the wishes of General Mohammad Ayub Khan. To ignore these, he appointed several Cabinet Committees to examine the report thoroughly. In the light of the recommendations of these committees, which were very different from the report of the constitution commission, General Ayub Khan, on March 1, 1962, announced the new constitution.85

Ayub Khan contested Presidential election against Mohtarama Fatima Jinnah. Some follower of Ms. Fatima Jinnah informed early from presidential election that Ayub Khan did not allow anybody to win this contest. ―Ms. Fatima Jinnah if you hope to win, please do not make even an attempt, because elections will be rigged against you. It would be impossible to win in this limited electoral college of 80,000 (Eighty thousand) created by him, but if you are prepared to lose, it would be the greatest service to the nation by breaking the back of the present dictatorship‖. Ms. Jinnah‘s

83 Ibid. 84 World Infopeedia, Pakistan, Part 1 ,(New Delhi: Pragun Publication,2007),120. 85 Ibid.

25 reply was, ―I have accepted your advice given in the interest of the Nation and shall jump into fray to extricate our people from the clutches of the usurpers‖.86 To complete the narration in the aftermath of the 1965 war and the Tashkent declaration a mass agitation had also started against the Ayub‘s regime in West Pakistan and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto mobilized the agitation to build up support for himself later for PPP.87 Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto‖ was a compelling personality. He was also a slogan- moister, and he and his liberal-left supporters quickly adopted four basic PPP principles: Islam is our Faith, Democracy is our Politics, and Socialism is our Economy, All power to the people.‖ The PPP also promised ―the elimination of feudalism in accordance with the established principles of socialism to protect and advance the interest of peasantry, ―lofty goals reflecting the leadership‘s core liberal- left beliefs.88 He formed Pakistan People‘s Party (PPP) in 1967. He emphasized on democracy and rule of law. He had sympathy with despotic society and wanted to improve their standard of living. It was possible only through democracy. That‘s why, he empathically said in the assembly:

Sir, we have suffered and continued to suffer from the petty-mindedness or feudal rivalry on our province (Sindh). I too am a part of that society perhaps one reason why I am here today as a minister is because I belong to this privileged class. Therefore, I do admit the advantages of the system. But ….. It has many inherent drawbacks. I lead to petty intrigues. It leads to victimization of the people….. To callousness towards poverty….. to lethargy. Therefore, when feudal rivals clashed….. There was no development, no factories, no roads….. Absolute darkness and miserable poverty prevailed. Only….the chosen few prospered…..But now….democracy is our creed….without democracy Pakistan cannot progress.89

These arguments of Bhutto showed his democratic approach and aptitude. He desired to improve standard of living people in Pakistan, which was possible by enhancing democracy. His rational approach about democracy was visionary and deliberately up to the mark which conveyed a message to masses about their betterment. He also emphasised on making economic development so that his dream

86 Abdul Ghafoor Bhurgri, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, The Falcon Of Pakistan, (Karachi: Szabist, nd),97. 87 World Infopeedia, op. cit., 122. 88 Ibid., 135. 89Stanly Walpart, Zulfi, Bhutto of Pakistan, His life and Times, (New York: Oxford university press, 1993), 69.

26 to abolish poverty could be fulfilled. In addition, he desired that people should participate in democratic process at grass-root level. He said in conclusion that we should act upon democracy because it is key of progress.

Ayub Khan made a political structure, which was working under the influence of Conventional Muslim league (CML). It was famous as a king party. The opposition political parties tried their best to remove Ayub from sway. By the late sixties the students, intelligentsias‘ middle classes, political elites and other disaffected groups revolted against the Ayub regime. In March 1969, Ayub Khan handed over the power to the military.90 ―President Ayub Khan‘s lust for power prevented him from leaving his high position with grace, after his heart attack in 1968. His directive to Gen. Yahiya Khan, to take control of the country was illegal and unconstitutional. He should have allowed the constitutional process to prevail after his exit. Gen. Yahiya Khan imposed the decision on him and Ayub showed a moral weakness‖.91 Yahya Khan abrogated the 1962 constitution and made One Unit, forbade all political activities. He dissolved National, provincial assemblies, discharged the central and provincial cabinets, and announced Martial Law all over the country, Yahiya accepted the supreme command of the armed forces on March, 31, 1969, and declared himself as the president of Pakistan. As such, country came out the influence of one Martial Law and grabbed another Martial Law in 1969. However, General Yahiya Khan made promise with masses to hold elections within limited time. As Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto had played vital role to dismiss Ayub Khan‘s government, therefore, his position approved certainly in the next political setup.

90 Ziring, 0p. cit., 342. 91 General K.M. Arif “Working with Zia ,Pakistan‟s Power Politics 1977-1988 (Pakistan: Oxford University Press , 1995), 19.

Chapter 2

2.1 Evolution of Democracy in Pakistan (1970-1977)

Ayub khan separated from him the sway and abdicated the power to Yahiya khan. He wrote a letter to the commander-in-Chief, General Yahiya Khan, inviting him to deal with crisis as it was beyond the capacity of (civil) government to deal with such a complex situation. It was notable that Ayub Khan did not hand over power as per under the 1962 constitution, to Speaker of National Assembly, Abdul Jabbar Khan from East Pakistan. Ayub Khan thus disregarded the 1962 constitution, which always his own brainchild.1 Before becoming the C-in-C, Yahiya Khan had started establishing personal contacts with the leading politicians like Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Asghar Khan Wali khan, etc. It was also believed that he had indirectly pardoned all the politicians who had agitated against Ayub Khan. The message to the leaders of the opposition, the Democratic Action Committee (DAC) was good enough to harden their stance towards Ayub when he called a roundtable conference. Many key leaders like Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani refused to attend the conference, while others adopted a most rigid posture even when the President agreed to exceeded to all their demands. They remained adamant on his immediate resignation and fresh elections. It was generally believed that Ayub was made to quit in disgrace, not by the politicians but Yahiya who was, in fact, forcing his hand. 2 On January 6, 1970, the National Awmi Party (NAP) Chief Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani demanded full regional autonomy in accordance with the historic Lahore Resolution and called upon the President to come out with his interpretation of maximum autonomy.‖3 Shiekh Mujeeb-ur-Rehman introduced his 4―Six Points‖

1 Shahid M. Amin, A Concise History Of Pakistan,( Karachi: Institute Of business Management,2015) 206 2 Lieutenant General ® Jahndad Khan, Pakistan Leadership Challenges, (Karachi: Oxford University,2001),111. 3 Daily Dawn Karachi, January 7, 1970. 4 Six Points of Mujeeb-ur-Rehman are: (i) The character of the government shall be federal and parliamentary, in which the election to the federal legislature and to the legislatures of the federating units shall ne direc and on the basis of universal franchise. The representation in the federal legislature shall be on the basis of population.(ii) The federal government shall be responsible only for defence and foreign affairs and subject to the conditions provided in below, currency. .(iii) There shall be two separate currencies mutually or freely convertible in each wing for each region, or in the alternative a single Currency, subject to the establishment of a federal reserve system in which there shall regional federal reserve banks which shall devise measures to prevent the transfer of resources and flight of

28 agenda. Most of the politicians of West Pakistan criticized it. Mian Tufail Muhammad Chief of Jammat-i-Isalami said, ―Mujib‘s six points plan will divide the country‖.5

On January 11, 1970, The Awami League Chief Sheikh Mujeeb-ur-Rehman reiterated his firm determination to struggle for the realization of his six points programme, and lashed out those who criticized it as a move for succession‖.6 It looked like a political Bazar had decorated where everybody was selling his programme and wanted to have publicity through provocation of public emotions. Democracy had lost all its values and the politicians were busy in exploiting the situation only for their political benefits. It seemed that they were avaricious of sway and their lust for the sway was not less than an egocentric. When Ayub Khan handed over the sway to Yahiya Khan, mostly politicians protested over his unconstitutional act. They demanded to use democratic way in order to transfer the power. Yahiya khan issued legal framework order on March 30, 1970. The order was intended to the source of guidance in the future course of transfer of power to the elected representatives. After swayed, he declared himself as the Chief Martial Law Administrator and appointed General S.G.M.M. Pirzada in order to settle Martial Law affairs.

It was a crucial time for the democratic forces to take appropriate decisions, which should base on the desire of masses. Mujeeb urged to establish regional autonomy for the democratic country. The six point‘s agenda had become headache for the political community. PPP and the other political forces were helpless against this rigid ideology of Sheikh Mujeeb. The PPP‘s campaign generated capital from one region to another. (iv)Fiscal policy shall be the responsibilities of the federating units. The federal government shall be provided with requisite revenue resources for meeting the requirements of defence and foreign affairs, such revenue resource would be automatically appropriable by the federal government in the manner provided and on the basis of the ratio to be determined by the procedure laid down in the constitution. Such constitutional provisions would ensure that the federal government revenue requirements are met consistently with the objectives of ensuring control over the fiscal policy by the governments of the federating units. (v) Constitutional provisions shall be made to enable separate accounts to maintain of the foreign policy exchange earnings of each of the federating units under the control of the respective governments of the federating units. The foreign exchange requirements of the federal government shall be met by the government of the federating units on the basis of ratio to ne determined in accordance with the procedure laid down in the Constitution. The regional governments shall have power under the constitution to negotiate foreign trade and aid with the framework of the foreign policy of the country, which shall be the responsibility of the federal government. (VI) The governments of the federating units shall be empowered to maintain militia of para-miliatary force in order to contribute effectively towards national security. [Prof. Rafiullah Shehab, The Political History of Pakistan, (Lahore: Dost publication,1995), 281-282.] 5 Daily Dawn Karachi, January 8, 1970. 6 Ibid., January 12,1970.

29 instantaneous political atmosphere everywhere. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was a charismatic leader. The charisma around his personality proved a great asset for the party campaign. He demonstrated his energies in his tours to West Pakistan successfully throughout the year recruiting people of every complexion into the party. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto had a gift of the gab; he ensured the multitude of the masses at the 1970 rallies to obtain his party‘s manifesto. The PPP manifesto was different from the other political parties; hence, it became popular in the masses rapidly.7 Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto had a compelling personality and he and his liberal-let supporters quickly adopted four basic PPP principles: ―Islam is our Faith, Democracy is our politics, and Socialism is our economy. It clarified, ―Islam is our faith; democracy is our politics and socialism is our economy, all power to the people‖.8 The PPP also promised the elimination of feudalism in accordance with the established principles of socialism to protect the interest of peasantry.

J.A. Rahim motivated the people‘s party (PPP) manifesto and spread it from urban area up to the far-flung areas of Pakistan. On March 28, 1970, Yahiya khan announced, ―the National Assembly to elect on October 5, for framing the constitution having 313 members with thirteen seats reversed for women and the various provinces getting representation based on the 1961‘s consensus.‖ 9 He further said, ―The Legal Framework Order of 1970 which will form the main basis for the operation of the National Assembly will be published on Monday (March 30). It lays down that the constitution must preserve the ideology of Islam and be federal in character‖.10

The Chief Elections Commission Justice Abdus Sitar explained polling procedure and announced that the elections would hold in August 1970. All political parties were excited in the both wings for contesting the elections. Under a democratic system, elections contest had two aspects; legal and political. A candidate who was unaware of the implications of either of these aspects was committing his money and efforts to a gamble in which the scales had already weighed against him, while a breach of legal imperatives would unseat him from an assembly. If he had already been elected to, his failure to fulfil political requirements would seriously impair the

7 Muhammad Manzoor, Pakistan Ka Syasi Safar, Digest” Biniyaat, (Urdu)‖( Karachi: Seriel No 5, January, 1971), 46. 8 Amin, op,cit., 221. 9 Daily Dawn Karachi, March 29, 1970. 10 Ibid.

30 chances of his election. Thus, his lack of an adequate understanding of the legal and political factors involved in an election seriously jeopardised the prospects of his parliamentary career.11

Every political party showed their cards in a form of their manifestos at this stage. The AL (Awami League) as well as NAP (National Awami Party) Abdul Hameed Bhashani and Wali Khan believed in complete provincial autonomy of the provinces and were of the view that the federal government should control of only defence, foreign affairs and currency .The religious and Islam pasand (Islam loving parties) parties favoured a strong central government. Some of the parties like Jamaat- i-Islami and PDP (Pakistan Democratic Party) were of the view that 1956 Constitution must restored. The PPP manifesto spoke for nationalization of heavy industries, agrarian reforms, and reforms in the taxation system, free education up to secondary level and rights of workers, but its stand on the issue of regional autonomy was unclear and ambiguous.12 On the verge of elections, the Bengalis had made up their mind to vote for six-point programme of the Awami League. Meanwhile the fry speeches of East Pakistan politicians, like Mulana Bhashani, Taj-ud-Din Ahmed and Dr. Kamal Hussain shoved the people of East Pakistan to the point of no return. They flared the emotions of the innocent people on whose shoulders they sailed triumphantly through the elections. All the other political leaders decided to give an open field to the Awami League and did not put their candidates in the elections.13

It was the time in Pakistan when a common person was everywhere alienated from the political ideologies. People wanted to get their rights through their sovereignty. They neither had any interest in the most communist country nor in the undemocratic atmosphere and nobody seriously believed that the capitalism would lead them towards pauperization. In the democracies, the established political parties lacked the long-range view of a common man, which could inspire the enthusiasm. Mujeeb stressed the need for a ―real and living‖ democracy and justices between the country‘s regions by granting full regional autonomy on the base of his party‘s Six Points formula, while Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto stressed on necessities of life Roti (Bread),

11Marghub Siddiqi, Election: Legal and Political aspect, Editorial Daily Dawn Karachi, December 3, 1970. 12 Syed Mujawar Hussain Shah , Religion and Politics in Pakistan(1972-88), (Islamabad: Quaid-i- Azam Chairnational Institute of Pakistan Studies Quaid-i-Azam University.1996), 105. 13 M.Ikram Rabbani, Pakistan Studies,( Lahore: Carvan Book house,2011), 214-215.

Kapra (Cloth) and Makan (shelter). In spite of all these circumstances, both leaders coined the slogan of socialist economy put in the country but they differed in the opinion on restoration of the formula of democracy.

It was the first elections in the history of Pakistan, which held after long political dilemma. The democratic atmosphere seemed to sustain after a long span. Therefore, Ayesha Jalal writes, ―It took no less than twenty-four years to hold the first general election on the basis of universal adult franchise in 1970‖.14 For making election fair and transparent, the government took some marvellous steps. On July 12, 1970, President General Yahiya Khan had promulgated an ordinance in order to conduct elections for the National Assembly and the provincial assemblies.15 After a few days, addressing the nation over Radio Pakistan President Yahiya Khan said:

We have set ourselves to certain clear cut goals including that of the restoration the democracy in the country and we will not allow anyone to come in the way of achievement of this objective because this is what the people of Pakistan want and this is what I have pledged to give them‖. The president‘s broadcast made it clear that the elections would hold according to the schedule. He further said, we have just over two month left for the general elections. He again said, it is essential that political leaders and political workers exercise due care in what they say and what

they do.16

Unfortunately, during the month of November a disastrous cyclone came in East Pakistan, which swept over the coastal areas. Yahiya Khan went for the relief to the affected people. On November 25, 1970, President General Yahiya Khan said that he was satisfied with the relief operation in the cyclone-affected area of province and was visiting the devastated areas for his own satisfaction.17 At this movement, the elections have postponed for few days. It was generally recognize that the conduct of elections had been free and fair. For this, Yahiya Khan should really praise. ―In East

14Ayesha Jalal, Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia, A comparative and historical perspective, ( Lahore: Sang-E Meel Publication, n.d), 48. 15 Daily Dawn Karachi, July 13,1970. 16 Ibid., July 29, 1970. 17 Ibid., November 26, 1970.

Pakistan Awami League made a clean sweep of 167 out of 169 seats. While in West Pakistan, the PPP won 81 out of the 144 seats‖.18

Table I/II Elections Results 1970

Party Punjab Sindh NWFP/FATA Baluchistan Total N.A P.A N.A P.A N.A P.A N.A P.A N.A P.A PPP 62 113 18 28 1 3 - - 81 144

PML-(Q) 1 6 1 5 7 10 - 3 9 24

CML 7 15 - 4 - 1 - - 7 20 JUI - 2 - - 6 4 1 2 7 08 JUP 4 4 3 7 - - - - 7 11

NAP - - - - 3 13 3 8 6 21

JI 1 1 2 1 1 1 - - 4 03 PML(C) 2 6 - - - 2 - - 2 08 PDP - 4 ------04

OTHERS - 1 - 1 - - - 2 - 04

IND 5 28 3 14 7 6 - 5 15 53 TOTAL 82 180 27 60 25 40 4 20 138 300

Source: Akhtar Hussain, Politics of Alliance in Pakistan 1954-1999, Ph.D. Thesis (Islamabad: National institute of Pakistan Studies Quaid-i-Azam University, 2008), 239.

The Chairman of PPP Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto remained busy in forming his party structure in country, especially in Punjab. His popularity was increasing day by day. The PPP adopted a different strategy to attract the masses that is why the feudal (Zamindars) did not achieve success due to masses poor response in these polls. The people knew well about the worth and value of vote in this democratization process. Syed Mujawar Hussain writes, ―Only ten big ―Zamindars”(Landlords) from the Punjab were able to find their way in the National Assembly which indicated the fact that the masses had become politically aware and could not be persuaded to follow the Zimindars (Landlord) blindly‖.19

The Awami League won all the seats except two, which were winning by Nur- ul-Amin and Raja Tridev, the Buddhist leader. Yahiya Khan congratulated both Mujib and Bhutto and hoped that they would make future constitution keeping in view the masses desire. On January 17, 1971, president Yahiya Khans reiterated and hoped that

18 Khan, op.cit., 114. 19 Shah, op.cit., 110.

33 the constitution would frame within the stipulated period.20 Mr. Sheikh Mujeb-ur- Rehman and Mr. Zufiqar Ali Bhutto got away from real democratic negotiation and solution, rather, they played hide and seek. Both of them did not satisfy each other. Mujeeb stood firm on his six points. He refused to meet Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto did not want to discuss the six point agenda. On February 15, 1971, Mr. Zufiqar Ali Bhutto, the Chairman of Pakistan People‘s Party declared that his party would not attend the National Assembly session starting on 3rd March at Dhaka unless it would be made clear to him and his party men that there would be some sort of reciprocity from the majority party either publically or privately.21 On February 16, 1971, The Awami League Chief, Shiekh Mujeeb-ur-Rehman reiterated that the country‘s constitution would certainly frame on the base of his party six point‘s programme, no power could stop it.22 Sheikh Mujeeb and the PPP Chairman Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto agreed to cooperate in framing democratic constitution. Rao Farman Ali in his interview stated, ―The East Pakistan problem was political problem and it could not be solved forthwith‖.23 To narrate these circumstances, Shahid Amin wrote, ―The Political deadlock continued between the Awami League, the PPP and the military government till March 1971. Mujeeb-ur-Rehman then launched the civil disobedience movement, which effectively paralyzed the state machinery in Pakistan. A kind of irreversible momentum developed East Pakistan under which the demand for Provincial autonomy turned into a secessionist movement, in a rapid changing environment‖.24 Meanwhile Sheikh Mujeeb launched civil disobedient movement. He issued orders to the people not to pay taxes to the government. Bengalis broke out riots and procession to agitate in streets, lane and roads, with this exercise; they paralysed administration on the temptation call of the Awami League supporters. Hassan Askri writes,‖ the Pakistan flag and portrait of Quaid-i-Azam were burnt in public and slogans for independent Bangladesh were raised‖.25

The head of PPP did not allow the party elected members to attend National Assembly session. It restricted the party members to accept constitution, which had

20 Daily Dawn Karachi January 18, 1971. 21 Ibid., February 16, 1971. 22 Ibid. 23 Interview of Rao Farman Ali, quoted from Dr. Safdar Mahmud, Pakistan Kauyoon Tota,(Urdu) (Lahore: Jung Publishers 2002),243. 24 Shahid M. Amin, A Concise History of Pakistan, (Karachi: Institute of Business Management, 2015),207 25 Hassan Askri Razvi, Military and Politics,(Lahore: Sange-meel publisher, nd),242.

34 been basing on six points agenda. Sheikh Mujeeb stands firmly on his six-point agenda. Ahmed Shujah Pasha writes, ―Bhutto being the leader of the majority in the West Pakistan did not want to occupy opposition benches in the National Assembly and nobody knew Mujeeb‘s mind clear through it was from his pronouncement that he wanted an independent Bangladesh‖.26 On March 22, 1971, Sheik Mujeeb, the President of Awami League had an unscheduled 70-minutes meeting with President Yahyia Khan in Dhaka in which the former sought clarification on the same points on the matter they had discussed in their previous meeting. On other side, Mr. Zulfaqar Ali Bhutto Chairman of Pakistan People‘s Party had called on after his arrival in Dacca from Karachi. Later he gave reporters an optimistic note: ―Everything would turn all right. This much I can tell you now‖.27 Meanwhile many political leaders of Pakistan commenced political exercise for abolishing this deadlock. The Awami League decided to proclaim independence and took over the government. That is why, on March 24, 1971, Yahyia Khan ordered the Army to move out and restore law and order.28 The military action restored the authority of the government.29

On March 27, 1971, President Yahiya Khan banned all political activities and imposed complete press censorship throughout Pakistan in a broadcast to the nation, the Awami League was completely bane as a political party. President said, ―Martial Law regulation will very shortly be issued in pursuance of this decision. He had taken these decisions in view of the grave situation that existed in the country‖.30 G.W.Chudhary writes, ―There had been a secret deal between Bhutto and L.T. General S.G.M.M. Peerzada, Yahiya‘s Principal Staff officers. This deal played an important part in national developments at the time and he (Bhutto) was even reported to have prepared Yahiya‘s various statements, including the decision to postpone the assembly‖.31 Therefore, Bhutto in a press Conference on 27th March 1971 declared that Mujeeb wanted to establish an independent, fascist and racist regime in East Pakistan. He did not really believe on the country‘s integrity‖.32

26 Ahmed Suja Pasha, Pakistan, A Political Profile, 1947-1988, (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publisher, 1991), 245. 27 Daily Dawn Karachi, March 23, 1971. 28 M. Ikram Rabbani, Pakistan Affairs,(Lahore: Carvan Enterprises,n.d),273. 29 Rabbani,op.cit., 274. 30 Daily Dawn Karachi, March 27, 1971. 31 G.W.Chudhary, International Affairs London, April 1972. 32 Daily Dawn Karachi, March 28, 1971.

On June 26, 1971, a new budget for the year 1971-1972, had presented. It was self-reliance, austerity budget. New taxes had introduced to meet resources gap of 94 corers.33 On August 5, 1971, a meticulous operational plan was worked out to take over the entire East Pakistan by force to subdue the outlawed Awami League at the behest of highest martial law authorities. In reaction to it, Indian regular troops were moved into East Pakistan to help the Awami League in capturing the territory. At this, India‘s direct involvement in Pakistan internal affairs was condemnable.34 On September 17, 1971, a Council of Ministers drawn from different political parties including one non-defunct Awami League MNA-elect, one MPA-elect from the defunct Awami League took oath before of East Pakistan Governor Dr. A.M. Malik at simple ceremony at Governor House.35 On September 18, 1971, Nur-ul-Amin Chief of Pakistan Democratic Party (PDP) said that the grant of the general amnesty, appointment of Civilian Governors and nomination of Council of Ministers for East Pakistan, were a chain of steps to restore normalcy in the province.36

In an attempt to arrive at same sort of verdict on the crisis in East Pakistan depended upon bilateral negotiation but both political forces of East and West wings did not trust one another. It seemed inevitable that the great furore, which arose in many countries, was the part of propaganda to split Pakistan. The questions should be raised not only about the ethical complexion of international relation but also about the laws that determine relations between states.37 In one sense, it was surprising that the East Pakistan crisis had exploited by the other countries, which desired the dismemberment of Pakistan. The world tradition had been to regard any crisis as a part of the global struggle to sway and even to allow the exploitation of humanitarian issues for political ends. The practice of paying attention to political expediency, rather than to principle and values deduced from the law of Nations, appeared to be more common those days than ever before. T.A.Walker‘s commented in 1893, ―Men do not always distinguish easily between the impelling power of conscience and the attractive force of interest‖ was still valid. Behaviour seldom confirmed legal and moral norms when the atmosphere was change with hostility. Only the perniciousness

33 Ibid., June 27, 1971. 34 Ibid., August 6, 1971. 35 Ibid., September 18, 1971. 36 Ibid. 37 Dr. Muhammad Ahsen Chudhri, International Law and Politics and the East Pakistan crisis , Article Daily Dawn Karachi , November 15, 1971.

36 of escalation, the considerations of the costs involved and the fear of counter- intervention restrains a state from intervening in other people‘s affairs.38 India was infiltrating in the internal affairs of Pakistan, which was condemnable in each respect. Pakistan had protested against all this in different international forums and got success. As Such, Pakistan brought it into the notice of International community.

The demand for immediate transfer of power before the situation had normalized in East Pakistan had repeated on many occasions but the military rulers did not accept the PPP contention. After the fall of Dacca, the General had no choice but to hand over the reins of government to Bhutto.39 On December 20, 1971, the people‘s party Chairman, Mr. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was formally sworn in as the President and Chief Martial Law Administrator by General Muhammad Yahiya Khan‖.40 Shahid Javed Burki commented, ―Yahiya Khan came into office without any political program. His first impulse was entirely dismantle the system erected by Ayub Khan; after all, that was the demand of the politicians. His second impulse was to resist with all his might, the working of the political dynamic released by his earlier action. Yahiya Khan went from one crisis to another, becoming more inflexible along the way. By the time, he left the presidency. Pakistan was on political shambles, in its Eastern wing, having finally left the union‖.41 The new Pakistan President and Chief marital law administrator of Pakistan Mr. .Zulfaqar Ali Bhutto announced that he was prepared to open negotiation with leaders of East Pakistan ―for a loose arrangement to live together but with drawl of Indian forces from Eastern province was the first precondition‖.42 Now Pakistan had gained the favour of Islamic world under the rule of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and had established peace with neighbour countries. A new Pakistan emerged on the map of the world, reduced in size and population; but far more cohesive and united.

On January 11, 1972, Air Marshal (Retd) M. Asghar Khan, convener, Tahreik- i- Istiqlal, said ―It would be ―wise and sensible‖ to recognize Bangladesh.43 He criticised Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto policies intensely. The leaders of PPP Mr. Kursheed

38 Ibid. 39 Shah, op.cit., 133. 40 Daily Dawn Karachi, December 21, 1971. 41 Shahid Javed Burki, Pakistan,Fifty Years of Nationhood, (Lahore: Vanguard,1999),71. 42Daily Dawn Karachi, December 21, 1971. 43 Ibid., January 12, 1972.

Hassan Meer, Mr. Hakim Qureshi and Dr. Abdul Khaliq condemned retire Air Marshal Asghar Khan‘s tirade against President Bhutto and decried the Therik-i- Istaqlal chief as ―Rank opportunist‖.44 Air Marshal (Retd) M. Asghar Khan, convener, Tahreik-i- Istiqlal, committed himself and his party to remove the present government through constitutional, legal and democratic means. He based his proposed opposition role on his conviction that the President Bhutto had no intention to restore democracy in the country. He did so by creating public opinion to join the struggle and to compel Mr. Bhutto to establish a democratic order in the country.45

It was hoped that Democracy would restore after predicament circumstances. Everybody had new ideas and interpreted democracy in new dimension. On the other hand, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto took several steps for new administrative measures. He promulgated interim constitution in 1972. The political history of Pakistan witnessed a very pathetic institutional development when the elected government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto rolled back the BD system on January 22, 1972 instead of making amendments in it stated:

I am abolishing the system of Basic Democracy that has bred nothing but nepotism and corruption, a system that reduced democracy to a farce. 46

On January 22, 1972, President Bhutto announced that provincial assembly lines would convene on March 23, and provincial ministries would form immediately thereafter. Addressing a news conference the President described this decision as ―the first step towards the fulfilment‖ of his aim to restore democratic institution to people.47 In January 1972, President Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto went on his Middle East and North Africa countries official tour where his main aim was to break of diplomatic isolation of Pakistan.48 Shahid M. Amin writes, ―The main purpose was to reassure the Muslim world that Pakistan still remained a viable and important country‖.49 A large number of senior army officers had removed in the rapid sweep, culminating on March 3, 1972, in the dismissal of Lt. General Gul Hassan and Air Marshal Rahim

44 Ibid. 45 Ibid. 46 Amir ULLah Khan, Liberalting Local Democracy From Subservience to Bureaucracy in Pakistan: Ipri Journal, summer 2014 (Islamabad: Policy Research Institue, 2014) ,67. 47 Daily Dawn Karachi, January 23, 1972. 48 Ibid., January 25, 1972. 49 Shahid M. Amin, Pakistan‟s Foreign Policy A Reapraisal, (Karachi, Oxford University Press, 2000),76.

Khan who had accused of showing Bonaparte tendencies. Within four months, 43 senior officers of the army were retired. Tikka khan, who had led the army action in East Pakistan, had made the new Chief of the Army Staff.50

On April 17, 1972, the national assembly of West Pakistan passed interim constitution 1972. The opposition abstained from voting. A twenty-five (25) member‘s house committee with Mr. Mahmud Ali Kasuri as its Chairman had appointed by the national assembly to prepare a draft of constitution of Pakistan.51 Now Mr. Zufiqar Ali Bhutto had to face a formidable task as he attempted to build a new Pakistan out of the debris of the old, which he had promised to restore democracy. On the assumption of authority, and armed with the power of being the President and the Chief Martial Law Administrator, Bhutto made swift and resolute moves to consolidate his position. Sheikh Mujeeb, who was under detention in West Pakistan was released whereupon he reached Dacca via London and proclaimed as the father of Bangladesh. On 14th April, the President and the Chief Martial Law Administrator Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto made a dramatic announcement that he would lift Martial Law on April 21, instead of Aug 14, if the interim constitution was adopted on the stipulated date of April 17.52

Nationalization is a procedure in which private industries and private assets took into public ownership through national government. Zufiqar Ali Bhuto started nationalization program in a vision to improve economic democracy. The first segment of nationalization policy was commencing in January 1972. The government of Pakistan considered thirty-one industries under the groups of elementary industries. This degree was not as wide-ranging as it looked to be as these parts were to control to capital and internal goods manufacturing segments. The previous administration had indulged in deficit financing to true of rupees 209 crores. The exchange rate of the rupees was miserable and disastrous effects of the war had adversely affected the entire life in the country. The government had to restore the deficit financing to the level of Rs. 183 crores in 1971-72 in order to execute development schemes, nationalization policies and social economic reforms. President Bhutto issued

50Hamid Yusuf, Pakistan: A Study of Political Developments 1947-97( Lahore: Sang-e-Meel publications, 1999), 144. 51 Daily Dawn Karachi, April 18, 1972. 52 Ibid., August 15, 1972.

Economic Reforms order and the government took over 10 basic industries stating that it had done for the benefit of people of Pakistan. The managements of each of the industrial establishment had taken over by the central government. General Banks, in the private sector were also nationalized in May 1972, stating that the bonus system was out dated and resulted in unfair dealing. The government liquidated it and sharply devalued the Pakistani rupee (by 131 per cent) from Rs. 4.76 to Rs. 11, 00 for USA dollars at the same time the bank discount rate increased from 5 to 6 per cent. These measures; along-with the increased export tariffs and the new import policy met with criticism by the business community.53 Pakistan economy was disturbed because of the flood in 1973. The prompt consequence was in the form of steep rise in the price of commodities of daily life. The nationalization programme under Bhutto, particularly in the later stage, was neither efficient in the corporatist sense nor was it a part of serious commitment to socialism. Unable to generate investment from the private sector, by 1973 the Bhutto government was concentrating on expanding the role of the public sector in the national economy.

Table IV/II

PRIVATE AND PUBLIC SECTOR INDUSTRIAL INVESTMENT (Millions of rupees) Years Private Public Total Public Investment as % of Total 1971-72 1,235 99 1,334 7 1972-73 1,018 111 1,130 10 1973-74 1,023 391 1,414 28 1974-75 1,437 1,065 2,502 43 1975-76 1,818 3,182 5,000 64 1976-77 1,795 4,315 6.110 71 Source: Saeed Shafqat, Political System of Pakistan And Public Policy,( Lahore: Progressive Publichers,1989), 209.

In order to improve the quality of life, the regime announced a health policy in March 1972. It emphasized on improving the existing facilities, increasing the number

53 V.Y.Belokrenitsky and V.N. Moskalenko, A Political History of Pakistan 1947-2007, (Karachi: oxford University Press, 2013), 217.

40 of dispensaries, hospitals, and medical colleges and establishing health centre in the rural areas.54 The PPP‘s period was a democratic era. A democratic era is the one, which originates its strong point more from an organization or from a political program. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was a popular leader. He started mass movement, which based on socialism connotations. He dominated as a political party and made speeches to the political and financial ambitions of the masses.55 Akbar Zaidi called Bhutto‘s era as ―Bad Luck Years‖ in the sense that his government set up for future growth and progress, which benefited for the next generation.56

Bhutto Nationalization policy also brought incremental change and infrastructural change due to socialist approach but later it could not sustain. In 1971- 72, public investment in the industrial sector was 7% of the total, and by 1976-77, it had reached 71% about a tenfold increase, Investments in the private sector in this period declined from 93% to 29%.57 The annual Development plan covering these programs rose from 49 million rupees in 1971-72 to 211 million rupees in 1975- 1976.58

TABLE V/II

Sector wise distribution on allocation of annual development plans (Selected sector) (Million Rs.).

Total 1971-72 1972-73 1973-74 1974-75 1975-76 2,002 3,368 4,977 8,788 13,365 Allocation 188 271 313 486 616 I. Education& Training II. Health 151 140 192 309 649

III. Social Welfare 7 9 10 15 18

IV. Manpower 4 8 39 28 32 ,Employment V. People works 49 96 183 - 211 program

Source: Saeed Shafqat, Political System and Public Policy,(Lahore: Progressive Publisher, 1989), 220.

54 Ibid., 223. 55 Rabbani, op.cit., 278. 56S. Akbar Zaidi, Issues in Pakistan‟s Economy (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999), 6. 57 Saeed Shafqat, Political System of Pakistan and Public Policy, (Lahore: Progressive Publication, 1989), 210. 58 Shafiqat, op.cit., 219.

After the 1971 war, negotiations held between India and Pakistan for the restoration of peace. Having lost the war, Pakistan was clearly at a great disadvantage in these negotiations. India held around 93,000 Pakistani prisoners either army men or civilians.59 In Pakistan, masses had great demand to release them without any delay. In the month of July, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto went to India on an official visit with his delegation. The talk between Bhutto and Indra Gandhi began at the issue, which seemed impossible to solve, but ended in a dramatic agreement of the withdrawal of troops through the border. The agreement also reportedly if the two countries would resolve their differences and disputes without resorting to the use of force as laid down on the United Nation Charter.60 On July 3, 1972, Bhutto returned to Pakistan and explained about Shimla Agreement. He said that the Shimla agreement had vindicated Pakistan‘s principled stand on the basic issues and expressed the hope that the break through at the first summit would open the door of further fruitful negotiations leading to a better relationship between India and Pakistan.61Apart from such joint declaration of future good intention, priority had rightly given to removing the effects of the last Indo-Pakistan war the agreement stipulated that within thirty days of its ratification, the territories occupied by either country along the recognized international border would vacate. This means that the long areas in the Punjab and Sindh now under Indian occupation were free in the near future. The accord also paved the way for the diplomatic recognition of Bangladesh by Pakistan. This accord had signed based on bilateral talks between India and Pakistan; It had decided that the disposal of the prisoners captured in the war in East Pakistan could be decided only with the concurrence of the Bangladesh government. In view of this, it was urgently necessary that the government of Pakistan should make every possible effect to establish direct contact with Sheikh Mujeeb and his government So that a decision on the question of granting de jure recognition to Bangladesh could take without further delay. 62

The non-Bengalis of Bangladesh had endured untold misery and the Bengalis had remained stranded in Pakistan. The resolution of the Security Council and the General Assembly, the Geneva conventions, the universal Declaration of human

59 Amin, op.cit.,217. 60 Daily Dawn Karachi, July 3, 1992. 61 Ibid. 62Editorial “ Simal Agreement”, Daily Dawn, July 4, 1972.

Rights and the common defence clearly indicated the manner in which they were to be treated. If the letter and spirit of international humanitarian law had been observed and the resolutions of United Nation been carried out, the prisoners of the war would have been released immediately, not following the cessation of hostilities. The non- Bengalis would have been treated based on equality and non-discrimination and the Bengalis residing in Pakistan, could have long ago had returned to their homes.63

According to all available indication, such recognition persuaded the Bangladesh government to act in accordance with accepted norms of international law and rule laid down by the Geneva conventions. It was also necessary that the civilian internees, the women and the children detained in Indian and the Bengalis living in Pakistan should have been allowed to return their homes, so that these innocent victims of circumstances could save from further inconvenience and harassment. There were a number of other matters which also came up for discussion between Islamabad and Dacca, either a joint decision should be taken to in order to resolve them or if this was for any reason not possible an agreed machinery should be set up for dealing all the points in dispute. Pakistan desired to commence cordial relation with Bangladesh. Under the Shimla Agreement, it was decided in principle to repatriate the Pakistani prisoners of war. To settle the procedure for the return of the POWS an agreement was signed between India and Pakistan in August 1973, which said that India would repatriate all except 195 POWS and all Civilian internees. The future of 195 POWS had decided in a meeting between representatives of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. All the Bengali living in Pakistan and the non-Bengalis living in Bangladesh were also to be repatriated to Bangladesh and Pakistan respectively.64 In its editorial Daily Dawn Karachi, dated August 1, 1973, wrote:

Only the most optimist would have expected at the start of the Indo-Pakistan talks that issues would be fully resolved this round. The Indian and Bangladeshi position seems so hardened on one or two aspects that this is likely to be no more than a probing exercise in which each side tried to gauge the others point of view on controversial questions. There is also an indication towards the end that the two sides have very sensibly agreed to divide up the issues rather than seek package of settlement; in other words, to concentrate first on the question on repatriation of Pakistan POWs and

63 Ibid. 64 Shehab, op.cit., 299.

Bengalis in Pakistan while postponing less tractable issues of war trails and massive transfer of Bihari population.65

This editorial‘s views about the efforts of both governments Pakistan and India esteemed and highlighted the Shimla Agreement, which stands between Pakistan and India. Good measures had been taken for the betterment of Bengalis and Biharis because it was purely humanitarian problem. Therefore, it was the responsibility of both the countries, which played their role in positive, as it was looking. Both the leaders, Indian Prime Minister Indrah Gandh and Pakistani Prime Minister were taking full interest in this respect and they were trying to satisfy the international communities with proof. Pakistan had also raised the Kashmir problem on this occasion in the belief that both countries would solve this old problem on bilateral basis. Whereas concerned with Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, he had exceptional proficiency in foreign affairs. Abdul Sattar exemplified Bhutto‘s proficiency in foreign policy in this way, ―Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, a leader of exceptional intellect and percipience also excelled in rhetoric and eloquence. His legal education and superb knowledge of English language stood Pakistan in good stead at the Shimla Agreement which Indira Gandhi accepted protecting Pakistan‘s position on the Kashmir question through compromise‖.66

President of Pakistan Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto clarified that the accountability process would be commenced at every cost and everybody had pledged to restore democracy. Pakistan started the New Year with political freedom, while was still struggling towards the goal of restoring democracy, a host of problems had emerged, and tremendous difficulties had come in the forefront. All this proved that freedom was not a cup of tea. Even then, we could have freedom only up to the extent; it did not interfere with the freedom of others if we were to live as the members of civil society. The questions might be raised not only about the ethical complexities of international relation but also about the laws that determined relations between state which was a better agency of progressive social change, material law or democratic rules. It was natural that an argument ought to have developed over this question after President Bhutto ruled out the immediate convocation of the National Assembly and used the term People Martial Law.

65 Editorial Pakistan-India Talk, Daily Dawn Karachi, August 1st, 1973. 66 Abdul Sattar, Pakistan Foreign Policy 1947-2012 A Concise History, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 140.

After keeping offices of president of Pakistan, Bhutto set up new cabinet and appointed new Governors in four provinces. His Cabinet members were proficient in their fields.67 Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was the man of letter. He was a democratic man. He was a beam of light for the despaired people. He chose a marvellous team whose he had submitted different task. One of his close companions Malik Meraj Khalid always described about the meritorious personality of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, which made it easy for him to overcome various affairs.

On March 13, 1973 leaders of opposition parties met at the residence of Chuadhry Zahoor Elahi, after a meeting, it was decided to establish a ―United Democratic Front‖. It comprised of JUI, JUP, JI, NAP, KT, PML-Council, PML- Convention, PDM and a group of Independent members of the NA. Syed Mardan Ali Shah Pir of Pagara, and Mufti Mehmud chosen its President and Vice-President respectively.68 Professor Ghfoor Ahmed became the General Secretary and Wali Khan selected as the convener of the alliance. During the month of August 1973, UDF lunched another political offensive against PPP government. The UDF confronted with PPP for more democratic and Islamic constitution. The UDF framed twelve- points ―Islamabad Declaration‖ representing their promise to defend the geographical object of country and to get an Islamic democratic, federal parliamentary constitution. They pledged to save the fundamental rights of the masses and struggled for the Islamic democratic authority.69 It was Civil disobedience movement against PPP government. The UDF considered it the restoration of democracy while the PPP government called it disturbed activities. An analyst, Ahmed wrote in his article Daily Pakistan Times, dated August 1, 1973:

The united Democratic Front has systematically tried to muddy the country‘s political waters. The events of the recent past conclusively proved that the only purpose for which the opposition parties have come together under the banner of the UDF is

67 The names of the Minister in Bhutto cabinet were: (i) Main Mahmood Ahmed Kasoori (Minister for Law and parliamentary affairs) (ii) Dr. Mubashir Hassan ( Finance Minister)(iii) Mr. Justice (Rted) Faiyaz Ullah Kundi (Establishment Minister) the father of Socialism Sheikh Rasheed (Minister for Health) (iv) Raja Taridev Raey( Minister for Minitory Affairs) (v) Gulam Mustafa Jatio (Minister for Political Affairs and Transport) (vi)Malik Meraj Khalid (Minister for Food) (vii) Abdul Hafeez Pirzada (Minister for Education) (ix) Muhammad Hanif (Minister for Labour) [Sh.Muhammad Rafique, Standard History of Pakistan Since 1947,(Lahore: Standard Book House Urdu Bazar,2000),324] 68 Akhtar Hussain, Politics of Alliance in Pakistan 1954-1999, Ph.D Unpublished Thsises (Islamabad: Quaid-i-Azam University, 2008), 78. 69 Ibid.

to create disorder in the country, disruptive international political unity and prevent the popular government from Concentrating on the task of socialist transformation of our society.70

The role of opposition is very important in any democratic process. Here the role of UDF as an opposition coalition was condemnable, and constructive criticism appreciated in every respect. However, according to this article, it is not difficult to understand the point of view of UDF, which was not constructive, it looked like disturbing activities that they were doing at that time. Their demand to relinquish the power of constitution 1973 could not be justified. In people‘s democracy, government works for the masses and opposition cooperates with government but it conveyed government of Pakistan the opposition was involved in misdeeds and corruptive activities so the government had to take preventive actions against these vices. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto‘s government tried his best to bring the opposition to the parliament and suggested them to pull on together all national issues.

On August 10, 1973, Chudhry Fazal Ellahi voted for President. He defeated his rival Khan Amirizada of National Awami Party (NAP), who got 139 votes. The opposition parties jointly nominated him.71 On August 12, 1973, Mr. Bhutto was elected as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. In a house of 146 with eight members absent, he got 106 votes against the opposition candidate Mulana Shah Ahmed Noorani, who got 28 votes. Thus, Bhutto won the elections by overwhelming majority of 80 votes. Neither Mr. Bhutto nor Mr. Noorani participated in the division conducted by speaker Farooq Ali.72 Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto told the national assembly that the commitment of the people‘s government to democracy was irrevocable, and was determined to ensure that democracy had come to stay in Pakistan for all the times to come‖.73

The draft of the constitution was now under the consideration of the constituent assembly. It was imperative to examine it critically and see if it satisfied the needs of our country and the aspiration of our people. There was another serious omission in the draft constitution regarding to the treaties with foreign countries.

70 Ahmed, UDF‟s Negative Politics, Article, Daily Pakistan Times, August 1st, 1973. 71 Daily Pakistan Times Lahore, August 11, 1973. 72 Ibid., August 13, 1973. 73 Ibid.

Whereas all the federal parts of constitution provided that making and the implementation of treaties were within the jurisdiction of the federal government. The draft constitution only mentioned the implementation ―within the jurisdiction of the federation‖. A committee was set up to form the future constitution for Pakistan.74

After getting power, President Bhutto and leaders of parliamentary parties reached an agreement, which was known as the ―Constitutional Accord‖. The National Assembly appointed a committee of 25 members on April 17, 1972, to prepare a draft of the permanent constitution of Pakistan. Muhammad Ali Kasuri elected as the Chairman of the committee. On October 29, 1972, the leaders of all parliamentary groups in the National Assembly signed the draft bill for the constitution. A constitutional bill for the Islamic Republic of Pakistan introduced in the Assembly on February 2, 1973. The Assembly passed the bill unanimously on April 19, 1973. The President Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto endorsed it on April 12, 1973. 75 The constitution of 1973 passed by the National Assembly, during Prime Minister Bhutto‘s government, was based on the general will of all the concerned. It had the consensus of the four provinces of Pakistan and enjoyed the backing of the political parties of the country. Its enforcement on August 14, 1973, commenced a new era of democracy.76 On the same day, Prime Minister Bhutto and President Fazil Ellahi administered the oath of their respective offices.77 Everybody congratulated them on this occasion.

During August-November 1973, the reform wave, which had symbolically started with the aforementioned mass dismissals of corrupt public officers, resulted in a revision of the entire administrative and bureaucratic system.78 The reforms proclaimed a democratization of the administrative system, abolished bonuses and

74 The name of the committee members are: (i) Gulam Mustafa Jatio (ii)Gulam Mustafa Khar (iii)Mulama Mufti Mehmood (iv) Professor Gufoor Ahmed(v) Mulan Shah Ahmed Noorani (vi)Dr, Mubashar Hassan(vi)Malik Meraj Khalid(vii) Main Mumtaz Doltana(viii) Sheikh Muhammas Rasheed (ix) Malik Muhammad Akhtar (x) Ameer Zada Khan (xi) khan Abdul Qyoom Khan (xii)Malik Muhammad Akhtar (xiii) Muhammad Hanief khan (xiv) Sardar Shukat Khan (xv) Dr.Mrs.Ashraf Kahtoon(xvi) Mulan Kusar Niazi(xvii) Dr, Gulam Hussain(xviii) Sayed Qaim Ali Shah Jalani (ixx) Mr, Muhamood Ali Kusuri (xx) Mumtaz Ali Bhutto(xxi)Bagum Naseem Jahan (xxii) Namat Ullah Khan Shanvazee(xxiii)Abdul Hafeez Pirzada (xxiv) Khursheed Hassan Mir (xxv) Mir Guhuas Baksh khan Bazeejo. ( Daily Mushriq (Urdu) Lahore, April 20, 1973) 75 Amin,op.cit.,214. 76 M.Ikram Rabbani, Pakistan Studies,( Lahore: Caravan Book house,2011),232. 77 Daily Pakistan Times, August 14, 1973. 78 Belorenitsky and Moskalenko, op.cit., 225-226.

47 privileges, as well as excessive salaries for top bureaucrats and adopted a unified system of services and rates of salaries and payments. The universal services (all Pakistan, federal and provincial) had a pay-rate schedule comprising of 22 grades. The majority of the white-collar workers, educated or skilled fell into grade 16; the grades from 17 to 20 meant for the administrative staff of public officers, while the two higher categories have left for the top bureaucrats. However, the reforms did not provide any guarantee of work in these high-ranking posts.79

The egalitarianism of the reforms was abreast with the PPP‘s socialism and initially at least earned Bhutto some enemies than it did friends. Non-CSP members of the civil service delighted in the deflation of their overnight CSP colleagues who like the ICS enjoyed a privileged status because of having passed a specially qualifying exam held under the preview of the public services commission. Yet most CSP were forced to shed some of their former vanity, there was nothing in the service.80 Moreover, Bhutto had a keen desire to re-structure the elite cadre of the civil service. Omer Noman states about the organization of this service, and the changes, which gave it a new orientation:

Recruitment procedures and the restrictions on selection to this service were similar to those employed by the colonial government. In practice, this ensured the selection to the top echelons of the Civil Service remained under the control of the few entrenched families. Approximately 500 bureaucrats of the CSP cadre had stood at the helm of an administrative machinery of over 500,000 members. The annual intake to the elite crops was restricted to around twenty individuals. The system incorporating the elite status of the CSP was replaced by the linear All Pakistan Unified Grades structure. The entire bureaucratic machinery was amalgamated into a hierarchal, but mobile, framework of twenty-two pay scales. Separate provision for entry into elite crops was terminated.81

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto introduced lateral entry, which allowed person of any age or level of seniority, to be inducted into the service and directly into higher Position. He broke down the hierarchal character of the senior bureaucracy. He endorsed new

79 Ibid., 226. 80 Jalal, op,cit., 82. 81 Noman, Omar. Pakistan: A Political and Economic History since 1947.( New York: Kegan Paul International, 1990.),61.

48 mechanism in bureaucracy in which common people could easily achieve employment. Indeed, the modification in bureaucracy during Bhutto regime was an effort to pull up drawbacks of bureaucracy by roots. As a result, there were so many antagonists were born who put in Bhutto‘s political career in danger later. However, he stood firmly against these hostile forces and continued his work without any hesitation. The bureaucracy that Bhutto had left behind was scrutinized, rectified and their matters of promotion were based on crystalized transparency. In other words, it had been done on impartiality and merit in challenging circumstances. Needless to say, it was source of inspiration for the coming governments, in which they could get administrative course of bureaucratic mechanisms exclusively.

The marathon session of the PPP central committee had thrown up a new secretary general who had been assigned the whole time job of building the ruling party from the bottom to upwards. Dr. Mubasshir Hassan gave up his job of National financial Housekeeping, which became a new challenge for the PPP government. However, his wordy duel with the ousted secretary general the mature but irrepressible J.A.Rehim indicated that he had no illusions about the mess, he had to clean up and the formidable task he had to accomplish.82 Prime Minister Bhutto fervently appealed the opposition to cooperate with the government on providing the much–needed relief to flood-hit people. The catastrophe, which had befallen the Punjab, forced the government for calls for massive combined efforts by the government and the opposition. It was no time for political venture. The opposition viewed things in their true perspective and realized the gravity of the purely humanitarian problem.

It was happening that the Muslim Millat (Nation) and its leader were now assembling for the second time to review their problems. The first conference was held at Rabat (Morocco) on 1969 and new Pakistan had got the honour to host the second one. In common opinion, its success was dependent on its ability to examine the problems of the Islamic world from two main aspects. ―One aspect was related to the Palestine problem, which undoubtedly was the foremost problem of the Islamic world. The second one concerned the general problems confronting the Muslim countries on their role as the third homogenous group of nations. Without a proper solution of these problems, there could be no purposeful or meaningful union. These

82 A.T.Chudhri, Task Before the People‟s Party, Article Daily Dawn, Karachi, January 26, 1975.

49 two aspects of problems were being put forward there for consideration and deliberation‖. 83

The Islamic Summit Conference was a momentous and epoch-making event. Some thirty (30) Islamic countries, on this historic day were brought together after centuries and found one platform to think over the problems and issues of vital importance and common interests assuring a better future for them all. The government of Pakistan under the democratic leadership of Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto had credited with a leading role at this crucial period of history. The choice of Lahore as the venue carried the promise of success of some significance, because it was in this great city that Pakistan Resolution had passed and Muslim India thereafter entered into a new era of national struggle for freedom.84 The ball of close understanding was set rolling, and the imposed congregation served to dispel the clouds of disunity and apathy hitherto prevalent among the Muslim of the world. Who were largely the victims of aggression, exploitation, intrigue and subversion, domination and slavery of various powers, for a long time, notorious for their hostility towards Muslim aspiration for freedom and honour, peace and prosperity? The Muslims of Pakistan, before the partition of Sub-continent, well known for religious, zeal and fervour, love and sympathy toward their co-religionists all over the globe.85

On February 22, 1974, the Islamic conference had attended by 37 Muslim countries; it began at the Punjab Assembly chamber to deliberate upon the Middle East situation and to devise ways and means for ensuring the restitution of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians and the restoration of the old Jerusalem to the Arab. The conference continued three days. The conference decided to establish a committee of representative and experts for devising ways and means for the attainment the objects.86 The President Fazal Elahi Chudhri inaugurated the conference and the Prime Minister Bhutto chaired it. The President in his inaugural

83Daily Dawn Karachi, February 22, 1974. 84 Murtaza Hussain,” Pakistan Struggle for United Muslim World” Article, Dawn Karachi, February 22, 1974. 85 Ibid. 86 The Objects are: (i) Eradication of poverty, disease and ignorance from the Islamic countries.(ii) Ending exploitation of developed countries.(iii)Regulating the terms of trade between developed countries and developing countries in the matter of supply of raw materials and import of manufactured goods and know and how.(iv) Ensuring the sovereignty and full control of the developing countries over their natural resource. (v) Mitigating current economic difficulties of the developing countries due to recent increase prices.(vi) Mutual Economic cooperation and solidarity among Muslim countries.[Afzal Iqbal. Islamization of Pakistan, (Lahore: vanguard, 1986), 100.]

50 address said, that more than ever before, there was an imperative need of the Islamic states to act in concert. While Prime Minister Bhutto in his presidential address asserted that this conference‖ must drive the world home that the cause of the people of Palestine was the cause of all those who believe in the rights of people to determine their own destiny‖.87 He further said, ― if an understanding of the Muslim world is to be promoted this summit should strive to repudiate chauvinism with as much force as we rejected alien dominance. Besides, it should be our duty to promote rather than subvert the solidarity of the third world‖.88

Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was sad due to matter of Bangladesh‘s recognition. S. M. Shahid commented, ―The Arab and Islamic countries used the Lahore Summit to induce Pakistan to recognize Bangladesh‖.89 Eventually, Pakistan recognized Bangladesh on the insistence of Islamic countries. In the realm of foreign affairs, Bhutto was in his elements, because of his knowledge of international affairs, his penchant for diplomacy and his practical experience. Notwithstanding the separation of East Pakistan and the new geopolitical realities of the subcontinent, he moved with supreme confidence and attempted to give a new direction to the country‘s foreign policy. He retained the portfolio of foreign affairs in his own hands.90

On September 7, 1974, both houses of parliament reflected the sentiments and aspiration of the people of Pakistan, Bhutto‘s government gave on the complex Ahmadi question its unanimous verdict that put an end to this 90-years old religious problem. Both houses declared Ahmedi‘s non-Muslim.91 This decision is unanimously acknowledged remarkably in the history of Pakistan. On the other hand, PPP leadership had some reservations on the performance of its party workers. The PPP leadership was not satisfied from their approached on socialist programme. Lawrence Ziring commented, ―In January 1975, feeble efforts were made in redefining the party socialist programme. However, the ability to challenge the Chairman was markedly reduced by the departure of key members of organization. Mustafa Khar, Hanief Ramay, Mubashir Hassan, Kursheed Hassan Meer arrested, exiled or put up to public

87 Daily Dawn Karachi February 23, 1974. 88 Ibid. 89 Shahid, op. cit., 77. 90Yusuf, op.cit., 147. 91 Sheikh Muhammad Rafique, Standard History of Pakistan since 1947(Lahore: Standards book house, 2000), 354.

51 ridicule. Even Bhutto‘s cousin, Mumtaz Ali Bhutto had been forced to retreat from the political arena‖.92

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto had strong determination to continue its efforts to banish poverty and ignorance. He made it cleared that the process of widespread revolutionary socio-economic reforms in the country during the last four and half years were irreversible because it had benefited the masses. Prime Minister Bhutto wanted to strengthen democracy. Therefore, he paid special attention on electoral and economic system. On June 7, 1975, with a resolution to overcome inflation, incentives for the investments and savings were given in order to increase the rapid production of the commodities. The federal finance minister Mr Mohammad Hanief Khan presented, before the National Assembly, a development-oriented budget for 1975-76. Showing a revenue surplus of Rs. 68 crore with revenue receipts estimated at Rs. 1,722 crore at the current rate of taxation and provincial share of federal taxes and non-development expenditure of the federal government estimated at Rs.230 crore and Rs. 1426 crore respectively. 93

On September 15, 1975, the Chief Elections Commissioner, Mr Sajjad Ahmed Jan said that the new electoral rolls putting the number of voter in the country at 3, 04, 58,219 reflected satisfactory enrolment. Addressing a news conference on the publication of the final voter‘s lists throughout the country, he said that the percentage of registered voters to population of 6, 25,25,8444 came to 84.71% which can be compared favourably with any other democratic country.94 The interim elections held during these days. On September 23, 1975, The Chairman of Pakistan People‘s Party Mr Bhutto had granted the party ticket to Mr. Sheer Mohammad Bhatti, the President of Lahore PPP, for the Election of the Punjab provincial constituency. The Senator Mohammad Hanif Ramay had vacated this seat. Earlier, PPP Secretary Dr. Mubushir Hassan said, in Lahore, that all anti-people forces trying to capture political power by raising irrelevant issues based on Provincialism would bound to eliminate one day.95

It was hoped that with this economic change, would bring social change in Pakistan society. Therefore, Prime Minister Bhutto urged the international community

92Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan in the Twentieth Century, A Political History, (Karachi: Oxford university Press, 2012),399. 93 Daily Dawn Karachi, 8 June 1975. 94 Ibid., September 16, 1975. 95 Ibid., September 24, 1975.

52 to come forward and help his industrious works. In an interview to Teheran newspaper “Kayhan” on international Airport Teheran, the Prime Minister Bhutto said, ―People suffering from economic stresses cannot be asked to suffer political repression as well.‖96 He said that one of the reasons for Mujeeb‘s sad end is that Sheikh had attacked on the parliamentary system. We shall have general elections within the next two years‖97 He further said, ―He will not wait for the statutory limit of the present parliaments to go for the elections. It is reality that without economic development and elevation of the standards of life for the masses, we cannot have true democracy‖.98

Prime Minister Bhutto‘s policies of incremental change generated mixed result. These policies created an environment for socio-economic change, but institutionalization of that change required a longer period of political stability. In general, it could be stated that in the developing societies, the policies of gradual transformation introduced a phase of transition resistance to eliminate uncertainty. Under Bhutto‘s reforms, Pakistan underwent such an experience. There was a consensus among scholars that Bhutto‘s policies created new classes and groups in the society but could not institutionalize the role of these new classes and groups in the National policy.99 He emphasized on the party worker and prominent leaders to work for the true democracy. He said, ―Self-criticism among the party workers and their cooperation and respect for the elected representatives provided solid democratic foundation for a political party without which democratic institutions could not be promoted‖.100 He stated on another occasion:

I would like to hold the elections when the opposition will be at its strongest….let them have a common parliamentary board and a common Manifesto. I would like to do this beautiful freak. They will produce ―Rightists and Leftists‖ and all…..Let us see how so many parties of different shades and shapes get together, and produce such a ―Magna Carta‖.101

96Interview of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto to give Khyan Newspaper Thran Editorial, quoted from ―Democracy Wedded to Pakistan”, Daily Dawn Karachi, October 26, 1975. 97 Ibid. 98 Ibid. 99 Shafqat, op.cit., 224. 100 Daily Dawn Karachi, December 1st , 1975. 101 A.T.Chudhary, ―Parties Prepare For Next Polls” Daily Dawn Karachi, April 18, 1976.

On February 5, 1976, Prime Minister Bhutto reshuffled his cabinet in what an official statement described as the spirit of vigilant democracy, bringing in two new federal minister and two ministers of state. In the expanded 27-member cabinet Mr. Mohammad Hanif Khan (information and broadcasting and urban development) had been inducted as a new federal minister. The three ministers of state upgraded as federal Minister were Syed Qaim Ali Shah Jiliani (industries, Kashmir affairs and Northern affairs) Malik Muhammad Akhtar (Law and parliamentary affairs) and Taj Mohammad Khan Jamali (Labour Health and population planning).102

The fifth RCD summit ended on April 22, 1976. It had been decided to establish a free trade area and an investment and development bank under a treaty, which would define the three-nation (Pakistan, Iran and Turkey) alliance and places it on a legal basis. To be known as the treaty of “Izmir”. 103 The declaration adopted by the summit attended by the Shahanshah (emperor) of Iran, Turkish President Farhri Koruturk, the Prime Minister Zullfiqar Ali Bhutto and Turkish Primier Suleyman Demiral said that the Iran , Pakistan and Turkey would take steps to establish RCD free trade area within a period of ten years. The objective would be achieved through gradual reduction of tariff and non-tariff barriers to intra-regional trade with a view to eliminate them in ―as short time as possible‖.104 The declaration contained a joint communiqué in which the leaders of three countries reaffirmed their determination to increase their co-operation in all fields. Prime Minister Bhutto conveyed, through his speech, at concluding session of the two days summit, that the decision to conclude the treaty of ―Izmir‖ would formalize co-operation between the three countries. It was hoped that the treaty would provide the realistic framework required for the RCD arrangement to evolve responses to the growing needs of the future. 105

After impressed by the achievement of the RCD, some important institutions of the United Nations advised other countries to follow the example of this organization for economic, industrial commercial and technical progress.106 In spite of great deal of troubles, Prime Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto considered all the matters

102 Daily Dawn Karachi, February 6, 1976. 103 Ibid., April 23, 1976. 104 Ibid. 105 Ibid. 106 Humayun Adeeb, Pakistan Foreign Policy prospectives,(Lahore: Aziz Publishers, 1987),292.

54 especially, foreign economic policy. That is why Istanbul paper gave the applauses of appreciation to Prime Minister Bhutto. An Istanbul paper wrote in its article:

Helein Sesi had paid tribute to the political leader ship of Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and his successful conduct of Pakistan foreign policy. In its edition of June 8, the paper said, ―Pakistan is one of the countries, which has made maximum contributions to the positive developments in South Asia. Owing to relations with all the neighbours, but has also created a solid front against the danger of imperialism in South Asia. Mr Bhutto, whose foreign policy can be the best example for the countries of the Third world, the tripartite RCD organization, which also included ―Turkey and Iran.107

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto efforts were strengthening Pakistan foreign policy and Pakistan had been growing strong in international community day by day. Bhutto‘s opponents criticised him but he concentrated his attention on positive and constant economic development, which was possible only through his ventures with different countries, he made full preparation for this task. Pakistan could earn valuable foreign exchange by taking advantage of RCD. With this foreign exchange, the implemented projects could be easily done. Although Prime Minster Bhutto was criticised yet he had admired in the view of world for his positive policy and international forum found itself lavish in his praise. At this time, Bhutto became the ambassador of international community. Bhutto‘s inclination for world peace and prosperity was expressing his gratitude for the whole community of world.

On June 5, 1976, the federal finance Minister Rana Mohammad Hanif Khan had presented, before the National Assembly, an investment-oriented Rs 1,889 crore budget for the year 1976-77, providing relief to almost all the classes of taxpayers‘ incentives for private sector, savings and investment and a plan for investment and a plan for utilization of black money.108A salient feature of the measures to raise additional revenue was to encourage exports and limit imports, while several relief and incentives had been provided for export-oriented industries and valorem surcharge of 10 per cent had proposed on all imports other than machinery petroleum products, tea and those items, which were currently free of import duty. It hoped that

107 Turkish Paper “Tribute Bhutto‟s Foreign Policy Best Example for 3rd World Nation”, Article Dawn Karachi, June 24, 1976. 108 Daily Dawn Karachi, June 6, 1976.

55 these measures would bring substantial revenue of about Rs.94 corer and would tend to reduce the quantum of imports.109 On November 21, 1976, the Prime Minister Bhutto had said that the third world progress was inevitable; if the economic conditions of the under-developed were to improve and international economic order was to be made equitable.110 It was the people‘s government under the leadership of Prime Minister Bhutto which realized the seriousness and urgency of drastic free-form the country‘s bureaucratic structure to bring it in line with the needs and aspiration of a country striving for social and economic progress within a democratic dispensation. On December 10, 1976, the Prime Minister Bhutto declared that Pakistan people party had a full faith in democracy and it would continue to strengthen democratic institutions in the country in future as well.111

The authoritative pronouncements on education, though they had yet to be translated into specific targets were unambiguous in the stress, they laid upon broadening the base of education and adopting instruction to our deeply felt national needs. The national economic council‘s survey visualized that in the next five to seven years the all-boys and the girls of school going age would be provided with schooling facilities. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto‘s government declared its intention to give priority to the expansion of primary education. Intensive utilization of existing facilities in primary school was reviewed and it was decided that second shifts must be started in schools where there was no space to ensure maximum return from the national investment on such institutions. Education was making progress by leaps and bound. That is why, in its editorial The Dawn, Karachi, dated May 24, 1976, writes:

The increasing enrolment in primary school is a healthy development, though one hoped that everything would be done to maintain and improve the quality of instruction on the full by mounting the pressure up on existing facilities. Educational planners had conceded that eight years schooling was necessary to nurture an intelligent citizenry and promote its productive potential and social mobility. Lack of experienced staff, insufficiency of funds and logistic arrangement s and the deficiencies in planning were main drawbacks of system. 112

109 Ibid. 110 Daily Pakistan Times, Lahore, November 22, 1976. 111 Ibid., December, 11, 1976. 112 Editorial ―School Education‖ Dawn Karachi, May 24, 1976.

According to this panorama, we can reach to this holistic conclusion that education creates spirit of democratization. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto‘s period was famous for this tradition and it claimed to access its requisite figures. No, doubt, the backwardness of the country is assessed from its rate of literacy. The more the illiteracy the more backward the county is. It is education, which raises the standard of living of the people of any country of the world. Definitely, when standard of living of people will improve, the democratic norms and values make progress. Particularly, democratic norms and traditions undermine all the vices in the society. As such, prosperous and intellectual societies emerge on the canvas of the world in form of optimistic speculation.

Prime Minister Bhutto announced exemption for the payment on land revenue, local rates development cases and causes related to land revenue to small landowners owing up to twelve Acres of irrigated land or twenty-five Acres of un-irrigated land with effect from Rabi crop of 1975-76.113 Bhutto attempted to apply agrarian policies in three phases. In the first phase, ownership was decreased to 300 acres of non- irrigated land, 150 acres of irrigated land. Land reforms in the country had of course given ownership right to quite a few lands less producers of agriculture wealth. However, it could not said, that the reforms have abolished the system of landlordism. The introduction of a class capitalist created more problems than it solved. It was justified in assuming that many absentee property owners came forward in large numbers to buy shares in the farming companies that may be set up the concentration of wealth and economic power and this was the result of unhealthy phenomenon. The solution lied in pressing forward with reforms that were more radical. The purpose of which should be a drastic lowering of the present on land ownership. No compensation was paid for the land resumed. The land thus acquired had distributed among the tillers free of cost. All State land was reserved for below-subsistence holding.114 The second set of agricultural reforms were introduced and executed in 1975. It was for the first time in the history of Pakistan that State reforms had offered, and the credit goes to PPP government. The small landowners and peasants were exempted from taxes. The Peasants who had 12 acres of irrigated land or 25 acres of non-irrigated land were exempted from revenue fiscal policy. These policies gave

113 Daily Dawn Karachi, November 11, 1975. 114 Shafqat, op.cit., 216.

benefit to about 7.27 million farmers.115 On December 18, 1976, Prime Minister Bhutto had signed the ―National Charter‖ for the peasants of Pakistan. He envisaged distribution of all cultivable state wasted land with full ownership rights among peasants who owned either no land or less than a subsistence holding.116 ―It was estimated that by these measures about 2 million acres were distributed among 100,000 peasant families‖.117 Thirdly, in early 1977, land ceiling had been further reduced to 200 acres of non-irrigated and 100 acres of irrigated land. In this event, the resumed land was acquired on payment of a compensation of Rs. 30 per production Index Unit (PIU). However, the resumed land was given free to tenants, peasants, and other cultivators. By this measure, about 4 million acres of land redistributed among 40,000 families. 118

Table VI/II

Land Reforms in Four Provinces Province Area Area Allotted Balance Person Resumed Benefitted Punjab 331,268 242,840 88,428 36,948 Sindh 317,896 238,637 79,259 16,497 NWFP 141,877 132,860 9,017 12,639 Baluchistan 17,502 269 17,233 14 Total 1,306,146 812,632 493,514 75,213

Table: VII/II

Progress of 1977 Land Reforms up to 30 June 1980 Under Act II of 1977 Punjab 93,806 23,426 70.380 1,543 Sindh 31,741 19.966 11,775 1,496 NWFP 23,787 4,162 19,625 781 Baluchistan 17,502 269 17,233 14 Total 166,836 47,823 119,013 3,834 Source: Government of Pakistan Agricultural Statistics of Pakistan, 1980 (Islamabad, 1981), 99.

115 Ibid. 116 Daily Pakistan Times, Lahore, December 19, 1976. 117 Shafqat, op, cit., 217. 118 Ibid.

On January 5, 1977, Prime Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto made a historical announcement of abolishing the old land revenue system, of the country, and replacing it with an agricultural income tax system and replacing it by an agricultural income-tax system. Simultaneously, in a second set of major land reforms were brought into slash further the individual ownership ceiling to 100 acres of irrigated land or 200 acres of non-irrigated land and reduced the limit from the present 12,000- produce index unite to 8,000 units. The government would distribute land free of cost among the peasantry in cultivating possession of it during Kharif 1976 and Rabi 1975- 76 and to those landless tenants owing less than 12 acres. Those in possession of 25 acres of irrigated or 50-acre Barani lands were exempted from paying the new agricultural income tax and would be required to pay a balance only as service charges.119 The President of Pakistan issued two ordinances to give legal effect to the historic announcements made by Prime Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in his nationwide broadcast introducing further land reforms, slashing the ceiling of land – holdings, abolishing land revenue and provision of agricultural income tax.120

2.2 Downfall of Democratic System

The PPP government turned out from its explicit promises that it would not nationalize small industrial unit. This decision imposed put a bad effect on private investors and encroach the confidence of the masses. In 1976, PPP government took illogical steps and nationalized flourmills, rice mills and cotton mills. The PPP had to bear heavy political costs after taking such decisions. The traders and the shopkeepers agitated on this decision. This agitation became a national strike. Eventually, the downfall of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto‘s government commenced. As Such, PPP government hollowed out itself .For the time a democratically elected government was discharging its constitutional responsibility and was seeking a fresh mandate from the people, even though elections at intervals were fundamental to a system of government through consent there were many political regimes in the third world, which had shown a tendency to dodge them. Pakistan could take legitimate pride in being able to set a good example for Afro-Asia. The democratic structure of Pakistan was still too fragile and this decision, which at one stage appeared a distinct possibility, might have done

119 Daily Dawn Karachi, January 6, 1977. 120 Ibid.

59 incalculable harm to the country. With the announcement of the dates of National and Provincial elections, Prime Minister Bhutto started showing his faith in the people and democratic government.

One may observe at the cut set that if general elections were a contest for power, it took place both within the parties and among the parties. Moreover, the way this initial phase of quest for power ended largely by determining the ultimate outcome of the struggle for power through the ballot box. True, in drawing up nomination lists, the rival parties had to reconcile many conflicting interests and meet the challenges of political factions and cliques. They had also to affect compromise between the claimed of constituencies dictated politics of the parties. Yet they could not ignore the political orientation and the ideological commitment of the candidates they put up in devising their elections strategy. If they gave precedence to the prop of money influence in electability of their nominees over ability, integrity and political background, they could hardly serve the larger cause of democratic growth. Judged by this orientation it was doubtful; if the party leaders had come up to the electorate for overall there was little to choose between candidates sailing under different colours. A.T.Chudhri commented in his article of Daily Dawn Karachi dated, January 30, 1977:

One reason for this might be that a new element has introduced into the nomination scene by the dramatic coalescing of nine parties around Pakistan National Alliance. That appeared to have forced the major contenders to focus all attention on the electability of nominees. PPP, it was believed had to revise its original list drastically to match the new situation fielding candidates with strong constituency support. Pakistan National alliance (PNA) had to accommodate the inflated claims of the latecomers of Tahrik Istiqlal (TI) and Jemyat Ullma Pakistan (JUP) to its fold and downgrade the origin members of the united Democratic front (UDF) in the allocation of seats in the interest of group consensus.121

121 There had been no defections or desertions. PPP had put a formidable array of contests to fight on all fronts. It had also sprung many a surprise by trying to shed dead wood and awarding tickets to only 50-odd sitting National Assembly. In the provincial assemblies took many old faces or faceless folk had been screened. For example in the Punjab barely 74 MPA‘s had managed to secure help of influential Minister. All federal ministers barring four ministers of states were now in the electoral arena. In the provinces, all the Chief Ministers and most of the ministers would be testing their mettle; quite a few

No wonder the picture that had finally emerged from the nomination battle looked like a jigsaw puzzle lacking a clear-cut pattern. What was ironical while either side had placed marked accents on the electability of candidates, this electability had not been tested in the local body elections or in party elections. PNA had put up old time feudal and religious leaders who belonged to different school of thoughts well- an-chore in their respective areas as also student leaders who had stood by the opposition in time of crises and last but not least old ―king makers‖ who had played a long innings on politics to retire. However, it was remarkable that despite the undue weight age claimed by Thrik-i- Istaqlal and JUP who had away with over two thirds of tickets leaving the other components of the alliance with a paltry 30 per cent. Surprisingly, some of the top leaders of the PPP like Secretary General Mubashir Hassan and had shied away from the contest. Consequently, some of the opposition stalwarts like Mr. Ghulam Mustafa Khar took advantage of this situation. Again many of the defectors from opposition groups who had lately come under the PPP penumbra and the prodigal sons, who had staged a return, had been left high and dry, but tickets had been doled out to some old connectionists transporters and scions of feudal aristocracy.

It was interesting to watch how the feudal and waders were fighting on the PPP ticket and owing allegiance to the new manifesto, which was socialist in essence and radical in parts, trimmed their sails for the electoral voyage. The voters put too hard to choose between contenders whose appeal was limited to non-political affiliations. Another aspect of nominations, which could not be rankled in the hearts of thoughtful people, was that the parties had not given any chance of nominating at least five to ten per cent of their candidate from amongst the peasants and workers. It was high time they would have an opportunity to give a tongue to their under privilege multitudes in a privileged forum lime National Assembly.122

On February 18, 1977, Begum Nusrat Bhutto carried PPP campaign with Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. The PPP followed the banner of socialist economy. Begum Nusrat Bhutto cautioned the people of Pakistan to be on guard against the agents of the capitalism who would undo all reforms introduced in the country if they would be were pitted against student leaders and had staked their careers in crucial contest. [A.T. Chudhri, The Nomination Politics, Article, Daily Dawn Karachi, January 30, 1977.] 122 Ibid.

61 voted to be in power in the upcoming elections.123 Nawab Sadiq Muhammad‘s son Mohammad Abbas Khan Abbasi had amicable relation with Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. He desired to work with Prime Minister Bhutto to get his pleasure and loyalty. On February 19, 1977, the governor of Punjab, Mr. Mohammad Abbas Abbasi called upon officials to remain impartial and not indulge in politics during the forthcoming elections, it was his constitutional as well as moral obligation, and on the other hand, Zulfiqzr Ali Bhutto had categorically declared that the polls must be fair in all respect.124 On March 4, 1977, the chief elections commissioner Mr. Sajjad Ahmed Jan appealed to the people to vote for the collective interest of the Nation and not for personal or group interest.125

Prime Minister Bhutto‘s flaw started due to his reciprocated manners with Asian scholars who associated intelligence, wisdom and political intelligence with the possession of academic experiences. His scholarly egotism, shared with an exaggerated ego and a prickly egotism made him fanatical of those who opposed with him. The most appropriate notation of democracy that all citizens should give equal rights for freely participation in the affairs of the State. Every individual be enable to contribute in nation building according to his capability, to established a fair system for distribution amongst God‘s creatures of gifts of nature bestowed on this sacred land and to convince the individual that his rights are protected and that rights of others cannot usurped by others. Of course, this concept of democracy is at variance with the concept of the so-called democratic system favoured by privileged classes and person. 126 Malik Meraj Khalid was close companion of Bhutto, has narrated about the real and genuine meaning of democracy, which had been adopted during Bhutto‘s regime, he elaborates:

Our concept of democracy may call people‘s democracy, which poet-philosopher Allama Iqbal calls Sultani-e-Jamoor. The people‗s democracy or Sultani-e-Jamhoor symbolizes Islam‘s concept of nobility of mankind. Without its practical demonstration, the over-whelming majority of the people of Pakistan, which continued to deprive of its rights, could never satisfy and in fact, so far efforts made to satisfy them had failed. The majority of the people of Pakistan comprise the

123 Daily Dawn Karachi, February 19, 1977. 124 Ibid., February 20,1977. 125 Ibid., March 5, 1977. 126 S. M. Ismail, From Milk-Seller to Prime Minister, Life Story of Malik Meraj Khalid, (Islamabd:2005), 34.

deprived sections of the society and they expect their emancipation in the extinction of the present exploitive and un-Islamic system. Accordingly, they responded whole-heartedly to the call of PPP Chairman Bhutto when he presented before them in their own language the concept and principles of people‘s democracy.127

The masses sincerely accepted this concept, they approved Bhutto‘s democratic ideology and stood up against all the forces, who wanted to preserve the system of exploitation, loot and plunder and tyranny. Chairman Bhutto had therefore become a symbol of the deprived sections of the society, who wanted realization of their dreams. Simultaneously, the forces, which wanted continuation of inequitable status, began to criticize Mr. Bhutto, and rose up against him.128

In January 1977, Bhutto announced 7th March as the date for elections of the National Assembly and 9th March for elections of the Provincial Assembly.129 The electoral process sustained and helped in the growth of democracy. The role opposition was creating disturbance for Bhutto. He deemed about the role of fragmented opposition parties who formed an election alliance, Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) within a week.130 These political parties were included (i) All Jamu and Kashmir Muslim Conference, (ii) Jameet ul Ulema-i-Islam, (iii) Pakistan Jamhori Party, (iv) Pakistan Muslim League, (v) Tehreek Isteqlal, (vi) Jameet Ulema Pakistan, (vii) Pakistan Khaksaar Tehrik, and (viii)national Democratic Party, (ix) Jamat-e- Islami. This national alliance jointly stood against Pakistan People‘s Party in the elections of 1977. The establishment of Pakistan National Alliance had truly shattered the expectations of Bhutto. The Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) also promised to implement codes of Islam in case of winning the elections.131 Maulana Mufti Mahmoud as a conveyer and Rafiq Ahmed Bajwa as a general secretary had appointed. On the Other side, Pakistan People‘s Party continued repeating its resolution of Islam and Socialism. Mr. Zulfaqar Ali Bhutto had become voice of hearts of the people while Mufti Mahmoud and Wali Khan established popularity under the banner of PNA in Pakistan. Both of them affirmed that they were real

127 Ibid. 128 Ibid. 129 Mubashir Hasan, The Mirage of Power, An Inquiry into the Bhutto Years 1971-1977 (Karachi: Oxford University press, 2000), 297. 130 Mohammad waseem, Politics and the State in Pakistan, (Islamabad: National institute of Historical and Cultural Research, 1994),329. 131 Ibid.

63 representatives of numerous voices of the people of Pakistan. The PNA criticized Bhutto‘s policies intensely. In Bhutto‘s views, the PNA was a bunch of clowns.132 The opposition was showing its reservation on polls rigging but the government was consoling it that no rigging could be borne in these elections. According to elections review, Election Commission held a meeting in which Chief Election Commissioner gave instruction to his subordinates and exposed rules and regulation of election respectively. In its editorial Daily Dawn Karachi on February 27, 1977, wrote:

With all eyes and hopes fixed on election, the election commission‘s task is truly formidable and historically momentous. A peaceful and honest completion of the process would be vital for our destiny as a nation. It is gratifying to see that the election commission was resolved to hold honest and fair elections in the country. It has continuously been explaining its producers to educate the voters and motivate them to exercise their right. The commission has now directed the presiding officers to supply a certified copy of the statement of the count and the ballot paper account to the candidates or their agents who would be present at the time of counting such a procedure should reinforce popular confidence and guard against any attempts to manipulate or alter the results. The elections commission has also laid down detailed procedures for the collection and transmission of elections results from there, to the provincial elections. 133

Apart from taking procedural measures to check malpractices and irregularities, the commission was also urging Returning Officers to discharge their duties honestly and without fear or favour. The Chief Election Commissioner and the two-member judge had chaired meetings of Returning officers in various cities and had reminded them of the heavy responsibilities that rested on their shoulders. The chief election commissioner had repeatedly a stressed that ―the commission would use all its powers to hold free and fair elections. He had been right in pointing out that a voter himself was the key to fair elections and masses hoped with him that the voters would display moral courage and exercise his franchise honestly.134

Before the elections of 1977 majority of the political parties had revealed their differences with PPP. Mostly scholars praised Zulfiqar Ali Bhuto due to his

132 Ibid., 333. 133 Editorial “Imperative of Fair Election‖ Dawn Karachi, February 27, 1977. 134 Ibid.

64 marvellous speculation. They had ideological, political, social and economic differences with PPP and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Bhutto‘s style of government had a combination of some of the cultural attributes of populism, liberal democracy and feudal despotism. He had reached out to the people like a ―Messsiah‖ of the poor racked by an inner pain. His ability to communicate to the people his emotion experience of their misery as well as their great potential enabled him to achieve special chemistry with the downtrodden. He had a rhetoric power whose images were drawn from the contemporary nationalist struggles in the third world, the ideology of liberal democracy, socialism and the folk lore of the Indus valley civilization.135

The opposition parties came together because of their common antagonism. They commenced a movement against Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. They openly criticized Bhutto‘s policies. They had decided to make a combine alliance, known as Pakistan National Alliance. On 4th to 6th January 1977 JUI leader Mufti Mehmood went to Sindh and met the heads of many political parties like Ghafoor Ahmed (JI), Sher Baz Mizari (NDP) and Wali Khan (NDP).136 In this connection, the heads of the alliance parties of United Democratic Front (UDF) came across in Lahore on January 9, 1977. They decided to patronize a political movement against Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Besides all these criticism, on the other side, Hinief Ramay, in his interview stated, ―Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto had lost his power because of the feudal lords. He had given them PPP membership without the approval of distinguished PPP leaders‖.137 His political opponents took advantage of this inter-disturbance of PPP. Shahid Javed Burki commented,‖ During Bhutto‘s years, Pakistan‘s political development moved in a direction opposite to the one taken during the Ayub‘s period‖.138 Many scholars criticised Bhutto‘s policies in shape of difference of opinions, due to his unnecessary interference in provinces administrative work. S.F. Mahmud wrote, ―He began to interfere in the administrative routine of the provinces, so much so that some of his

135 Mushad Hussain and Akmal Hussain, Pakistan Problems of Governance, (India: Knark Publisher, PVT.LTD, 1993), 125. 136 Hussain ,op.cit., 93. 137Interview of Hinef Ramay, Former Chief Minister and PPP leader, quoted from Mohammad Asif Ali Bhalli, Syasaat Daan (Urdu) (Lahore: Mavrra Punlishers, 1988), 254. 138 Burki, op.cit.,72.

65 trusted lieutenants fell away from him. Moreover, the Rightist parties combined to form a United Front calling their union Pakistan National Alliance (PNA)‖.139

Elections of 1977 went down in the history of Pakistan as the great democratic experiment. Its success against the non-cooperation of opposition elements was a tribute to the political genius and augurs for the future of democracy in Pakistan. The results of the elections for the National Assembly were according to the expectations of the government. The PPP won 155 seats out of the total 200 seats of the National Assembly. The PNA could get only 36 seats. The PNA alleged massive rigging in the polls by the ruling party and as a mark of the protest, announced a boycott of the provincial elections, which were held on March 10, 1977. They demanded the scraping of the election results and holding of the fresh elections, the removal of the Chief Election Commissioner and the Prime Minister. According to them, these two were responsible for rigging the elections.140 However, in observation and investigation of different scholars, there was no sign of rigging during these elections. Therefore, Adana Nasim commented:

Elections 1977 will go down in the history of Pakistan as the great democratic experiment. Its access, notwithstanding the non-cooperation of a handful of opposition elements, is a tribute to the people‘s political genius and augurs a well for the future of democracy in Pakistan. This was the first ever general election in Pakistan called by an elected, representative government before the expiry of its term and held in a genuine democratic environment. True, the country had been no stranger to elections. In this thirty years history there had been quite a few of them, but men had been as the one held last week. There had for example, been some elections in the fifties but they were scrappy, partial and lacked the true democratic sanction. These elections were first ever fair, free elections in the history of this country. 141

The Election Commission, which organized the polls, was a completely independent agency, subject to no executive influence in the discharged of its duties. It made fool proof arrangements to ensure complete freedom of choice for the electorate.

139 S. F. Mahmud, A Concise History of Indo-Pakistan,(Karachi: Oxford University Press,1988), 291. 140 Shehab, op.cit., 305. 141Adnan Nasim, The Great Democratic Experiment, Article daily Pakistan Times Lahore, March 13, 1977.

In fact, it revised and reversed several decisions of local election authorities on the appeal of opposition parties, shows the conduct of whole affairs with scrupulous impartiality.142

Table VIII/II

Party wise position in National Assembly March 1977 Elections Political Parties Punjab Sindh NWFP/FATA Baluchistan Total Number of Seats 116 43 34 07 200 PPP 108 32 08 07 155 PNA 08 11 17 ____ 36 PML Q ______01 ____ 01 Independence ______08 ____ 08 Source: Dawn March 9, 1977.

2.3 Second Regime of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto

In March 1977, National Assembly took the oath. On March 28, 1977, Bhutto had picked out as the Prime Minister of Pakistan for the next five years. The President, Fazal Elahi took the oath from Prime Minister Bhutto. The PNA member did not participate in Assembly session. The new cabinet consisting of 21 members took oath.143 The opposition claimed and had confidence of rigging by the government on large scale during the elections. Therefore, they demanded the elections to re-conduct. Otherwise, they predicted the protest throughout the country. On May13, 1977, in a bold and courageous move to resolve the grave political crisis, Prime Minister Bhutto announced the National Assembly to cheer, that the world goes directly to the sovereign of people to let them decide whether

142 Ibid. 143The names of the misters of new Cabinet of Bhutto were: (i) Aziz Ahmed Foreign Affaris (ii) Shekh Reheed Ahmed Agriculture(iii)Mumtaz Bhutto Communication(iv) Abdul Hafeez Pirzada Finance(v) Kusur Naizi Religion(vi)Rana Hanif trade (vii) Hamid Raza Gilliani Industry(viii)S.M. Musood Law (ix) Yasin Watoo Education(x) Tahir Mohammad Khan Information(xi)Muhammad Hanif Khan Kashmir Affairs(Xii) Taj Muhammad Jamali Health (xiii) Dr.Gulam Hussain Railway(xiv)Mir.Afzal Water and Power(xv) Mukhdoom Hameed-u-Deen Patrolum (xvi) Abdul Sattar Gabool Labour(xvii)Arbab Jahgir Construction(xviii)Anwar Aziz Food (xix) Niaz Mehmood Mahsan Science and Technology (xx) Noor Hayat Noon Culture and Travelling (xxi) Farooq Ahmed Khan Lagrhi Production. (Daily Pakistan Times Lahore, March 30, 1977.)

they wanted him to continue as prime minister. The constitution would amend temporally to allow the holding of a referendum for this specific purpose.144

Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto‘s government released all under-detained people including Mufti Mahmud, Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan. He invited opposition for discussion. Malik Ghulam Mustaf Khan Senior Vice President of Pakistan Muslim League (Pagro Group) lashed out at the opposition for its uncompromising and inflexible attitude towards the solution of political crisis.145 On June 3, 1977, the much-awaited talks between the government and the PNA got off to a promising started at the Prime Minister‘s house in Rawalpindi. With both sides, undertaking steps to improve the climate for the negotiation. Prime Minister Bhutto had agreed to free the remaining three central PNA leaders as well as some of the opposition supporters, while the PNA had undertaken to cease its three-month-old agitation.146 This political exercise did not bring any result. Eventually, ―by the end of the fifth round on June 10, the parties were deadlocked‖.147

The annual budget of 1977 had presented in National Assembly during these days. The PPP government claimed that its government presented an austerity budget in this situation. On June 11, 1977, the federal budget for the next fiscal year proposed a Rs. 154 crore-resource mobilization effort to protect Rs. 17000 crore essential development programmes in obviously a difficult economic year. Unfolding the new budget in the National Assembly, the Finance Minister, Abdul Hafeez Pirzada asserted that the main policy objective was to ensure a recovery in agricultural and industrial production. This was proposed to be done by opting for consolidation and not to retreat in the face of temporary difficulties‖. 148 The budget was a hope of continuity of democratic process in the country. Everybody appreciated it and optimized that the government would resolve political crises forthwith. On June 16, 1977, Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto told the National Assembly confidently, declaring that his party would receive another sweeping mandate from the teeming millions, he had agreed to hold fresh elections in the supreme National interest and to preserve

144 Daily Pakistan Time, Lahore, May 14, 1977. 145 Ibid., May 19, 1977. 146 Ibid., June 4, 1977. 147Stanley Wolpert, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan, His Life and Times,(Karachi: Oxford University Press,2007), 296. 148 Daily Pakistan Times Lahore, June 12, 1977.

Democratic and constitutional rule in the country‖.149 Malik Meraj Khalid who was a closed companion of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, in his interview, stated, ―Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto agreed to hold re-election, only for vast country interest and flourishing democratic system‖.150

Chairman Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto continued to point out the looming threats and cautioned that if the present system had not changed gradually according to restore people‘s aspiration, people‘s political, economic, and civil liberties, Pakistan was bound to plunge into an ocean of worst class war. Thereby giving rise to the problems, which even adhered to the parliamentary form of democracy, would not be able to address. Resultantly, only chaos and confusion would set in. He (Chairman Bhutto) repeatedly called for collective action by all forces to achieve the most coveted goal of people‘s solidarity. This (in his view) was the litmus test of sincere love for the country.151

The PPP and PNA prepared themselves for solving this political crisis till the last second of negotiation. After the PNA Council rejected the draft, Mufti Mahmood, Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan and Professor Ghfoor Ahmed met Bhutto and told him about the rejection of the government‘s proposals. They also informed him that the PNA had opted for continuing the movement because of non-provision of constitutional protection to the accord.152 Bhutto was intensely disappointed. On July 4, 1977, by reopening the accord ruled out but Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto resolved willingly to meet PNA team again‖.153 The PNA had mobilized the people. ―Indeed, opposition leaders urged the military to take-over in the native expectation that it would be willing to act as an intermediary in the transfer of power from one Civilian government to another‖.154 In the early morning of July 5, 1977, Bhutto was informed by General Zia that the Pakistan Army was back in the political game and that he, the Quaid-i-Awam, was out‖.155 He imposed Martial Law. The Chief of the

149 Ibid., June 17, 1977. 150Interviewed Malik Meraj Khalid PPP Vetern Politician Quoted From Mohammad Asif Bhalli, Sayssat Daan(Urdu)(Lahore: Mawara Publication,1988), 282. 151 Ismail, op.cit., 35. 152 Shah, op.cit., 226. 153 Daily Dawn Karachi, July 4, 1977. 154 Omer Noman, Pakistan, Political and Economic History Since 1947,(London and New York: Macmillan, 1988,1990),111. 155Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan in the Twentieth Century a political History, (Karachi: Oxford university Press, 2003), 422.

Pakistan Army, General Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq took the rule of country certainly. He abrogated the constitution immediately and promised the nation to hold elections within (90) ninety days. On the positive side, ―Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto came into contact with a harmony with Pakistan‘s poor‘s who established the majority but whose problems had been acknowledged with little devotion. No doubt, ―Bhutto gave them a voice in politics‖.156 Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto said at the time of promulgation of constitution 1973 that ―Martial Law had been buried forever in Pakistan‖. If it happen truly, the role of democratic institutions could have been more effective in the history of Pakistan.

156 Amin, op.cit., 222.

Chapter 3

3.1 Revocation of Democracy in Pakistan (1977-1988)

General Zia conveyed his program to masses about the restoration of democracy. The law ministry was busy in making elections rules. Pakistan was passing through difficult time. With the imposition of Martial Law, all the executive authority had passed into the hands of the Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA) who was to appoint Governors, Ministers and Martial Law Administrator (MLA) in the provinces.1 Political activities were banned and power of judiciary pertaining to judicial review about the constitution and the fundamental rights was curtailed. There were people who complained about excesses but the general opinion at that time was that Zia‘s Martial Law was as democratic as the democracy replaced.2 On July 5, 1977, General Zia justified his action on the ground that ―sees no prospect of a compromise between the people‘s party (PPP) and the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) because of their mutual distrust and lack of faith. It was feared that the failure of PNA and PNA to reach a compromise would throw the country into a chaos and the country will be plunged into a more serious crisis.‖3 General Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq in his address to the nation declared:

I want to make it clear that neither do I have any political ambition, nor does the Army want to take away from its profession of solidarity….. my aim is to organize free and fair elections, which would be held in October this year. Soon after the pools, power would transfer to the elected representatives of the people. I give a solemn assurance that I will not deviate from the schedules. During the next three months, my total attention will be concentrated on the holding of elections and I would not like to dissipate my powers and energies as Chief Martial Law Administrator on anything else.4

General Zia clarified that he did not occupy the sway and he was trying to hold election as soon as possible. A famous scholar Hassan Askri commented,

1 M. Ikram Rabbani, Pakistan Studies,(Lahore: Caravan Books,2011),233. 2 Ahmed Shuja Pasha, Pakistan, A Political Profile, 1947-1988,( Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publisher, 1991), 301. 3 Hamid Yusuf, Pakistan, A Study of Political Development 1947-97, (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publication, 1999), 175. 4 S.F. Mahmud, A Concise History of Indo-Pakistan,(Karachi: Oxford University press, 1988),293.

―General Zia projected himself as a reluctant ruler. He argued that the Army forces stepped into the political fold when it became quite clear to them that the politicians were unable to resolve the political crisis. He emphasized like the most other military rulers that neither he nor his fellow officers had any political ambitions and that he would return the country to a democratic rule within 90 days‖.5

On July 6, 1977, General Zia urged civil servants to work without prejudices. He ordered the ministry of Law and Parliamentary Affairs to move quickly to formulate rules and procedures for holding the elections and make some necessary recommendations for setting up the Election Commission. Martial Law administration decided to take action against hoarders and black marketing. On July7, 1977, General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq the Chief, Martial Law Administrator had amended the Law (the continuance in force) order 1977 to provide for restoration of the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court and High Courts.6

General Zia‘s Policies were aim at putting limits on the scale of the public sector. He was in favour of denationalization of industrial companies and development of private enterprise. The authorities proclaimed guarantees against any further nationalization and returned a considerable part of nationalized property to its former owners. In the fall of 1977, the military government renounced the previous policy of industrial development, primarily, through the public sector. A new demarcation line was drawn between the public and private investment in the heavy industries (Chemical, Machine-building, metallurgy, petrochemical, Cement and other branches), which had earlier been the area for public investment only. Private entrepreneurs were entitled to enjoy various benefits in terms of taxes, credits and important tariffs.7

On September 2, 1977, ―Government announced a huge package of incentives corrective step and reformatory measures to tone-up the nation‘s sagging economy‖8 The main goals of the military regime‗s economic policies were reflected in the fifth five-years plan period 1978-1983. After a long pause, a programme for private industrial investment had adopted under this plan. The five-year plan was announced

5Hassan Askari Rizvi, The Military and Politics in Pakistan, 1947-1997, (Lahore: Sang-E-Meel Publication, 2000), 240. 6 Ibid., July 8, 1977. 7 V.Y. Belokrenitsky and V.N. Moskalenko, A Political History of Pakistan 1947-2007, (Karachi: oxford University Press, 2013), 267. 8 Daily Dawn Karachi, September 3, 1977.

72 for a significant increase in the size and share of private investment in the industrial sector. Over the five-year period of the plan, they were to match the amount of the public investment, whereas in the previous year‘s private industrial investment had been three to four times smaller than the public one.9 The focus on incentives for the private sector had combined with measures to limit the activities of the public sector and change some principles of its functioning. In 1977, under the pressure of the big business community, the military authorities appointed a committee for studying the issue of efficiency on the management of public enterprises. As a result, the authorities dissolved the Board of Industrial Management established by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. The bulk of companies nationalized by his government had transformed into mixed public- cum-private corporations managed by boards of directors, comprised of representatives of business circles and the public sectors.10

After releasing, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto got permission to contest the elections from Lahore constituency. The process of official scrutiny of nomination paper completed objection against Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto nomination overruled. Zia had appointed an Election Commission comprised of five respected judges, and had authorized the holding of Pakistan national elections on 18th October.11 On 10th October, Zia announced that the elections schedule for mid of the month would have postponed.12 Zulfaqar Ali Bhutto was arrested, alleged of the murder of Nawab Ahmad Khan Kasuri. Mrs. Nusrat Bhutto moved a writ petition in the Supreme Court against the violation of the constitution. The Supreme Court, in its judgment dated November 10, 1977, held that the law of necessity covered the action and declared General Zia‘s government as the de facto government.13 After the first ninety days of his Martial Law had passed, it became clear that Zia wanted to hold on to power and was not sincere in holding free and fair elections. He was able to gain enough support from the PNA in general, while the Jamaat-i-Islami and Air Marshall Asgar Khan particularly persuaded him to stay in power until Bhutto‘s influence among the people was considerably minimized and positive results were obtained‖.14 However,

9 Ibid. 10 Belokrenitsky and Moskalenko, op.cit., 267. 11 Lawerence Ziring ,Pakistan in the Twentieth Century , A Political History ,(Karachi: Oxford University press, 1997),434. 12 Ibid., 435. 13 Safdar Mehmud, Pakistan political Roots and development,(Lahore: Vanguard 1990),77. 14 Syed Mujawar Hussanin, Religion and Politics in Pakistan, (1972-88),(Islamabad: National Institute of Pakistan Studies Quaid-i-Azam University,1996), 242.

Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan demanded accountability of PPP leaders by next Civilian Government. He considered it undemocratic that the Zia government was making accountability of only PPP individually because all political parties were equally involved in corruptions and embezzlements since 1947.

Meanwhile, the President General Zia Haq issued two new orders relating to the disqualification and punishment of public representatives, seeking to improve the existing laws and provide new teeth to the process of accountability currently in the progress. The first order was issued for disqualification for seven years from the National and Provincial Assemblies, of the President, Governors and all legislators, who found guilty of misconduct, were sentenced for seven years imprisonment.15 These ordinances spread disappointment in democratic forces, which condemned them.

As the political temperature raised high, at first, around the time of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto‘s execution and later after the postponement of elections schedule up till November 17, 1979, followed by detention of a number of political leaders and judiciary emerged as a major channel for safeguarding the interest of civilians. The civil courts became littered with cases of individuals seeking justice against Martial Law order. Both Nusrat Bhutto and Benazir Bhutto filed a writ petition contesting their detention. Consequently, relief had sought from the Lahore high court against military court‘s conviction of Salamat Ali, the Pakistan correspondent of the Far Eastern Economic Review. Asghar Khan also filed a writ in the Lahore High court contesting ban on political parties and the constitutional amendments. Some of the court decision upset the Martial Law authorities.16

There were eighty-nine politicians on trial and one hundred and four were cleared. General Zia had constituted sixteen members council advisers who assumed the charge of their respective offices.17 All the advisors had the rank and status of

15 Editorial “Cleaner Politics” Daily The Pakistan Times, Lahore, September 28, 1977. 16 Mohammad Waseem, Politics and The State in Pakistan,(Islamabad: national institute of Historical cultural Research,1994), 374. 17The name of 16 advisory members were: (i) Sardar Mula Baksh soomro Political Affairs and Commerce (ii) Mr. Muhammad Ali khan Hoti Education (iii) Mr.sharifuddin Pirzada Law (iv) Mr.Agha Shahi Foreign Affairs (v) Rear admiral R.M.Sheikh Petroleum and Natural Resources (vi) Lt.Gen.Ghulam Hussain khan Labour and manpower (vii) Air Martial Inammul Haq Interior (viii) Mr.A.G.N Kazi Finance and Economic(ix) Mr.N.A Kureshi railway (x) Mr.Muhammmad Ali Social Welfare (xi) Mr.Gulam Ishaq khan Secretary General in Chief (xii) Mr.A.K.Brohi Parliamentary Affairs

Federal Ministers, while the Corps Commanders were appointed as Zonal Martial Law Administrators and some were made provincial Governors. After few days, all political activities were banned. On January 3, 1978, the General Zia had established eleven11 disqualification tribunals under martial law order No. 31 to decide about the cases of those politicians whose conduct had not found above board in the parliamentary scrutiny.18

The political parties urged to call on RTC. Majority of Politicians were not in favour of proportional representative system because they considered it pernicious for the democracy. On October 6, 1977, Air Marshall (Retd.), Asghar Khan, the President of Therik-i- Istiqlal said that the martial law authorities should announce a fresh and firm date for holding elections in the country as soon as possible.19 The elections were postponed again. The postponement of the general elections instantly made President General Zia‘s position highly vulnerable. It was one thing to have intervened to separate the warring political parties. It was quite another matter to make the military rule an acceptable substitute for and elected government.20 A few relatively minor issues were still to be resolved. However, two leaders of the nine-party opposition alliance favoured a takeover by the military to deal with PPP. One of them, Asghar Khan had earlier written to the Chief of the armed forces pleading for a coup.21 Pakistan People‘s Party leaders had arrested and put in the jails. They endured atrocities and cruelties patiently and press was banned; only censored news were permitted to publish. Malik Meraj Khalid a veteran politician of PPP wrote a letter to General Sawar Khan in which he had explained the philosophy of the PPP and his idealistic view of democracy.22 In spite of all these endeavours, Zia government could not supress it.

(xiii) LT.Gen F-A Chishti A Chief Staff to the Chief Martial Law Administrator (xiv) M. Mustaf Gokal Shipping Sports and Export Promotion (xv) Gen.(Rtd) Habib-ullah khan Industries Production. [Daily Dawn Karachi, January 10, 1978.] 18 Daily Pakistan Times Lahore, January 4, 1978 19 Daily Dawn Karachi, October 7, 1977. 20 Yusuf, op.cit., 180. 21 Omer Noman , Pakistan Political and Economic History since,1947(London and Newyork: Kegan Paul international,1990), 118. 22S.M. Ismail, From Malik-Seller to Prime Minister, Life Story of Malik Meraj Khalid,(Islamabad:2005),32-33.

3.2 Islamization of Zia

President General Zia‘s Islamization campaign significantly affected the educational system of the country. The government was keen to give an Islamic orientation to education and had already taken a number of steps towards this end. The measures that had been taken, including introduction of compulsory study of the Quran up to class VIII and Islamiat up to the post-graduate level, opening of 800 Mosques, schools and introduction of Arabic as a compulsory subject from class Vi where Arabic teachers were available. At the same time, the government had set up an ‗Islamic education Research‘ cell and an ‗Academy of planning and Management‘ to bring the education system in conformity with Islamic teaching.23 On August 12, 1983, President General Zia announced the promised constitutional framework retaining the 1973 constitution, but with some modification to balance the power of the President and the Prime Minister and to bring certain provision in conformity with Quran and Sunnah.24 The Council of Islamic Ideology reactivated and the four Hudood Laws-pertaining to offences, subject to Hadd (literally meaning hindrance, limit or restrictions, namely, intoxication, theft, Zina, unlawful sexual intercourse) were codified.25 Moreover, Hudood Ordinance had propagated in 1979.26 Later on, Zia enforced also four Shariat Laws.27 Ahmed Shujah Pasha writes, ―Hadood Laws were codified and introduced by the order of CMLA (Chief Martial Law Administrator), issued in February 1979‖.28

General Zia wanted to introduce innovative ideas in form of world of Islam. For this purpose, he had done a lot of work and brought changes at domestic, social, economic and politic level. That‘s why, ―Zia in his various speeches on many occasions‘ talks about a new awakening, a new awareness, a new mood and a new vision in the world of Islam‖.29 The government promulgated the Zakat and Ushar ordinance on June 20, 1980. The ordinance was meant for the Muslim population, also

23 Editorial, Islamic Educational System, Daily Pakistan Times, February 17, 1983. 24 Daily Pakistan Times, Lahore, August 13, 1983. 25Golam W Choudhury, Pakistan Transition From Military To Civilian Rule, (England: Scorpion Publishing LTD, 1988), 40. 26 Choudhury, op.cit., 40. 27 The four Shariat laws are: (i) The Offences Against Property (Enforcement of Hudood Ordinance 1979 (VI of 1979) (ii) The Offences of Zina (Enforcement of Hudood ) Ordinance 1979 (VII of 1979) (iii) The offence of Qazaf (iv) The prohibition (Enforcement of Hudood) Order, 1979, (No. IV of 1979) [Afzal Iqbal, Islamization of Pakistan, (Lahore: Vanguard, 1986), 113.] 28 Pasha, op.cit., 303. 29 Chudhay ,op.cit., 41.

76 extended to all the Muslim organizations and institutions.30 He emphasized that the civil and criminal Qazi courts should be set up separately and the legal yardsticks should be the Holy Quran and the Sunnah.31 The advisory council of Islamic Ideology was working under the 1962 constitution and the council of Islamic Ideology set up under the 1973 constitution. Before the present regime took over in July 1977, made a number of recommendations for Islamization of laws and society, but the government perhaps lacked sincerity of purpose and hence no headway in the achievement of the objectives for which Pakistan came into being could be made.32

A federal Court had established to decide cases according to the teaching of the Quran and Sunnah. Appeals against the decision of Lower and High Courts could be presented before the Shariah Court for hearing. Blasphemy of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) would be punishable to death. Some other Islamization programmes were introduced including the teaching of Arabic, Pakistan Studies and Islamic Studies were made compulsory up to the graduation level students. For professional studies, extra marks had given to those who were Hafiz-e-Quran.33 A Shariah Council consisted of Ulema was established to look into the constitutional and legal matters of the state in order to bring them in line with Islamic thought. On January1, 1980, Zia introduced a Profit and Loss Sharing system‖ according to which an account holder was to share the loss and profit of the bank. Since “Riba” had prohibited in Islam, action had taken to introduce interest-free banking system in the country. The system later came to be known as the profit and loss sharing system. However, the banks, under the scheme, increased their deposits by 7942 million rupees. On the other hand, on June 30, 1984, PLS deposits in banks formed only 18.7 per cent of the total bank deposits. The following financial year registered an increase of 16,008 million rupees and the percentage went up to 27.6 of the total bank deposits.34 The media particularly TV, was brought under Islamization campaign, news of Arabic were to be read on both television and radio, female anchor person were required to cover their heads, the “Azan” was relayed regularly on radio and television to announce time for prayer. An

30 Rabbani, op.cit., 486. 31 Iqabal, op. cit., 122. 32 Muhammad Sohail Bhati, Pakistan Affairs, New Millennium Edition, (Lahore: Bhatti Sons Publication, nd.), 688. 33 Shahid M. Amin, A Concise History Of Pakistan, (Karachi: Institute of Business Management ,2015), 229. 34 Pasha, op.cit., 303.

77 ordinance forbade public drinking and eating during holy month. A programme to ensure the regularity of prayers called the “Nizam-i-Salaat‖ had also lunched.35

The Islamic laws introduced by Zia also included laws for women. For the first time, a woman could be flogged for adultery. If a rape reported, four witnesses were to provide otherwise, legally the rape could be termed adultery. The law of evidence, under Shariah laws, proposed that the testimony of a woman was not equal to that of a man in legal matters. There was little consensus amongst Muslim authorities over this law. The lack of consensuses among religious authorities combined with countrywide protest, forced Zia to hold back making the Shariah as the only law of the country.36

3.3 Controlled Democracy

Since 1979, the local government institutions had been established for Urban and rural areas throughout the country based on Provincial Local Government Ordinance. District council was the top tier of the rural local government system, elected by the adult population of each revenue district. Baluchistan and Sindh provinces had also constituted Tehsil Councils in each revenue circle. Similarly, Punjab and Azad Kashmir constituted Marakaz Council during 1980-83, in which also included the Chairmen of the Union Council as ex-officio members. ―Later on, Punjab discontinued it, while Azad Kashmir continued‖.37 Zia government decided to hold local bodies elections. He supported local self-government to control democracy. General Zia wanted to involve the people in his so-called democratic system. For the fulfilment of his desire, his sycophant subordinates checked out local self-government plan. It looked like, he was successful in his programme but it was no less than building a castle in the air. In its editorial dated December 22, 1982, daily Pakistan Times wrote:

The three days session of the Punjab council came as a vet another proof of the successful working of the local government system. The government has introduced to facilitates development work and strengthen democratic roots in the country. A major reason why democracy had not been able to work in our midst was that success regime concerned themselves more with the privileges of power

35 Amin, op.cit., 229. 36 Ibid. 37 Muhammad Asif Malik, Local Self Government In Pakistan, (Lahore: Publisher Emporium, 2006), 532.

and trapping of democracy than with increasing people‘s participation and involvement in local government affairs. 38

It was hoped that the local bodies system would provide a basic democratic superstructure. Democracy is like a pyramid with a wide base from where leadership emerges and goes on to assume the stewardship of national affairs. We commit the mistake of raising the political edifice without a supporting foundation, and the result is before us repeated failure. Even the so-called popularly elected government cannot design to revive the local government institutions. When the present government decided to put local government to work, there were many who doubted that the experiment would succeed. However, the system had proved its usefulness beyond any doubt and there was a healthy stir throughout the country at the local level where local leaders were taking active interest in identifying and solving the problems of socio-economic development based on self-help.

The power and function of local government leader had been defined and they were working in showing concern with the local administration to accelerate the process of development in their respective areas. The Punjab councillors worked together for an annual review of development work in the province, while the forum provided the government an opportunity to present its plans and appraise the progress of work on various schemes. It also enabled the councillors to express their opinion on the allocation and utilization of funds to ventilate the special problems of their areas. It took bureaucracy to task where it had failed to cooperate sufficiently or deliver the goods. The Punjab council might not be an elected legislature, but it was no less efficacious, being an open forum for the frank discussion of people‘s problem and complaints to make the best of provincial resources.39 Under the previous programme of Rural Development through Local Councils, the government received the local Government system and elections of local bodies were conducted in 1979, 1983, and then in 1987. These councils were assigned rural development functions, In order to make this development function more effectively in 1986; the government gave financial grants to members of provincial assemblies, the national assemblies, the senators and the Ministers.40

38 Editorial ―Grass-Roots Democracy at work‖ The Pakistan Times, Lahore, December 22, 1982. 39 Ibid. 40 Malik, op.cit., 532.

The biradariism turned into an essential feature during the local body elections. No contender or adherent could come out biradari oppression. The candidates got success on behalf of biradari supports in local elections in Pakistan. Personality and ideology has suppressed due to the association with biradari. All the members of the every biradari directly or indirectly, met their biradari heads.41 That is why Zia made cordial relation with the heads of these biradaris to accomplish his dream to extend his sway. Zia was not the one to talk about basic democracy, nor was he eager to reinvent the parliamentary experience. He truly believed that political parties were anathema in the Pakistan milieu and that little of values have produced in the parliamentary setting. Pakistani politics developed from the beginning as a negative expression and political activity was conducted in the streets, rather than in the halls of the legislatures. In Zia‘s opinion, ―Pakistan politics had become the art of disarming your opponent, not doing the people business‖.42

On December 24, 1981, 1981 another ordinance was issued for the nomination a Majlis-e-Shoora (Federal Council). The Majils-e-Shoora constituted to assist the government in order to pave the way for an Islamic judicial system. The Majlis-e- Shoora consisting of 350 members was formally established in early 1982. The Federal Ministers and minsters of state were to be the ex-officio members of the Federal Council. The Provincial Councils also organized in the provinces. The Federal Council was an advisory body but later converted into a legislative forum by the President.43 In 1981, Zia promulgated the Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO) and asked judges of the higher courts to take fresh oaths.44

The government seemed to be convinced that it must arm itself with greater constitutional rights, Martial Law, notwithstanding, barred the judiciary from questioning its authority. The PPP and some PNA parties had joined hands to form a new alliance, named as MRD in February 1981.45 Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan was elected as his President, therefore, he always used to say, ―MRD is not a name of an

41 Mughees Ahmed, Biradarism (Cast Politcs), (Germony: Lambert Academy Publishing, 2012), 143. 42 Ziring, op.cit., 442. 43 M. Ikram Rabbani, Pakistan Affairs (Lahore,Carvan Book,n.d), 299. 44 Hamid Hussain, Judicial Jitters in Pakistan: A Historical Overview, Advance Contemporary Affairs, Book 51,(Lahore: Advanced AP Publishers, 2007),501. 45 Waseem 1994, op. cit., 374.

80 organization rather it is the name of a passion.‖46 The government raised empty objections on MRD without any good reason to reduce its momentum, Students Unions have banned in all the universities in March 1984.47

Pakistan is an agrarian country. Its economy depends upon agriculture. However, all economic sectors needed attention. Zia had prepared economic policy for the welfare of the masses. It was necessary for the government to give incentives to the masses through economic progress. The Federal Minister, Ghulam Ishaq Khan presided over its 32 meetings of advisory council of commerce ministry. He had explained the economic situation of the country during 1981-82. In its editorial, dated May 28, 1982, daily The Pakistan Times wrote:

The rate of growth in GDP will settle at 6.5 per cent in the staid period provided the setback in the agricultural sector caused by freak rains is not excessive. Despite this and other difficulties at the international level, the increase in GDP will be an improvement on last year‘s 6.2 per cent and will continue the momentum; the economy has gained, over the past four years. The Minister realistically described the improvement in the export performance during 9th month of 1981-82 and took into account the slump in cotton and rice that negated whatever gain the country had made with cotton, cloth, leather, petroleum etc. 48

The economic condition was stable at that time. Masses were achieving all commodities of life. The overall government planning imposed positive influence on common person‘s life. It was appreciate-able work. Poverty alleviation was a part of attention of our past governments and it was a usual debate. Some economists also criticised these policies because they considered it unbeneficial for the masses. The common people always wanted to improve their economic condition because without fulfilment of economic necessities, prosperity was not possible. In its editorial dated June 11, 1983, daily The Pakistan Times wrote:

As against the growth, the inflation rate fell from 10.7% per cent to 6.7% per cent, the lowest single rate in the last ten years. All this had achieved through a strict fiscal regime, which had made it difficult to find jobs in the large state sector but

46 Interview of Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, Mohammad, quoted from Asif Ali Bhalli, Syasaat Daan (Urdu) (Lahore: Mavrra Punlishers, 1988), 318. 47 Mahmud, 1988,op.cit.,297. 48 Editorial ―Encouraging Performance‖ Pakistan Times Lahore, May 28, 1982.

which had helped cut expenditures and achieve surpluses 241 million dollars in the balance of payments. Exports, an area of gloom in the year 1981-82 climbed to 2.5 billion dollars touching up a growth percentage of 9.4 per cent. Expatriate worker remittances grew by twenty-eight per cent to reach 2.9 billion dollars as compared to 6.1 per cent previously.49

It was a good economic strategy and consequently, the National income increased and trade flourished. According to foreign observers and those who travelled to Pakistan, looking for investment opportunities praised Pakistan‘s economic performance. The increasing of prices of commodities of life growing at the rate 12 per cent in 1981-82, had controlled at 5 per cent this year. The GNP growth rate had increased to 6.5 per cent from 5.4 per cent. These were the positive measures for the enhancing the economic condition through agriculture. With all these aspects, Pakistan was making progress rapidly due to the stable economy. Although people had to undergo many economic difficulties during the Martial Law period but they hoped that democracy would be restored and Pakistan would be made democratic country under the banner of optimistic democratic approach.

On February 6, 1983, MRD declared the ―Day of Democracy‖ due to its one years accomplished endeavours. It demanded to restore democracy, rule of law, fundamental rights and civil liberties, freedom of press and independence of judiciary. It required active cooperation of various professional groups like students, peasants, labours, doctors, lawyers and women. ―Under the PCO the advocacy of any secular ideology was prohibited and Zia was empowered to amend constitution as he wished‖. 50 On June 11, 1983, the Federal Minister Mr. Ghulam Ishaq Khan presented the annual budget for 1983-84 geared to the 6th plan objectives of consolidating economic growth, quantitative increase in goods and services and improving the quality of life.51 The annual development programme for 1983-84, had fixed at Rs. 31 Billions, which was 84 per cent more than last year‘s actual expenditure.52 This News was also surrounding in ―July 16, 1983, the Majlis-i-Shoora would first take up for consideration the report of its 30 members special committee on the feature form

49 Editorial, Economic Survey 1982-83, Pakistan Times, Lahore, June 11, 1983. 50 Shah, op.cit., 260. 51 Daily Pakistan times, Lahore, June 12, 1983. 52 Ibid.

82 government‖.53 To transfer the country towards democracy, President General Zia-ul- Haq wanted to hold election in the country. S.F. Mahmud writes, ―In August 1983, the President announced that he would hold general elections by March 1985 and soon after that the martial law would be lifted‖.54

All the political powers discussed political framework. It was favourable measure for the betterment of democracy. On October 22, 1983, Inaugurating the eighth session of Majlis-i-Shoora, the President General Mohammad Zia Haq declared that his government was participating in the political dialogue with all the sincerity and was determined to take the goal of Islamic democracy.55 Zia had challenged by two very different Pakistan. One has expressed in the ethnically diverse multitudes living on the margins of the modern world. The other represented the informed, educated and involved members of a sophisticated political and economic experience‖.56 Democracy and elections have strong relation. It is not right to say that the solid democratic infrastructure, based on fair and free elections process. Therefore, it was essential to hold elections in the country for the restoration of democracy in its original form. In its editorial, dated July 17, 1983, The Pakistan Times wrote:

General Zial-u-Haq has stated the opposition once again vis-à-vis democracy and election in Pakistan, According to him, the trappings of modern democracy could not confound with the ideal of democracy. The civic act of going to the elections of electing representative at various levels of leadership and then submitting with good grace to who-ever won the approval of electorate promised on a set of values and ideals.57

The publics had seen Polls and wanted to live under an elected government and constitution. They had the knowledge about the significances of taking a constitution, which could amend only, by coming into existence, a rubber stamp assembly. They had survived and worked under the influence of the political parties and had seen their formless structure. They knew well about their political programme and causes of failure of the democracy. In spite of all the complexity, they wanted to restore democracy in any form because it is an old maxim that a paralyzed democracy is better

53 Ibid., July 17, 1983. 54 Mahmud, 1988, op.cit., 297. 55 Ibid., October 23, 1983. 56 Ziring, op.cit., 442. 57 Editorial ―Ideal and Election‖, Daily Pakistan Time Lahore, July 17, 1983.

83 than dictatorship in each respect. Like his military predecessor, President General Zia also introduced a local bodies system promulgating the local Government Ordinance 1979.58 Local body‘s elections were the first step towards restoration of democracy. The Pakistan the military government always had stressed on local bodies‘ elections for prolonging their sway. It was a fact that the Political powers showed their performance based on making political institutions at grass root level. That is why government held local body‘s election. The opposition political parties boycotted the local elections. Neither the candidates nor the voters had considered it right to stay away from what was undoubtedly Pakistan‘s important first step to a truly representative system of government. The real reason behind this public enthusiasm was that the local bodies had been allow to assume real authority. 59

The local bodies‘ polls played a vital role to restore democracy because its fruit reached until grass-root level. Those who put obstacles in the way to resume democratic process said that the government had played a trick with democratic forces to hold local body‘s elections. According to them, the government had tried to move the masses attention from national or provincial elections through creating glittering attraction of local bodies‘ democracy. Thereby, there were also so many incentives, which given to the masses through local bodies. Amir Ullah Khan commented:

At the apex of the local government in the rural areas was the District Council. The broad categories of functions of the District Council were public works, health, education, agricultural development and economic welfare, articles on food and drink, drainage, public ferries, livestock and dairy development, culture, public safety, development functions.60

With the Local bodies elections, the conduct of National Assembly and Provincial Assembly elections were necessary for the restoration of democracy. On February 22, 1984, President General Zia stated that there was a strong possibility that

58 Ramifications & Recommendation, IPRI, Journal Summer Volume XIV, Number 2, ISSN 1684-9787, (Islamabad: Policy Research Institute,2014), 67. 59 After NWFP and Baluchistan, the local government polls have attracted over 60% per cent of the registered voters in the Punjab. Elections to seven Municipal corporation 63 Municipal committees 134- town committees 21 district council have taken place in the country‘s largest province. Judged by the keen sense of participation among the voters the second term of the local bodies institutions will have greater validate and relevance for the masses who identified their democratic rights with them. [Editorial ―Grass-Root Democracy‖, Pakistan Time Lahore, October 1st, 1983.] 60 Khan, 2014, op.cit., 67.

84 one of the elections (provincial and National) will be held by the end of the year.61 On March 12, 1884, President General Zia-ul-Haq proclaimed a ten-point programme to form the basis for the next elections.62 On June14, 1984, the Finance Minister of Pakistan, Gulam Ishaq Khan presented his consecutive seventh budget. It was a record for any finance Minister in Pakistan. He proposed to fill the resource gap of Rs: 8.58 billion on the fiscal years 1984-85 by resorting to RS: 2.96 billion from new and revised measures and borrowing the remaining Rs. 5.62 billion from the banking system. It was investment-oriented budget interest-free banking shortly 8.5 P.C GDP rate envisaged and relief for lower middle-income groups; Gas and petroleum price was raised.63

General Zia had decided to hold referendum in country. On December 18, 1984, General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq said, ―December 19, as a day for the people to demonstrate their will for having a complete Islamic order enforced in the country‖.64 He promised to step down if verdict of referendum had been against him. On December 19, 1984, referendum was held in Pakistan. The voters were required to answer in a simple ―yes or no‖ to a lengthy question:

Do you endorse the process initiated by General Zia-ul-Haq for bringing the law of Pakistan in conformity with the injunctions of Islam as laid down in the Holy Quran and Sunnah of the Holy Prophet and for the preservation of the ideology of Pakistan, the continuation and consolidation of that process and for the smooth and orderly transfer of power to elected representatives of the people? 65

61 Daily The Pakistan Times Lahore, February 23, 1984. 62The programme was: (i) under the constitution, sovereignty will belong to Allah. (ii) The entire administration, including the Head of state and all elected persons, would be the functionaries of Allah and the Holy Prophet (Peace be upon him). (iii) All ideological contradiction in the constitution would be eliminated. Islam and Islam alone will be our ―Dine‖, religion, politics, economy and the code of life in Pakistan. (iv) Islamic equality in its true sense would be established in Pakistan. (v) The coming Elections would lay the foundation of unity of the Islamic Ummmah. (vi) The society would be purged of professional political monopolies as a result of the coming Elections. (vii) The mode of Elections would be free from adventurism and false promise. (viii) Far-reaching changes would be effected in electoral laws. Those transgressing God‘s limits and indulging in drinking, adultery, Smuggling, and other evils would be disqualified. Anti-state and anti-social elements must reform themselves otherwise they would have cause for complain against us. (ix)Political leadership would go to the middle class, the noble people and the intelligentsias, who have hitherto, remain neglected. (x) Those wanting confederation autonomy and family monopoly rule must beware that Pakistan would not be assigned to their negative politics. ( Iqbal, op. cit., 120.) 63 Daily Dawn, Karachi June 15, 1984. 64 Daily Pakistan Times, Lahore December 19, 1984. 65 Shah., op. cit., 280.

Against the general estimate of the voters turnout was 10-15 per cent, The Chief Election Commissioner claimed that 62 per cent of the registered voters actually polled their votes, out of whom 97.71 per cent voted ―Yes‖.66 As such, General Zia got success. He held a countrywide referendum on Islamic laws with the proviso that an affirmative verdict would construe as a mandate for him to lead the country for five years more.67 The MRD boycotted it.68 Similarly, the opposition parties had called for boycotting the referendum but as a Pakistan newspaper, Wifaq , pointed out that if the opposition boycott had succeeded there would have been riots in the street. No one can get away with announcing fictional election result in Pakistan.‖69 After listening such accusations, Zia had decided to go different areas of the country to prove that he had a real support. However, the rumours had spread that the referendum was bogus and captured with rigging. Another Pakistani (Left Wing) Newspaper, The daily Muslim said, ―Zia‘s support came from those groups who opposed Bhutto‘s regime during the 1977 political crisis. They included industrials, landowners, religious leaders, and rightist political parties like Jamaat-i-Islami. Zia also got support from the Pakistan Muslim League led by Pir Pagara (spiritual leader).70

General Zia took a complete review of the internal situation with specific reference to the next polls. He rejected all rumours about elections and decided to stand on his commitment to complete the electorate process. In October 1984, Elections Coordination Committee had formed. On January 12, 1985, President General Zia announced that the National Assembly elections would held on February 25, and the provincial Assembly elections held on February 28, on non-party adult franchise basis.71 On January 16, 1985, ―Zia‘s cabinet allowed to contest polls except to those who were disqualified by tribunals, reiterating that the president has suggested that the electioneering opportunity should be same for the ordinary candidates as for the Ministers‖.72 He also allowed,‖ Those disqualified by the tribunals from being elected as a member of national or provincial assemblies who bore out the wills of the government to ensure free, fair and impartial elections‖.73 It was the time, when General Zia breathed his

66 Ibid. 67 M.D.Zafar and S.M. Najam, A Short History of Pakistan, (Lahore: Aziz Book Depot, 2007), 466. 68Saeed Shafqat, Political System of Pakistan and Public Policy,(Lahore: Progressive Publishers,1989), 57. 69 Chudhary, op.cit., 64. 70 Ibid. 71 Pakistan Times Lahore, January 13, 1985. 72 Ibid., January 17, 1985. 73 Ibid.

86 thought about elections openly but he never changed his policies, he kept his policies intact throughout his regime. In restoring so-called democracy, he did not have any public interest; rather he wanted to prolong his authority. In its editorial dated January 17, 1985, The Pakistan Times wrote:

The plans and arrangements for holding the forthcoming polls contain some special feature, which makes eminent sense on the context of our bitter experience of politics in the past. Politics is the art of the possible; it is the modern civilized way of running a society. However, unfortunately as we have seen in the past politics on our midst has used as a vehicle for the fulfilment of vaulting ambitions as an instrument to befool the people and as a stepping-stone to power by unscrupulous elements. Here politics has throughout been an unrestrained game a favourite of fortune-seekers and adventurous. 74

It was a pleasure for the masses of Pakistan because they returned on the democratic path after a long period. Everybody was enthusiastic to participate in these elections. It is a fact that democracy was gracing the atmosphere by its presence. To evaluate these circumstances, Omar Noman writes, ―For voters, the 85 elections provided an opportunity to exert pressure on the army to end martial law. As we have stressed above, the electorate and a number of candidates saw these elections as a concession towards and an ultimate transfer of power to the civilian‖.75 On January 20, 1985, 1,395 candidates filed their papers for 217 N.A. (National Assembly seats).76 Two thousand one hundred fifty six candidates had filed their nomination paper for the 240 general seats of the Punjab provincial Assembly.77 It was an astonishing phenomenon of Zia‘s legacy, he put stressed on representative to accept it and he hoped to get new faces for parliament so that he could handle it easily. On January 24, 1985, president General Zia-ul-Hq said that the Elections threw up fresh, vigorous leadership.78

These elections held on the basis on adult franchise with non-party agenda. To promote his government policies, Raja Mohammad Zafarul Haq, Minster for information and broadcasting in his interview stated, the National and Provincial

74 Editorial ―Purposeful Polls” The Pakistan times, Lahore, Pakistan Times Lahore, January 17, 1985. 75 Omer Noman, op. cit., 129. 76 Pakistan Times, Lahore, January 21, 1985. 77 Ibid., January 23, 1985. 78 Ibid., January 25, 1985.

Assemblies elected in 1985, would be altogether different. He explained this further by saying that the tasks awaiting them would be much more as compared to the legislative agendas of the previous assemblies. The 1985, Assemblies would not only be called upon to study and ratify the laws already enacted for the induction of Islamic order, but also to frame policies for its enforcement in the years to come‖.79 In view of these one-rouse responsibilities, the choices of the candidates by the voters were of crucial important. Every voter must fully appraise the personal background and intellectual equipment of a candidate before casting his vote. The significance advice of the information minister lied in the fact that the majority of the candidates (75 per cent according to some estimates) were relatively new to political arena. 80 Aysha Jalal writes, ―The non-party elections of March 1985 to the local bodies as well as the provincial and central assemblies advertised the regime‘s success in conveying a simple truth as the reward for collaboration with the state, outweighed those of petulant dissent from the political wildness. As Benazir who had ordered the PPP to boycott the elections discovered to her cost, the attraction of gaining excess power and patronage were far more tempting than the magnetism of individuals and parties‖.81 The MRD boycotted this Party-less elections.82

During the month of February 1985, non-party basis elections were held in Pakistan. On March 2, 1985, the President General Zia declared that the basic structure and features of the 1973 constitution have not been disturbed while introducing certain amendments to it in order to make it more effective and workable. In his address to the nation on Television and Radio networks, the President said that ―the parliamentary nature of the constitution has not been touched the parliament will remain independent and sovereign and the prime minister will operate as the Chief executive of the country‖.83 President Zia had given an undertaking to the elected MNA on the course of his meeting with them to make the procedure of constitutional amendment simpler. Moreover, the next day the second amendment to the revival of the constitution of

79 Interview Raja Muhammad Zafurul Haq, quoted from Editorial ―Election with Difference‖ Pakistan Times Lahore, January 25, 1985. 80 Ibid. 81Ayesha Jalal, Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia, A comparative and historical perspective, (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publication, n.d), 106. 82 Shafqat, op.cit., 57. 83 Daily The Pakistan Times, Lahore, March 3, 1985.

order (RCO) promulgated.84 Under this amendment, the relevant provision on the 1973 constitution had now restored with only two minor stipulations. The 1973 constitution provide that any part of the constitutional could amend through the vote of two-third majority. The first amendment issued earlier by President Zia, gave the Provincial Assemblies the option to block the legislative right of the federal parliament to change constitutional provision, if they closed to do so. In its editorial dated March 20, 1985, daily The Pakistan Times wrote:

The elected representative of National Assembly argued that since they too presented their respective provincial interest and in a higher elected body. They curbed on their powers by the provincial assemblies could not but be considered anomalous conceding the point. President however felt that while the MNAs did work for their respective constituencies. There happened to be at least one issue on which the MPAs should have an equal voice the issue of the provincial boundaries. To deny them the right to debate such issue on the provincial Assembly floor would consider neither democratic nor fair. The second reservation President Zia had was about the exercise of an arbitrary volition on the part of the parliament to elect changes on the constitution. 85

There seemed to be two reasons behind this reservation. First, to let the constitution of the country had at least some period of undisturbed operation. President Zia had for a long time celebrated the measures, which were essential to a balanced functioning of democratic institution in the country. Moreover, as the author of the amendments he naturally knew the rationale behind each of these measures. He had already explained some of those to the public through the mass media but it was not always possible to have exhaustive analysis of every aspect of a complex legal issue.

On March 21, 1985, the Federal Minister, Gulam Ishaq Khan had been unanimously elected Chairman of Senate and Mukhdoon Sajjad Hussain Qureshi was collectively elected Deputy Chairman of the Senate.86 Fakhir Imam has elected as the Speaker of National Assembly. Mr. Wazir Khan Jogezai was elected Deputy Speaker,

84Zia justified the promulgation of the RCO on the grounds that he had sought to bring the 1973 constitution closer to Islam and Secondly, that this would prove a shield against future crises. [Syed Mujawar Hussain shah, Religion And Politics In Pakistan (1972-88)(national Institute of Pakistan studies Quaid Azam university Islamabad, 1996), 283] 85 Editorial ―Parliamentary Supremacy‖ Pakistan Times Lahore, March 20, 1985. 86 Daily Pakistan Times Lahore, March 22, 1985.

89 as it was being expected. On March 24, 1985, Prime Minister, Muhammad khan Junejo was sworn in as Prime Minister of Pakistan. The President General Zia administered the oath of office to him in the joint session of the parliament.87 After nearly eight years, of going through many hurdles the nation gained great experience and was able to correct its “Qiblah” (dimension). Pakistan was once again on the path of democracy and set to march towards the fulfilment of cherished objectives for which 100 million Muslims of subcontinent had given tremendous sacrifices.88

The nation expected that the country‘s parliament would reflect the will and interest of the people, adopt a stance that did not merely satisfy the instinct of infighting and politicking but take Pakistan carefully out of the shadow of Martial Law. Zia had built a parliament house for the assembly proceeding. The impressive parliament house on the Constitutional Avenue, Islamabad had completed after eleven years at a cost of Rs.450 million rupees. It was the symbol of their struggle for democracy. Recounting some of the measures already taken towards the restoration of democracy in the country, Prime Minister Junejo said, ―While democratic process remained suspended for many years, fundamental rights were usurped and expression of view on national matters was not allowed. Today a democratic process had been fully restored and political parties and their supporters had been allowed to openly propagate their views‖.89

On May 24, 1985, Federal Minister, Dr. Mehboob-ul-Haq announced a balanced budget of the year 1985-86. He had spoken about an important function among the duties of the planning and finance authority of the state that of minor toning and the implementation of the schemes undertaken for economic and social development. He said that he presented a Budget of innovation and structural change, which should in the final analysis, benefited of the people.90

The Constitution (Eight Amendment) Bill, 1985, had been placed before the National Assembly by Prime Minster Junjo‘s government as a movement to the removal of Martial Law in the country. After ascending the premiership, Junejo set

87 Ibid., 25 March 1985. 88 Sayeed Khan Qamar, Pakistan Back on the Path of Democracy, Artical Daily Pakistan Times, March 26, 1985. 89 Editorial, ‗Dedicate to Democracy” Daily Pakistan Time Lahore, May 30, 1986. 90Daily Pakistan Times Lahore, May 25, 1985.

90 himself vigorously to the task of getting the constitutional amendments to the 1973 constitution approved by the assembly. The most controversial 8th Amendment was introduced to the National Assembly on 30th September, 1985 and was unanimously approved by the Senate on October, 31, 1985. The 8th Amendment sought specific validation of General Zia‘s election as president, his drastic constitutional amendments made through Revival Constitution Order (RCO) of March 1985 and his proclamation of July 5, 1977, imposing Martial Law including all orders and ordinance issues. 91

The new regional cooperation organization South Asia Association of Regional Cooperation 92(SAARC) was coming into emergence in South Asia in Dhaka. Every country hoped that it would impose good effects on the economy of the South Asian countries. ―Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sirilanka, Bhutan and Maldives had signed a joint declaration to help each other in the field of ―Telecommunication, Science and Technology, health, population planning, rural development, sports, art, culture, metrology, transport services and agriculture. Prime Minister Juneju preferred this organization and agreed to participate in this regional cooperate organization. To represent Pakistan, ―Junejo went to Bangalore in November, 1986, in connection with the annual summit of the ‗SAARC‘ where he also met the Indian Prime Minster but could not create favourable climate for the normalization process‖.93 He also visited U.K. in early 1987. During Parleys with his British counterpart, the question of Pakistan‘s re-entry in the Commonwealth also came under discussion. But respective view on the issue had not changed much although Mrs. Treacher expressed her keenness to welcome a formal request from Pakistan. 94

Prime Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo announced the lifting of the 20 years old state of emergency and the restoration of the fundamental rights, which he said should help Pakistan embark on a new path of full-fledged Civilian democratic

91 Rabbani, 2011, op.cit., 239-240. 92 South Asian Association for the Regional Cooperation (SAARC) comprises Bangladesh, Bhuttan. India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Siri Lanka. It was founded in Dhakah in December 1985. The total popukation of South Asia was more than a thousand million. It was established to enhanced economic relation among the member countries in what has been termed as no-conflict areas, which exclude bilateral issues. South Asian relations with the outside world are beyond the scope of ―SAARC‖ [M.R.Kazimi, A Concise History of Pakistan,(Karachi: Oxford University Press,2009),308.] 93 Mahmud, op.cit., 259. 94 Humayun Adeeb, Pakistan Foreign Policy Perspectives,(Lahore: Aziz Publishers ,1987),410.

91 system.95 There were indications that almost all the constituent parties of the MRD were now reviewing their original stand of confrontation non-co-operation, boycott and non-participation.96 This did not mean that the present rethinking was going to result in co-operation with the government. What was likely to happen, that most of them might change the style of their confrontation and restore the conventional political opposition. They might have thus started participating in the political scheme of things introduced in Pakistan and which promised the evolution of a democratic and constitutional parliamentary system. On May 26, 1986, Syed Fakhr Imam had to vacant office of speaker of national Assembly. He got dismissed from the seat of speaker of National Assembly through non-confidence movement. Hamid Nasir Chattaha became the speaker of National Assembly. The non-confidence motion against the speaker Mr. Fakhr Imam has carried by 152 votes to 72. 97 As Such, he was to withdraw from designation of Speaker but it implicated uncertainly effects on political process.

The four provincial Assemblies elected their Chief Minister and formed government and cabinets. Main Muhammad Nawaz Shrief was elected as the Chief Minister of Punjab. He set up his cabinet. Many new faces had been handed to Main Nawaz Shrief.98 A comprehensive National policy was formulated which was announced by Prime Minister of Pakistan on December 31, 1985. It is known as Prime Minister Five-Points Programme. It included following goals for realization: (1) Islamic Democracy (2) Economic and Social Development (3) Educational

95 Daily Pakistan Times Lahore December 31, 1985. 96 Shah, op.cit., 135. 97 Editorial ―When The Dust Settle Down”, Daily Pakistan Times. May 28, 1986. 98Following are the names and portifilios of the Ministers: (i) Chudhry Abdul Ghafoor (BahawalNagar) Agrculture (ii)Sayeed Afzal Ali Shah (Okara)Health (iii)Sardar Arif Rashid (Lahore) Culture and Tourism (iv) Makhdoom Altaf Ahmed (Rahim Yar Khan) Finance (v) Mr. Ghulam Haider Wayn (Khaniwal) Industry and mineral development and Additional Charge planning and development (vi) Mailk Khda Baksh Tiwana (Khushab) Auqaf (vii) Chudhary Perviaz Ellahi (Gujart) Local Government and rural development (viii) Syeda Saijad Nayyar (Sialkot) Live Stock and Dairy Development. (ix) Miss Sheen Atique-ur-Rehman(Women seat) Social Welfare and Women Division (x) Saeed Ahmed Khan (Vehari) Communication and Works. (xi) Rai Abdul Razzaq (Fasilabad) Jail (xii) Chudhri Mohammad Iqbal (Gujranwala) Irrigation and power (xiii) Dr. Sardar Ahmed (Lahore) Transport (xiv) Sardar Amjad Hamid Dasti (Muzafarghar) Food, (xv) Sardar Mohammad Arif (Kasur) Revnu and Relif (xvi) Raja Khaliqullah (Gujranwalla) Law and Parliamentary Affairs ( xvii) Mr. Akhtar Rasool (Lahore) Excise and Taxation (xviii) Ghulam Muhammad Noor Rabani Khar (Muzafarghar) Fisheries and Wild Lief (xix) Ch. Mumtaz Hussain (Sihwal). Education ( xx) Mr. Saleem Iqbal (Attock) Compartive (xxi) Rai Ali Nawaz (Sahiwal) Consolidation (xxii) Muhammad Arshad Khan Lodhi (Shiwal) Colonies (xxiii) Mr. Abdul Qayyum Awan (Fasilaabad) Labour and Additional Charge Zakat and Ushar.Main Nawaz Shrief will hold the charge of five portifilos namely services and general Adminstration. Home, Information, Housing,Physical Planning and Forest. [Daily Pakistan Times, March 13, 1986.]

Advancement (4) Provision of quick justice (5) Strong National Defence.99 Under the Economic and Social Development, the Prime Minister‘s Programme specifically covered rural development, comprising of education, health, water supply and sewerage, roads, electrification, housing, anti-waterlogging and salinity. 100 A total allocation of Rs 11735 crores had been earmarked for the implementation of Social and Economic Development Programmes during 1986-87.101 Prime Minister of Pakistan Muhammad khan juenju conferred ownership right on all the residents of katchi Basti on Urban areas of the country‖. 102 Prime Minster Mohammad Khan Juenjo paid special heed towards economy of Pakistan. Therefore, he gave economic review for the betterment of economy of Pakistan. According to economic survey 1985:

The GNP growth rate has registered at 7.2 per cent, and agreeable index in the Third World context, which enables Pakistan to count itself in the successful middle-income group of countries. Worldwide agricultural slump after a year‘s spurt of production has affected us also but 6.5 per cent growth in agriculture and 8.2 per cent growth in manufacture are not bad at all. 103

On May 29, 1986, Finance Minister Mian Mohammad Yasin Khan Wattoo presented 14479 crore development-oriented budget for 1986-87. As against the receipt of Rs. 11479 crore, the expenditure in the year will amount to Rs. 15211 crore, i.e. a deficit of Rs. 732 crore. The deficit would be wiped out through increased tax revenue and through various measures in the readjustment of customers excise duty to the tune of Rs.336 crore. 104 Pakistan economic condition was not running into debt. The budget was indicating towards austerity budget in which deficit has to fulfil with proliferated tax revenues. The grave manner of the government made the economic experts think over their economic future life.

99 Malik, op.cit., 535. 100 Ibid. 101 Ibid. 102 Daily Pakistan Times, Lahore, April 8, 1986. 103 The fall almost by half in agriculture from previous year‘s rate is owed to the shrinking of two major crops in the country. Although deficit financing was in the offing it is estimated at Rs.2.2 billion to date which compares advantageously with the Rs.11.60 billion in the same period in the previous year.[Editorial ―Economic Survey 1985-86‖ Pakistan Times Lahore , May 29, 1986.] 104 Daily Pakistan Times, Lahore May 30, 1986.

The National Economic Council, meeting under the Chairmanship of the Prime Minister Junejo reviewed the current economic situation and approved the annual plan for the year 1985-86. During the 1984-85, the national economy came under the pressure from many sides. For Second Year running wheat production had bellowed the expected level. Water had been short in the rivers, leading to the power load shedding which had created difficulty for both industry and agriculture.105 From 1977 to 1986, Pakistan had an average annual growth in the GDP of 6.8% the highest in the world. It had average of 6.5% during 1980-88, which at that time, only exceeded by that of Korea, China and Hong Kong.106

Prime Minister Mohammad Khan Junejo had urged the opposition parties to rise above partisan consideration, gave democracy a chance to succeed, and took root in the country. He said that instead of sabotaging the democratic process revived after a long hiatus, they should join the march of democracy, formulate, and firm up their own programmes for the welfare of the masses. 107 In this context, he pointed out that there was no justification for the demand for the mid-term polls by a section of opposition elements. He opened the door of dialogue with opposition because he had believed on dialogues and discussion, which are an essential part of democracy. Junejo met political parties‘ heads on March 5, 1987, and discussed present situation and requested to help him turning Pakistan into citadel of democracy and prosperity.

Benazir Bhutto and her mother Nusrat Bhutto, who had under confinement, for a long time during Zia Martial Law, particularly from 1979-1984, were allowed going abroad in 1984, ostensibly for medical treatment. After lifting of Martial Law on December 30, 1985, Benazir Bhutto secured enough to return to Pakistan and take over the leadership of the PPP as an heir to Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. She returned to Pakistan on April 10, 1986 in a tumultuous welcome in Lahore by a very large gathering of her supporters. She led a procession of hundreds of thousands through the city and addressed a very large crowd. Soon afterwards, she visited other towns in the Punjab and received by similarly enthusiastic crowds.108 The enthusiastic reply rendered Benazir Bhutto during her ten-hour march from Lahore airport to

105 Ibid. 106 Amin, op.cit., 223. 107Editorial ―Give Democracy A Chance”, Pakistan Times Lahore, August 1st , 1986. 108 Khan, op.cit., 681-682.

Minar-i-Pakistan.109 The feature of the PPP to organize a “Black Day” on July 5, 1986, aborted bid to launch agitation against the government in August, 1986.110 She commenced her political activities by addressing to numerous political rallies for the restoration of democracy. The Parliamentary Opposition Group (POG) was working diligently for the rule of law and democracy. Benazir Bhutto was working with it. ―The POG also endeavoured to play the role of a ―bridge‖ between the system and the political forces outside it‖.111

The Zia regime had often accredited with a reasonable economic performance. The federal bureaucracy set about managing the economy without any ideological input from public representative, which was the case under the previous regime, nor, however, did it turn to the growth-maximizing model of the Ayub‘s period which was feared, would initiate a backlash from the PPP‘s support groups amongst the lower classes. On the one hand, the Martial Law government took some policy measures to appease the elite business groups such as limited denationalization, liberal import and export policies and reduction of or exemption from taxes.112 Similarly, the large-scale industry generally remained in the public sector, labour laws were not seriously tamper and social welfare projects such as literacy and health continued to enjoy budgetary protection of some sort. It was a model of economic management without economic philosophy. 113

The PPP performed very badly in the election of Local Bodies in 1987. It had also failed to win by-lections to the National Assembly. Benazir‘s call for public protest to bring down the Civilian façade of Junejo and force Zia into free election was met with stoical disdain‖.114Another feature of the Junejo regime was the formation of an official political party from the top and the following progress of the populist programme for promoting mass support. Although the Assembly had elected on the non-party basis, Zia had subsequently encouraged members to band together under the cover of the Muslim League. Prime Minster Muhammad Khan Junejo was made the

109 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of The East,(London:1988),279-281. 110 Mushid Hussain, Pakistan Politics The Zia Years,(Lahore: Progressive Publication 1990),184. 111 Ibid., 195-196. 112 Waseem 1994, op.cit., 368. 113 Ibid. 114 Noman, op.cit., 134-135

95 leader of the‖ King Party.115 The first jolt to the independence of parliament came when Fakhar Imam, the Speaker of National Assembly, had removed through a vote of non-confidence.116 The Parliament, overall served as a useful forum for ventilating national grievances and demands, as well as for discussing national issues. In a short period, the national Assembly proved beyond doubt that it was not going to be a rubber stamp.117

Junejo government was associated with gradual liberalization of the rigid restrictions imposed under Martial Law. The press enjoyed considerably more freedom. The political parties have allowed functioning openly. Indeed, Benazir Bhutto has allowed returning and addressing mammoth rallies.118 On May 28, 1988, saw the parting of the ways between the President and Prime Minister, with Zia dismissing the Junejo government and dissolving the National Assembly. He himself took over the government and formed his own cabinet. He did not impose Martial Law, justifying his action under the same in famous article 58-ii b, inserted in the constitution through the Eighth Amendment, after he had threatened not to lift Martial Law. This undemocratic action of dismissing a popularly elected Prime Minister, who enjoyed the support of the majority of the house and was smoothly running the government of the country, was widely condemned both within Pakistan and abroad. Junejo took his dismissal gracefully and did not challenge the action in court.119 After dissolving the National Assembly and federal cabinet, he announced that he would hold the Elections within 90 days but he did not give any new schedule for elections. On May 31, 1988, a caretaker government formed. On June 9, 1988, a caretaker, Government set up in centre under the supervision of senior Minister Aslam Khan Khtak. General Zia formed 16 members cabinet. 120

115 Ibid., 135. 116 Mahmud,op.cit.,247. 117 Ibid., 244. 118 Noman, op.cit., 134. 119 Lieutenant General ® Jahndad Khan, Pakistan Leadership Challenges, (Lahore: Jung Publisher, 2001), 178-179. 120 Members of caretaker cabinet: (i) Naseem ahmed Aheer (ii) wasseem sajad (iii) Nasar Ali khan (iv) Dr. Mehboob-ul- Haq (v) Shahbzada yaqoob Ali khan (vi) Sartaj Aziz (vii) Khan Mir afzal khan (viii)Malik Farid Ahmed khan (ix) Mehmood A-Haroon (x)Elahi Baksh samaroo (xi) Mir Hazara khan Bajarani (xii)wasi Mazhar Nadvi (xiii) Mir Ahmed Nawaz bugti (xiv)Mir Zafar ullah Jamli (xv) Fathee Muhammad Hassani (xvi) A.G Qazi. [Daily Dawn Karachi June 10, 1988.]

Pakistani and foreign media criticized Zia‘s action. Zia promised the nation to hold elections within the given period. Thereby, Zia had dispelled so-called democratic system, which had created by himself only for his realization. As Such, country suffered in another political crisis with this undemocratic action. The participation of masses in this political setup had remained to work under authoritarian rule. Eventually, when the international community and media emphasised Zia to hold elections and restore democracy, he announced elections to content them and showing that he was following the banner of democratization.

Chapter 4

4.1 Reconstruction of Democracy in Pakistan (1977-1988)

Chairman of Senate, Ghulam Ishaq Khan, became acting president of Pakistan after the death of Zia-ul-Haq. He followed the announced the elections schedule with the polls being held on November 16, 1988.1 Army had no lust for power; it gave clear indication in favour of restoration of democracy. In fact, Army wanted to strengthen democracy and democratic institutions. ―The military‘s decision to stay on the side- lines and support the democratic processes was a departure from the policies of Zia-ul- Haq who had strongly favoured the institutionalization and expanded role of the military. This was a tactical withdrawal based on realistic assessment of the political situation Army did not want to represent its exit from the political domain or their inability to play a salient role‖.2 On August 13, 1988, General Zia-ul-Haq reiterated that the coming elections would be held on a non-party basis.3 Earlier in June, the Supreme Court (SC) had accepted Benazir Bhutto‘s constitutional petition, declaring non-party election violation of the fundamental rights to freedom of association. The decision implied that the country would return in the party-based electoral system but the general vowed to resist. 4 Now Benazir Bhutto went to court again to secure an order to make elections party-based and the government finally accepted this on September 16, 1988 two months before the polling day.5

It was expected that the election would be held on due time. Pakistan People‘s Party (PPP) was patronizing feudal lords. PPP came into polling campaign with big opportunities, enthusiastic with Benazir Bhutto a brilliant and charismatic leader. Muhammad Nawaz Sharif announced nationwide Islami Jumhurri Itihad (IJI) electioneering programmed. The voters‘ turnout in the elections for the National

1 Lt. Gen Jahan Dad Khan, Pakistan Leadership Challenges,(Karachi: Oxford University,2001),180. 2 Hassan Askri Razvi, The Military politics in Pakistan.1947-1997,( Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publication,2000), 266. 3 Tahir Mehdi, An Overview of 1988 general elections, Triuph but no glory, Daily Dawn Lahore, April 11, 2013. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid.

Assembly was as low as 40 per cent as compared to 63 per cent in the 1970, 55 per cent in 1977, and 52 per cent in 1985. The mandatory condition of producing identity cards at the time of polling could have debarred 12.8 per cent voters from polling. Moreover the economic and ideological issues somewhat, dampened the election campaign. Instead, the main controversy revolved around the social and political behaviour of Mohtarma Benzir Bhutto‘s. The PPP polled 39% of voters exactly as in 1970, but got fewer seats because of electoral alliance among its opponents 1988 unlike in the previous elections.6 A poll survey, conducted by Urdu daily Jang had concluded that a coalition government was likely to form after the elections. According to the survey, the PPP were expecting to get 82 and the IJI 61 seats only, far short of a comfortable majority. However, when the voters were counted, the PPP turned out to be the largest single party, having 93 seats out of the 205 seats for which polling held, followed by IJI that won 55 seats.7

The results of the elections were shocking as they demolished some of the prominent political leaders like Gulam Mustafa Jatio, Prof. Ghafoor Ahmed, General Tikka Khan, Air Marshal Asghar Khan, Sheikh M. Rashid, Mulana Shah Ahmed Noorani, ex-Prime Minister Mohammad Khan Junejo, Pir Sahab Pagara and Mir Ghaus Bux Bizenjo. These leaders defeated by their rivals who were novices in the politics.8

Table I/IV

Elections Results 1988 Parties Name Voters (%) Seats (n) PDA 39% 94 PML-(IJI) 30% 55 JUF-I 02% 07 ANP 02% 02 Independent 19% 40 All Others 08% 08 TOTAL 100% 206 Source: Election Commission of Pakistan, Election Results, 1988.

6 Muhammad Waseem, Politics and the State in Pakistan, (Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, 1994, ), 429. 7 Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2009), 538. 8 M. Ikram Rabbani, Pakistan Studies, (Lahore: Carvan Book House, 2011), 255.

Now the most important phase was how to transfer the sway passing through the hurdles. She was custodian of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto democratic ideology. She was following the banner of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto‘s democratic theory. Once in her interview she stated that Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto gave us historic constitution of 1973. He was great patriot.9 The opponent of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto‘s ideology put obstacles in the way of Benazir Bhutto success. President Ghulam Ishaq Khan was delaying the handing over of the sway to Benazir Bhutto. On the other hand, president Ishaq carried meetings with Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif. ―Before assuming the power, Benazir Bhutto had to assure the Army Chief that her government respect would the military‘s interests and concerns with effective political and economic management‖.10

4.2 First Regime of Benazir Bhutto

On November 28, 1988, General Aslam Beg and Gulam Ishaq Khan decided to hand over the sway to Benazir.11 Eventually, Benazir Bhutto took the oath as Prime Minister of Pakistan on December 1, 1988.12 The PPP had passed away from a long political crisis, which made it mature and experienced Democratic Party. Now Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto who was young but well educated woman headed this party. On December 3, 1988, Malik Meraj Khalid has elected as the speaker and Mrs. Ashraf Abbassi, the elected deputy speaker of National Assembly. Pakistani society; however was ready for a new age, and the young woman who now led Pakistan was expected to open a new Chapter in the history of the nation. Democracy was in the air, as well as in the sentiments of the people, when Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto entered the National Assembly accompanied by the president of Pakistan and assumed her new

9 Interview of Benazir Bhutto, Quoted from Mohammad Asif Bahli, Syassat Daan,(Urdu)(Lahore: Mawra Publisher, 1988),95. 10 Razvi, op.cit., 266. 11Hamid Yusuf, Pakistan: A Study of Political Developments 1947-97, (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel publications, 1999), 211. 12 Under the glittering light of president house, it appeared to her party follower almost as the fulfilment of dream. After oath taking, Benazir Bhutto promised to strive for the promotion of democracy. She wowed to forget the woeful past and concentrate on the future progress of the country. When Benazir Bhutto took the oath of offices as Prime Minister on December 1, 1988. ( Yusuf , op.cit., 212. )

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responsibilities.13 She elaborated her sentiments in an exceptional way; she affirmed that it was a great victory not only of hers but also of all masses, which supported the democracy. Benazir Bhutto narrates her oath ceremony in these words, ―On December 2, 1988, I took my oath of office as the first elected woman Prime Minister in the Muslim World. Dress in the green and white, the colours of Pakistan flag, I walked down the red carpet in the presidential palaces underneath the bright chandeliers. This was not my moment, but the moment of all who had made sacrifices for democracy‖.14 Later, she announced twenty-three members for federal cabinet.15

Benazir Bhutto was an educated woman. She got education from highly reputed educational institutions like Harvard and Oxford. She was democratic women. She bore up atrocities and spent a long time under detention, which had deteriorated her health. She has given a detailed account of these painful times in her applauded autobiography ―Daughter of the East‖.16 No doubt, in old times, women had been ruling over men, as Queen Sheba, Cleopatra, Razia Sultana and Chand Bibi but they were exceptional.17 As leader, their services are self-evident.

In modern times, women‘s movements have achieved much freedom and on paper, they have considered equal to men. They have been enfranchised almost, throughout the world, and they not only take part in the elections, but they have the right to elect for the high offices. Margaret Thatcher remained Prime Minister of England for almost a decade or so, and Taunsu was also elected Prime Minister of Turkey.18 At the same time, it was not an isolated phenomenon especially in the history of South Asia, where in India, Bangladesh and Siri Lanka had been presided

13 Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan in the Twentieth Century, A Political History,(Karachi: Oxford University Presss,1997),511. 14 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of The East, An Autobiography,(New York: Simon and Schuster, 2007),392. 15 The Names of the cabinet: (i) Chudhry Atizaz Ahsan Law Minister (ii) Mukhtyaar Awan Man Power overseas (iii) Mukdoom Ameen Faheem Communication (iv) Agha Taraq Cuture and tourism (v) Rao Sikandar Iqbal, Good and Agriculture (vi)Fasil Sualahee Hayaat Trade and Commerce, Local government and development of rural areas( vii) Ameer Haider Kazemi Health, Education and Social Welfare (viii) Jahgir Badar housing and Science and Tecnology (ix) Sabzada Yaqoob Khan Foreign Minister (x) Muhammad Hanif Khan Kashmir Affairs.[Daily Jung (Urdu) Lahore, 5 December 1988] 16 Please see detail for Beazir Bhutto Autobiography, ―Daughture of East”. 17 Sardar Shukat Ali, Pakistan Issues of Government and Politics,(Lahore: Fiction house,2003),142. 18 Ibid.

101 over for many years by women before and after Benazir Bhutto‘s victory.19 Shahid Javed Burki writes, ―Her appointment was greeted with great warmth and expectation both inside and outside Pakistan. Her assumption of office had signalled not only the arrival of democracy in Pakistan after several decades of military rule but also the promise of modernization and Westernization‖.20

Presidential elections were held in Pakistan in the month of December 1988. President Ghulam Ishaq Khan wanted to participate in these elections. Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto respected President Ghulam Ishaq Khan‘s desire and helped him for electing President in elections. That is why President Ishaq Khan stressed on coordination between government and opposition. Presidential elections were holding on December 12, 1988. Ghulam Ishaq Khan and veteran politician Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan contested the elections. Ghulam Ishaq Khan was elected as the President of Pakistan. Both IJI and PPP backed him to win the election by a clear margin. He got 348 votes against 91 by Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan.21

Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto was facing many hurdles during her political struggle. However, she agreed to get government based on reconciliation political process, which indicates her endeavours for the progress of democracy by thick and thin. Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto came in political power in tense circumstances. ―Transition towards democratic order in a number of third world countries is an outgrowth from military hegemonic system. Consequence of military hegemonic system was a fragmented and a polarized society. The fragmentary nature of political system in the post-military phase has at least three levels of conflict: Ideological, ethnic and personal‖.22

In the conduct of foreign affairs, Benazir Bhutto was quick to make her mark. Shortly, after assuming her office, Pakistan hosted the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) summit at Islamabad. The summit marked the visit of the Indian Prime Minister after many years. Although the prominence given by the

19 Vyacheslav Y. Belokrenitsky and Vladimir N. Moskalenko, A Political History of Pakistan 1947- 2007( Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 313. 20Shahid Javed Buki, Pakistan Fifty Years of Nationhood,( Lahore: Vanguard, 1991),78. 21 Rabbani,2011, op.cit.,256. 22 Saeed Shafqat, Political System Of Pakistan And Public Policy, (Lahore: progressive Publisher, 1989), 63.

102 media to Rajiv Gandhi‘s visit provoked criticism by the opposition, the new government took the opportunity to being the process of normalizing relations with India.23 Benazir Bhutto‘s diplomacy and similarity with that of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto‘s foreign policies was obvious. She met Indian Prime Minister Rajeev Gandhi on bilateral basis and she kept capping the tongue and tried to carry conviction to start reciprocation process with immediate effects. She elaborated in her autobiography:

Following the SAARC Summit, Rajeev and I had private, bilateral talks. I reminded him that India was the bigger country and needed to show a larger heart on seeking a compromise with Pakistan. I recalled how his mother had done just that at Shimla, in agreeing to the unconditional Indian withdrawal from West Pakistan soil lost during the year of 1971. The Shimla spirit had lived on. Despite tension and provocation, neither India nor Pakistan had gone to full war since the 1972agreement.24

The ‗SAARC‘ Conference was held in Islamabad on December 29, 1988.25 The three days summit Conference ended on December 31, 1988, at the end of the Conference, the Declaration of Islamabad issued reaffirming that the ‗SAARC‘ Nations had resolved to uphold the principles and objectives embayed in ‗SAARC‘ Charter.26 On this occasion all, the leaders were excited to put forward their proceeding. It was crucial time for the both leaders to put forward their agendas for the peace and prosperity in the region. Rajeev clarified that he would fellow her mother policies, which were compressively in the world beyond example. However, Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto was very enthusiastic in the national affairs because her desired to fulfil agreements in different fields of life. She wanted to commence reciprocation process between two countries as soon as possible. According to Benazir Bhutto:

All the leaders were enthusiastic. To give substance to the economic co-operation, I proposed that we facilitate visa-free travel for selected groups, such as parliamentarians and judges, between our countries. Our conclave concluded in the

23 Yusuf, op.cit., 223. 24 Bhutto, op.cit., 394. 25 Prof. Rafiullah Shehab, The political History of Pakistan, (Lahore: Doast Associate, Lahore, 1995), 334. 26 Ibid.

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proposal for a South Asian Preferential Tariff Agreement. (In my second government, I had the honour of ratifying the Agreement.27

In January 1989, the political crisis of Baluchistan Provincial Assembly dissolution rose up. The dissolution developed a political crisis in Baluchistan as nobody had an inkling of the episode. Mir Taj Muhammad Jamali of IJI had appointed Chief Minister of Baluchistan. General Muhammad Musa the Governor of Baluchistan dismissed the provincial Assembly on the advice of the Chief Minister Mir Taj Muhammad Jamali within two weeks of the government coming into power. The opposition belonging to IJI blamed the government as the dissolution has taken as an attacked on the IJI government of the province of the Baluchistan. The federal government of PPP denied any involvement in the dissolution and offered to help restoration of assembly. However, The Baluchistan high court declared the dissolution as illegal and restored the assembly in January 1989.28

Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto desired to abolish differences between centre and provinces. She was ready to talk on constitutional amendments, especially, article 52-B which considered a Damocles sword for the parliament. She welcomed positive criticism and emphasised on parliamentarians to come forward to help her for strengthening democracy. Meanwhile, the By Elections were holding on the seats vacated by the successful candidate on more than one seat or where the elections could not held due to the death of the any candidate. Both PPP and IJI wanted to win these seats. The PPP tried its best to stop Ghulam Mustafa Jatio from entering in the National Assembly. Mr. Jatoi won the poll from Kot Addu area, a seat vacated by Ghulam Mustafa Khar.29 It was political victory of Nawaz Sharif and his party IJI and it had predicted that now the political scenario would change immediately.

Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and Main Nawaz Sharif had differences of opinion on political matters. PPP wanted to move non-confidence movement against Nawaz Sharif in Punjab. However, when Punjab assembly proceedings commenced in March 1989, PPP did not present the non-confidence movement against Main Nawaz Sharif. Rather PPP presented non-confidence movement against Main Manzoor

27 Bhutto, op.cit., 394. 28 Rabbani, 2011, op.cit.,255. 29 Tariq Ismail, Election 88,(Urdu) (Lahore: Maqtaba Nawa-i- Waqat, 1989), 567-568.

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Watto. Main Nawaz Sharif was the Chief Minster and Mian Manzoor Watoo was the Speaker of Punjab assembly at that time. On March 13, 1989, Main Nawaz Sharif and Main Manzoor Watto got the vote of confidence from Punjab assembly. Nawaz Sharif obtained 152 votes of confidence from Punjab assembly.30

Benazir Bhutto wanted to re-join Commonwealth. Pakistan re-joined the Common wealth in September 1989 (it had with withdrawn from it in 1972), ―As India could no longer oppose the re-joining of Pakistan after the restoration of democracy there‖.31 This diplomacy was astonished for Pakistan, which had discussed intensely in political arenas of Pakistan. On the other hand, Benazir Bhutto had a strong belief in reciprocal process on bilateral basis and she was preaching democracy in all forums, whether it was national or international forum. Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto went to USA on an official visit where she addressed the Harvard University students, teachers and intellectuals about democracy and its significance. She spoke:

Democracy depends on our ability to deliver goods to the people. Many new democracies find that dictatorship has left them with empty treasuries-because of reckless spending. As was true for the new democracies in other lands, notably Argentina and Brazil, we, in Pakistan, also found that dictatorship had left the state-coffers empty. Our situation is not unique. Other new democracies also have come to power to find the cupboard bare. This Association of Democratic Nations could promote the idea that foreign aid should be channelled to democracies. There is nothing wrong in rewarding an idea in which the donors believe. The prospect for democracy may depend on it.32

On October 2, 1989, Benazir visited Dhaka. On her returned, PPP had divided into two groups. Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto reunited them and emphasized to follow the banner of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and beware of political exploiters. To ensure the equality of social status elimination of poverty, provision of basic amenities such as drinking water, health and education to all people rather than to a privileged few,

30 Munir Ahmed, Pakistan Mee America Kaa Sayasi Kardar(Urdu),(Lahore:Shamma Kaa Baadee Publishers.1998), 446. 31 Safdar Mehmood, Pakistan Political Roots And Development 1947-1999, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2005), 270. 32 Naveed A.Sheikh, Great Speeches, National And International (Lahore: Rabia Publishers, n.d), 36.

105 through greater participation of people was the prime concern of Benazir Bhutto‘s democratic government.

It was the conformity of the People‘s Party manifesto issued in November 1988, on the eve of general elections, in which the people of Pakistan gave the clear mandate to Benazir Bhutto and his party. Among other things, the manifesto promised the launching of an integrated rural development programme. A high priority had given to the provision of rural link roads, employment to the rural poor‘s and such other measure that would slow down migration of people from rural areas to large cities.33

After swearing in as the Prime Minister of Pakistan and promptly after establishing the government, Federal Cabinet held a meeting and decided to introduce a development program for the betterment of masses, which named as the People‘s works programme. The PPP spent 2 billion rupees as an initial allocation on People‘s works programme.34 It had started to improve the status of the poor people on grass- root level. However, People‘s Works Program was highly criticized by the opposition. Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto considered it non-lapsable fund. ―The bureaucratic procedure was abandoned and powers were decentralized for the execution of various projects under the people‘s programme‖.35 The opposition coined the slogan against people‘s works programme. They said, ―We would not allow PPP workers to stuff their pockets with public money‖.36

The original cause, which had led to the rift between the Prime Minister and the President and the clash between the centre and the provinces of Punjab and Baluchistan, tended to become obscure in deteriorating the political life of the country in which the rivalry of PPP and IJI, backed by their alliance, contended for mastery. Indeed, in the tussle of the power which was unrestrained by any norms of politicking, it became increasingly difficult to tell which side was more to blame. The high drama of the political confrontation reached on its peak when a non-confidence motion

33 Muhammad Asif Malik, Local Self Government In Pakistan, (Lahore: Publishers Emporium, 2006), 536. 34 Ibid. 35 Akhtar Hussain, Politics Of Alliance In Pakistan 1954-1999, Unpublished Ph.D. thesis (Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, 2008), 172. 36 Ibid.

106 moved by IJI in the National Assembly against the PPP government.37 When the no confidence motion was finally put to vote, the opposition received 107 votes; 12 votes, short of 119 votes required for the success of the motion.

Although it was the first instance of a non-confidence motion in Pakistan‘s short democratic experience, the tactics employed both to mobilize the opposition‘s votes as well as to defeat the motion did grave damages to the growth of a democratic tradition.38 Though the non-confidence move against Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto failed, one man who emerged as the real champion of parliamentary democracy was Speaker Meraj Khalid. The silver- haired democrat was at his best during the stormy session and his remarks demonstrated inner feelings of a staunch democrat. The leader of opposition Mr. Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi and Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto paid glowing tributes to the Speaker Meraj Khalid for his sagacity. The local and international press lauded his role as impartial democrat.39 No one had any grudge against him. It is appropriate to reproduce his remarks made in the House before announcing the result of the bitterly contest. He said:

I congratulate all of you for abiding by the democratic traditions in a remarkable manner. You can go before the Nation with hands raised high. You have proved that the parliamentary system is our integral part. Those who, have considered the vote as the resolution as an issue of life and death, were not far-sighted.40

Benazir Bhutto government wanted to abolish 8th amendment because she considered it, a Damocles sword for democratization. Its result was to undermine the moral position and harden the attitude of Ghulam Ishaq Khan who commanded a vast experience as a bureaucrat, had a mind of his own and meant to protest his newfound power.41 Benazir was extremely averse to the eighth amendment even before coming into power. After assuming the office of the prime minister, she found the amendment a formidable hurdle in her way of conducting the governmental affairs in a smooth way. She therefore commenced with a seating criticism on the amendment. As PPP did not have the required 2/3 majority to undo the amendment, Benazir asked for the

37 Yusuf, op.cit., 230. 38 Ibid., 231. 39 S.M. Ismail, From Milk-Seller To Prime Minster, Life Story of Malik Meraj Khalid, (Isalabad:2005),42-43. 40 Ibid. 41Yusuf,op.cit., 225.

107 help of other parliamentary groups to scrap the inglorious amendment, which was a source of friction for the high government functionaries.42 However, vast corruption allegation was against numerous PPP ministers. However, the PPP‘s Ministers were facing the allegations of vast corruption. ―Her husband Asif Zardari earned a nickname of ―Mr. Ten per cent‖ denoting that he was paid the commission charge on various projects and proposals cleared by the federal government‖.43 President Ishaq Khan under article 58-2 (B), was authorized to dissolve National Assembly and had vantage over the Prime Minister on the substances of the appointments of Chiefs of armed forces, judges and Elections commissioner. On August 6, 1990, the President Ishaq Khan dissolved the National Assembly, dismissing Bhutto‘s government on charges of corruption.44

Mr. Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi was appointed as the caretaker Prime Minister. The President announced to hold the next elections on October 24, 1990, gave clarification about the fixed date of elections and said ensured changing in the elections schedule.45 On the other side, special courts issued show-cause notice to Benazir Bhutto. The nation did not need political storm and it was difficult time for Mohtarma Beanzir Bhutto. However, she decided to participate in elections of 1990 so that democratic process could continue. Mohtarma Beazir Bhutto and her party were running on the democratic tradition. According to the announced date, the elections of National Assembly held on October 24, 1990, and provincial Assemblies held on October 27, 1990. In these general elections, two political alliances were contesting elections, IJI and Pakistan democratic alliance, which formed in 1990, were vying this for power with lofty slogans of working for people‘s betterment. The IJI contested elections with its ally liked PML, Jamiat Ullama Islam (JUI) and Jamiat Ullam (JU) Pakistan, Jamiat Al Mushaikh and some other groups. Pakistan Democratic Authority (PDA) contested in the elections with the coalition of PPP, Tehrik-e-Istiqlal and Tehrik-e-Nifaz fiqa-e- Jafria.46

42 M.Ikram Rabbani, Pakistan Affairs, (Lahore: Caravan Enterprises, n.d), 329. 43 K.K.Bhardwaj, Pakistan March to Democracy And Liberalism, (New Delhi: Anmol Publication, 1996), 160. 44 Meghnad Desai and Aitzaz Ahsan, Divided Democracy, (New Dehli: Roli Books, 2005), 137. 45 Rabbani, 2011 op.cit., 258. 46 Ibid., 259.

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The elections results were shocking for PPP and its allied parties. A hostile caretaker administration comprising Bhutto-haters and breakaway elements from the PPP was set up to conduct the ensuing elections. The Seven prosecutions were instituted against Benazir Bhutto and Eleven against her husband. She contested elections, running between courts and dates of hearing. Both the husband and the wife were acquitting of all charges but that was long after the elections were over.47

Biradarism (Racial political groups for alliance) played vital role in these elections, and resulted in Biradarism influenced and significance through electoral alliance of eight different parties. This result of the election unveiled the fact that strong political parties can lessen the influence of Biradarism. This constituency does have some ideological votes, rather than being a circle of a single political party. So mixed trend regarding Biradarism and political association have found in the election results. Biradarism influence could not break in Pakistan political culture. From the early age of democracy, the feudal, lords, or heads of any society of tribes and villages emphasised on their subordinate people to caste the vote only accordance with their directions. People have forced to do so due to their economic, social and political interest and these elections had followed parallel course of history because of the primitive simplicity of the minds of the people, which they had taken from their ancestors.

The 1990 elections also brought some of the provincial, regional and ethnic parties into the mainstream of the politics.48 Pakistan People‘s Party veteran politician and former speaker of National Assembly Malik Meraj Khalid said on 3rd May, ―The elections of October 1990 were not free and fair‖.49 The election results were shocking for the PPP and its allied parties. The PPP was able to win 46 seats of the NA. It secured only 13 seats in the Punjab assembly. Its allied parties failed to win any seat. The Islami-Jamhoori Ittehad under the leadership of Nawaz Sharif won 105 seats in the NA and 208 seats in the Punjab Assembly.50

47 Desai and Ahsan , op.cit., 137-138. 48 Burki, op. cit., 85. 49Professor Ghafoor Ahmed, Nawaz Sharif Kaa Phalla Doorra Hakoomaat,(Urdu) ( Lahore: Alqmaar Enterprises, 1997). 155. 50 Rabbani 2011, op.cit., 259.

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Table II/IV

Table: National Assembly Election Results 1990 PDA IJI MQM ANP JUI(F) Independence Other Total Punjab 14 92 - - - 6 3 115 Sindh 24 3 15 - - 4 - 46 Baluchistan 2 2 - - 2 - 5 11 NWFP 5 8 - 6 4 3 - 26 Total 45 105 15 6 6 13 8 198 Source: National Democratic institution, The October 1990 Elections in Pakistan (Washington D C,1991),196.

The PPP levelled allegations of rigging of elections and claimed that the elections have stolen. However, PPP‘s allegation did not hold matter as the margin of its defeat was too wide to disperse such an assertion of rigging of the elections. PPP‘s defeat in 1990 election was more due to its bad performance than any other factor. ―It seemed that in 1988 Benazir Bhutto was the beneficiary of Bhutto‘s legacy. In 1990 she was judged on the strength of her performance in office‖.51

4.3 Nawaz Government First Regime

The IJI parliamentary group elected Nawaz Sharif as a Prime Minister on November 6, 1990. He defeated his rival candidate Afzal Khan. He obtained 153 votes while Afzal Khan got 39 votes.52 Mian Mohammad Nawaz Sharif was a big industrialist of the country. He introduced a number of economic reforms. The main reforms were, to improve the condition of savings and investment. He was of the view that rapid industrialization of the country was the utmost necessarily. For this purpose, he ended the policy of following the relevant regulations rigorously and made it easy for everyone to have access to economic opportunities. He paid special attention to privatization de-regulations rigorously. He settled the issues of the apportionment of irrigation water between the provinces with the consent of the leaders of these provinces. He gave the National Finance Commission (NFC) Award for sharing revenue between the federal and provincial Governors.53 In his first meeting with the editors of national newspapers, Prime Minister Main Mohammad Nawaz Sharif spoke

51 Yusuf, op.cit., 235. 52 Ahmed 1997, op.cit., 91. 53 Shehab, op.cit., 345.

110 at length on the political, economic and foreign policy matters. He said, ―His government believed in rule of merits and rule of law and wished to maintain cordial relation with the opposition and to carry them along in running the affairs of the country‖.54

By October 1991, eighty-nine state enterprises were put for sale.55 It had put bad effects on Pakistan economy due to international circumstances. It was result of the Gulf crisis that had not only affected the politics but also the economy of Pakistan. In addition to these problems, the disparate character of the coalition, consisting PML, ANP, JI, MQM and JUP, sailing in the same boat, looked too unnatural to last very long. Ian Talbot considers, ―Nawaz Sharif more successful than his predecessor in pushing forward the process of legislation and in forging a good understanding with various groups and factions representing different units within the federation. The Council for Common Interest had convened and the financial assets were divided between the provinces. Reasonable level of progress was made in March 1991 on the resolution of the dispute over the Indus waters‖.56 However, the relationship of the centre with the provinces was quite harmonious, which acted as a stabilizing factor at the crucial time of the Gulf war. It was noticed by masses; it was a reconciliation process or it might be starting point of the both parties PPP and IJI towards democratization.

Prime Minister Main Nawaz Sharif had determined to commence reconciliation policy with opposition. Here, his political views are indicating towards his positive approach to strengthen democracy. He expressed his views in a positive way, it looked like that he determined to work with opposition. His approach has indicated towards his enthusiastic and reconciliation policy, which he had to adopt in future. He wanted to make Pakistan Muslim League strong. That is why, on December 30, 1990, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif had said that he wanted to review the lost glory of the Pakistan Muslim League enjoyed during the life of Quaid-i- Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and make it indispensable for the country.57

54 Editorial, Country, Not The Government, Daily The Pakistan Times, Lahore, December 6, 1990. 55 Ian Talbot, Pakistan a Modern History (London: Hurst & Company, 2005), 315. 56 M. Waseem, ‗Pakistan‘s Lingering Crisis of Diarchy‘, Asian Survey 32, no.7 (July 1992), 626. 57 Daily Pakistan Time Lahore, Islamabad, December 31, 1990.

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Prime Minister Mohammad Nawaz Sharif decided to denationalize all the commercial banks in the country. As a part of this policy, Muslim Commercial Bank and Allied Bank handed over to the private sector. The Muslim Commercial Bank had transferred to group of industrialists‘ and the Allied Bank had handed over to the staff of the Bank. Along with this, revolutionary step, the establishment of new private commercial banks has allowed.58 ―Impressive, as this step was, in terms of policy formulation and implementation, at a fast pace, the government was also successful on introducing a package of economic reforms which was of a more far-reaching character and controls inherited by Pakistan from the colonial era. Some of the major Changes introduced under this package during 1990-92 may be noted.‖59

The policy included the provision of mark-up free loans up to Rs.20, 000 and payment of Rs. 50,000 to every bereaved family. Bihari settlement in Pakistan was a political problem for Nawaz Sharif government. The national debacle of 1971, which we tend to consign to the back of our minds like a traumatic experience, was a highly complicated event of our history. So much so that one or another aspect of it kept on reminding us of its continuing consequences, in spite of our best efforts to forget all about it. A recent recall of that momentous occasion had pressed into the national memory a couple of month back during Bangladesh Prime Minister Mrs. Khalda Zia‘s first ever visit to Pakistan. Muzafar Ali Syed in his article in Daily Pakistan Times, dated October 4, 1992, wrote:

It was then that we came to know about a bilateral understanding normalized between the two countries on the resettlement of Biharis in Pakistan. Since it was a matter that had been hanging in balance for about two decades, the Prime Minister must have heaved a sigh of relief. 60

Pakistan wanted to solve this problem, so that, they could settle in different areas in Pakistan and they lived in peace and amity with the entire human race. Meanwhile, the political situation had undergone a sea change in Pakistan. The human and moral dimensions of the problems have given away to other consideration such as the economic and demographic consequences of the belated decision. The Prime

58 Shehab, op.cit., 345. 59 Yusuf, op, cit., 237. 60 Muzafar Ali Syed, Settling Biharis From Bangladesh, Daily Pakistan Times, Lahore, October 4, 1992.

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Minster of Pakistan, who had been in his earlier capacity as the Chief Minister of Punjab, promised the unwanted and unaccepted community stranded in Punjab, appeared to take it as a fulfilment of a personal pledge. The pledge itself, however, was interpreted as a tactical move to embarrass the people‘s party, which was then in power at the Centre and in the Sindh province and was reportedly delaying a decision on the matter. It was also supposed to function like bait for the Mohajar Qoomi Movement (MQM) to lure it away from its coalition with the PPP at that time. That might or might not be the motivation in 1988, but it could not be operative in 1992, when the IJI and MQM relations were far from friendly. Now the bilateral accord between Pakistan and Bangladesh could no more be seen from the exclusive perspective of domestic policies.61

Pakistan Democratic Alliance (PDA) started agitation against the IJI government in the form of ―Long March‖. It was a critical time for Benazir Bhutto but she had full confidence in her party workers or “Jialas” that they would not go back home until they did not record their agitation. However, according to editorial of Pakistan Times, ―Her latest manoeuvres leave everyone with a feeling of discomfort that she wishes to escalate the tension to a point of no return. Her naked threat this time does not seem to be against any administrative slipup, but in the furtherance of her demand against Nawaz Sharif government, which is neither sound, nor reasonable nor democratic‖.62 On the contrary, famous scholar K. K. Bhardwaj writes, ―Benazir Bhutto created enough headaches for the government by organizing various long marches and train marches. She declared that Nawaz Sharif‘s is an illegitimate regime. The people want democracy not dictatorial rule. He should quit. He has lost all his support. People responded and gave her their support ―Jeeve Jeeve Bhutto Jeeve‖.63

Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif went on Bangladesh for attending SAARC conference. On December 12, 1992, Prime Minister Mian Nawaz Sharif said, ―SAARC would only be able to achieve its objective if all major issues among the member countries are settled‖.64 SAARC was conveying its programme in South Asians

61 Ibid. 62 Editorial “PDA protest Is Against Democracy” Daily The Pakistan Times Lahore, November 13 1992. 63 .Bhardwaj, op.cit., 170. 64 Daily The Pakistan Times, Lahore, December 13, 1992.

113 region, which comprised of social, economic, science, agricultural, sports, telecommunication, culture and arts by exchanging and cooperating aims and goals. Dr. Maqbool Ahmed Bhatty has elaborated its significance for region and paid attention on its socio-economic development issues which is committed to pen only for its recommendation in future, he said:

The ‗SAARC‘ was the most influential organization in south Asia. It enhanced progress in this region, while examining the measure of a better future for ―SAARC‖. It was necessary to recall that the other successful regional organizations, such as EEC and ASEAN went through periods of tension and suffered setbacks owing to bilateral differences between member states. Regional cooperation could not be a substitute for bilateral or international cooperation, and regional cooperation pursuits complement bilateral efforts consequently, bilateral endeavours to promote understanding to create greater trust and confidence must supplement the efforts to faster collective action at the regional level.65

The South Asian countries should concentrate on regional cooperation in trade to increase the level of the growth of trade in the region and to generate higher rates of growth in the economy through the expansion of intra-regional trade. Various ways of stimulating trade with the region could adopt starting with preferential trade agreement, accompanied by the measure to keep the bilateral arrangements equitable and to prevent excessive benefits to the more advanced economy.

Agriculture is the backbone of our economy. It is major foreign exchange earner. It is labour incentive and provides raw materials for the industries sector. During these days, about 70 per cent of our population lived in rural areas that depended for its live-hood on agriculture. It provided the jobs for labour force. A large percentage of our exports were agriculture based, agriculture provided food to our large population, which was increasing 2.3 per cent annually. Without agriculture, industrial development was not possible. Its improvement could increase the income of our farmers and could increase their savings. It was significance and debatable matter in economic sectors. Infect, it was remaining noticeable segment in Pakistan economic history. Then, Main Nawaz Sharif government had paid special heed

65 Dr. Maqbool Ahmed Bhatty, Strategy For A Better Future For SAAARC, Article, The Pakistan Times, Lahore, 28 September 1992.

114 towards it. Nasir Mujahid in his article Pakistan Times, dated November 20, 1992, wrote:

Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif had announced Rs. 4 Billion packages for improvement of rural life and boosting agriculture sector of Pakistan. It included subsidy on certified seeds of wheat, acquisition of loan for purchased tractor on easy term, import of tractors, concessions on prices of fertilizer, other fiscal concessions on poultry and dairy industries. In 1991, similar incentives have announced by the government and liberal credit facilities have provided to the farmers, price of agricultural implements and tractors also reduced. The present agricultural incentives have focused on expansion of agricultural production, self- sufficiency in food, the stabilization of food prices, rural development and employment.66

Nawaz government gave incentive to peasants so that the food production should increase. Now it was responsibility of the farmers to produce more and more food grain with taking advantage of these provisions of Nawaz government. The rural development programme had set in to promote livestock, fertilization, agri-business and agriculture with modern technique. The government‘s provision was appreciable in this behalf. It hoped that this development in agriculture sector would bring revolution in agriculture so the government was showing its performance with motivation.

On December 22, 1992, the President Ghulam Ishaq khan stressed that the opposition and treasury benches should strictly conformity the constitution and democratic tradition for strengthening the democratic order and reinforcing people‘s confidence on democratic institutions.67 Addressing the joint sitting of parliament (Majlis-i-Shoora), he said that there is a need of the provisions for effecting a political change through what known as ―the self-correcting mechanism of parliamentary democracies‖.68 It was a positive call from the President to invite the people for democracy and rule of law, his words were highly complementary in democratic atmosphere.

66 Nasir Mujahid, Revolutioning In Agriculture Sector, Article of Daily Pakistan Times Lahore, November 20, 1992. 67 Daily Pakistan Times, Lahore, December 23, 1992. 68 Ibid.

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According to the statistical Yearbook 1993, administrative workers account for only 1.2 per cent and professional workers for 4.9 per cent of total employment. Employment in these areas depended on highly and professional education. However there were only 6.7 per cent degree holders and 1.6 per cent postgraduate (Labour force survey, (1991-1992). These small percentages showed the poor performance of our education sector.69

On the other hand, the Prime Minister Main Nawaz Sharif was busy in distributing allotment orders among 120 Haris for 16 acres of land each on ownership basis, now under illegal occupation of big landlords and “Waderas” in Dadu district. Prime Minister Muhammad Nawaz Sharif said that his government was the first to come forward to mitigate the sufferings of poor peasants and tillers and the allotment of land to them was the first step in this direction. In its editorial The Daily Pakistan, dated February 10, 1993, wrote:

In the wake of allotment of about 400 thousand acres of Katcha lands to 30 thousand Hari families in the interior Sindh, initiated by Prime Minister Mohammad Nawaz Sharif, it had become imperative to provide adequate credit to the allottees to purchase agricultural input. The Agricultural Development Bank of Pakistan (ADBP) therefore, chalked out a comprehensive on-the- spot interest free lending programme to implement the decision of the Prime Minister of expedition‘s settlement of the poor Haris of Katcha areas. The Bank would provide an interest-free production loan up to Rs. 10,000 to each allotee farmer for purchasing seed, fertilizer and meeting tractor hiring charges etc. Teams comprising of at least three officials of the ―ADBP‖ in the presence of revenue officials after assessing the requirement of the borrowers would carry out this spot lending. The ADBP had also delegated loan-sanctioning powers to its mobile credit officers especially for this purpose.70

It was commendable provisions of Nawaz Shrief‘s government, which had provided opportunity to low-level peasants to get loan based on easy instalments. These Haris (Peasant) could change their lives with these government reforms. The mini-agrarian reforms launched by Prime Minister Mohammad Nawaz Sharif in Sindh promised well for economic progress and prosperity of the tillers of the soil. If the

69Shahrukh Rafi Khan, Fifty Years Of Pakistan Economy, Traditional Topic And Contemporary Concerns, (Karachi: Oxford University press, 1999), 340. 70 Editorial ―Another Facilities For Haris” Daily The Pakistan Times, Lahore, February 10, 1993.

116 interest-free lending programme of the ADBP had implemented with a commitment to finance the real beneficiaries, it would have better results in farming. As such, Sindhi people regained their confidence on Nawaz Sharif‘s government. These provisions of government are praise-able and formers were applauding its deeds. The role of Agriculture Development Bank of Pakistan (ADBP) had great significance in this behalf because it had to divide loan with happy frame of minds. The basic purpose of this programme was to give incentive small landowner or allotters in each respect.

According to the annual report of State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) for the fiscal year 1991-1992, the most significant achievements in economy were the acceleration in the rate of economic growth, reduction in the race of inflation and a mark improvement in the country‘s foreign exchange reserves. The growth rate of GDP estimated at 6.4 per cent as compared with 5.6 per cent a year earlier. Both the commodity production and services sectors contributed to the growth rate. Growth in agriculture was 6.4 per cent and was almost exclusively due to 33.6 per cent increase in the production of cotton. The manufacturing sector grew at 7.7 per cent as compared to 6.3 per cent, a year ago.71 The adoption of liberal import policy, together with reduction in tariff rates marked improvement in the investment climate, contributed to the expansion of imports. This report revealed all outlook of import liberal policy of Pakistan with economic analysis. The SBP‘s report clarified:

Capital goods registered an increase of about 55 per cent and constituted 42 per cent of the total imports. This identified the country asset on the way to industrialization. The growth rate of national savings was lower than the last year; even the growth rate in GNP was smaller, thus implying a declined in the marginal rate of saving. Ratio of national saving to GNP declined from 13.5 per cent in 1990-1991 to 13.2 per cent in 1991-92. This situation was not sustainable

71 The pressure, which had accentuated during 1990-91 eased during the year. The 12-month average of the consumer price index (1980-81=100) increased at the slower rate of 9.6 per cent in 1991-1992 as compared to an increase of 12.7 per cent in 1990-91. The report observed, that viewed in the backdrop of the world economic recession and compared to non-fuel exporting countries both growth and price performance appeared to be impressive. The significantly and the reserves held increased from 582.9 million dollar at the end of 1990-91 to 1, 11.5 million dollars at the end of June, 1992. [State Bank Report, Published in Daily The Pakistan Times, Lahore, January 2, 1993.]

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as the SBP report pointed out: failure to improve the level of national saving deterioration in the foreign debt profile. 72

The State Bank of Pakistan (SBP)‘s report concluded as: Growth rate of 6 per cent in the years ahead assumed that the development of social and physical infrastructure, that had suffered deterioration in the past would receive a relatively higher priority and would promote growth in a longer period. In the given Pakistan‘s resource position, a trade-off between immediate growth and investment in social and physical infrastructure could not avoid. Besides all these, this economic panorama indicated a marvellous import policy, which had been adopted by Main Nawaz Sharif‘ government and it gave opportunity to foreign investors to come forward and invested in their business with fully confidence because government guaranteed to them in this behalf. In its editorial daily Pakistan Times Lahore, dated January 29, 1993 commented:

Prime Minister Mohammad Nawaz Sharif, addressing the international investment promotion seminar in the Zurich, which attended by leading investors of Switzerland and some other countries numbering about 300, urged the investors‘ community to take advantage of the vast potential available in Pakistan. He informed the participant of the high rate of profit which business operations and manufacturing offers in Pakistan because of its being a big domestic market and a good base for supply to entire central Asian, South Eastern and Middle East regions.73

These were positive efforts of Prime Minister Main Nawaz Sharif to make the economy strengthen, but the opposition did not acknowledge it in an applaud. Main Nawaz Sharif desired to increase privatisation in Pakistan and took the advantage through economic incentives, which was possible only with these economic strategies. Pakistan‘s export was increasing, which was good sign for the economy of Pakistan. It

72 The fiscal position of the Government, however, continued to remain weak the fiscal deficit at 7.8 per cent of GDP in 1991- 1992, although lower than in 1990-91, remained at a high level, leading to borrowing of Rs. 72.5 billion from the banking system for budgetary support as compared to Rs. 43.2 billion last year. This in combination with increase in credit to private sector, led to an expansion in net domestic assets by 24.9 per cent and monetary assets by 20.6 per cent as compared with 17.8 per cent and 17.9 per cent in the preceding year. The excess of current expenditure over total revenue during 1991-1992 was 9.8 billion (reduced from Rs 31.8) billion a year earlier) which the report has described as a healthy development. The deficit on the current account stood at with 2.15 billion dollars (5.0 per cent of GNP) as compared with 1.567 billion dollars of the previous year (3.7 per cent of GNP). (Ibid.) 73 Editorial “Inviting Foreign Investment” Daily Pakistan Time, Lahore, January 29, 1993.

118 is also a fact; Pakistan‘s economy during Nawaz Sharif‘s regime had represented the urban middle class, industrialists, traders, which could not have been better crystallized than the economic reforms packages announced by government.

On the other hand, a two day seminar on ―strengthening of Democratic institutions‖ organized, in Lahore, by the Pakistan Institute of National Affairs (PINA), had made a number of recommendations. Attended by a large number of delegates and guest speakers from all over the country, the seminar recommended such measures, which could strengthen the democratic institution and build up national character on democratic principles. The Prime Minster Main Nawaz Sharif also attended this seminar and gave it a grace with his presence.

President Gulam Ishaq Khan had completed his tenure. Now Presidential election had to hold in Pakistan. The opposition parties kept a close watch on the constitutional eighth amendments, which had become dangerous for democracy. That‘s Why, PDA stressed on abolishing eighth amendment and presidential elections, which held according to the constitutional process. Meanwhile, former Prime Minister and President of Pakistan Muslim League Muhammad Khan Juneju passed away. On March 20, 1993, the Late Mr. Muhammad Khan Juneju the President of PML and former Prime Minister of Pakistan laid to rest within the premises if his residence in village Khan Saheb Din Mohammad Junejo amongst the sobs and tears by thousands of his lovers and well-wishers.74 On March 27, 1993, a meeting of elders and leaders of Pakistan Muslim League nominated Prime Minister Muhammad Nawaz Sharif as candidate for the President-ship of Pakistan Muslim League.75

On June 14, 1993, the Finance Minister Sartaj Aziz presented annual budget, which was of Rs. 3332,519.9 Million a development-oriented budget.76 The opposition criticized on it. They called it masses-foe budget due to the burden of taxes, which was directly affecting the common person‘s life. No doubt, commodities of life are necessary for the survival of life. Therefore, it was obligation of the government to get control on the commodities so that masses could buy things easily.

74 Daily The Pakistan Times, March 21, 1993. 75 Ibid., March 28, 1993. 76 Daily The Pakistan Times, Lahore, June 15, 1993.

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Hence, Nawaz Sharif government should be applied new remedies for the new reforms, especially in this respect.

Main Nawaz Sharif government had determined to give complete independence to press in any case. He applauded the role of press in the constructive criticism and it worked successfully to promulgate the spirit of Pakistani in masses. He appreciated the press to raise the serious problems of unemployment, illiteracy, hunger, poverty and inequality in Pakistani society and he made certain promises to provide support for eradicate one of these social evils. It was a positive approach of Prime Minster Main Nawaz Sharif, which applauded by the masses on high standpoint.

On the other side, Main Nawaz Sharif offered the opposition to pull on together for the survival of democracy in the country because he considered that the opposition would be broad-minded in this respect. Talking to editors of the National Dailies, News Agencies and Periodicals at a dinner hosted by him at his official residence:

Main Nawaz Sharif offered the opposition for sincerity in the best national interest and for the survival of democracy. He observed that the political leaders had been exploited by undemocratic forces and he said that they should not be allowed to use any political patty in this way. He expressed confidence that his government would fail all the conspiracies against democracy with the support of the masses. The Prime Minister lauded that the role of the National Press, during the period his government remained adorable and he also appreciated the way it fulfilled its responsibilities as the fourth pillar of democracy‖.77

Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif accepted the role of an opposition and stressed it to play a positive role so that a democratic atmosphere would prevail here. The main emphasis of the Prime Minister‘s speech on both the occasions was on putting democracy one strong footing in the country. With the people having grown politically conscious, it was now clear that the vehicle of democracy could not derail again. However, his speeches were clear proclamation of providing protection to democracy

77 Editorial ― In The Interest Of Democracy” Daily The Pakistan Times, Lahore, June 11, 1993.

120 and enhancing its basic principles in society with this determination that democracy would be our agenda of future.

There was news from political arena that the Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and President Ghulam Ishaq Khan had differed in opinion on numerous matters. The democratic environment had spoiled due to their differences; its basic causes remained unveiled. ―The Power sharing system under the eighth amendment‘s came under strain with the prime minster assertion of his authority and the president‘s determination to maintain a domineering role.78 On April 18, 1993, the day following Nawaz Sharif‘s speech, Ishaq Khan retailed his authority by ordering the dissolution of the National Assembly and dismissed the Prime Minister and his cabinet. 79 The dismissal of the Sharif‘s government by the President of Pakistan in April 1993, sent shock waves through the business community.80 President Ghulam Ishaq Khan appointed Mir Balkh Sheer Mizari as a Caretaker Prime Minister. President Ghulam Ishaq Khan took oath from the Caretaker Prime Minister Mir Balkh Sheer Mazari in Islamabad.81

President Ghulam Ishaq Khan announced that the elections would hold on July 14, 1993.82 The Care Taker Prime Minister Mir Balkh Sheer Mizari set up his cabinet but included further members on April 22, 1993, sixteen Ministers and Two Ministers of States and two advisors had added to the federal cabinet.83 The President Ghulam Ishaq Khan administrated the oath to the new Minister at an impressive ceremony at the Aiwani-e-Sadar. The Prime Minister Mir Balakh Sheer Mazri was present at the swearing in function.84 On April 29, 1993, the federal cabinet of Prime Minister Mir Balkh Sheer Mizari has further expended with induction of seventeen

78 Yusuf, op.cit., 239. 79 Khan , op.cit., 572. 80Charles H. Kenndy & Rasul Baksh Rais, Pakistan 1995-96,(Karachi, Lahore, Islamabad: Vanguard,1995),150. 81 Daily Pakistan Times, Lahore, Islamabad, April 20, 1993. 82 Rabbani, 2011, op.cit., 261. 83 The New members were following: (i) Mulana Kusar Niazi (ii) Zahid Sarfaraz (iii) Asif Ali Zardari (iv) Chudhari Aitzaz Ahsan (v) Anwar Saif Ullah Khan (vi) Gulam Murtaza Jatoi (viii) Sardar Nazir Ahmed Jogezhi (ix) Aftab Ahmed Sherpao (x) Sardar Fateh Mohammad Hasni (xi) Mir Hazar Khan Bijarani (xiii) Sardar Ahmed Nawaz Bhgti (xiv) Arbab Rehim Khan (xv) Manzoor Ahmed Ghehki (xvi) Makdoom Tanviral Hassan Gillani (xvii) Arbab Jehghir Khan. Mr, Roeded Khan and Malik Ghulam Mohammad Noor Rabbani Kher took oath as adivisor to the Prime Minister. Mr. Farooq Ahmed Khan Laghari and Mr. Hamid Nasir Chattha had earlier been appointed as Ministers. Pir Ali Gohar Shah Rashadi and Kishin Chand Parwani later take oath as federal Minister and Minister of state respectively. [Daily Pakistan Times, Lahore and Islamabad, April 23, 1993.] 84 Ibid.

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Ministers, and ten Ministers of State and three advisors.85 He picked up huge member of cabinet oppositions. A group of sycophants gathered around the Prime Minister Mir Balakh Sheer Mizari. They wanted to get seats in his cabinet. Meanwhile, the first meeting of the Federal Cabinet held. It took a number of important decisions. In its editorial, Pakistan Times, on May 4, 1993, wrote:

Prime Minister Mir Balkh Sher Mazari, who expressed over the meeting, once again, expressed his determination to hold free and fair elections on time. He pointed out that the main objective of the caretaker national government was to organize the polls without involving itself in the complicated and basic issues. The Cabinet also decided to lift the ban on employment immediately and carry out recruitment strictly, on the basis of merit, and according to rules and regulations. To probe integer irregularities committed by the previous government, a three-member committee headed by Mian Zahid Sarfraz, Federal Minster of Labour and Manpower, was constructed to finish its work within one month ―Accountability would be swift and cases would be sent to courts after proper inquiry. 86

The government had determined to hold free and fair elections so that the people could regain their confidence on it. Anyhow, government clarified that nobody would debar from contesting the election or victimized by the government. Government had devised a number of ways to arouse sympathy of the people. They were working boastfully whereas they were not as clean as a new pen. Therefore, their fry speeches could not inspire the masses. In spite of all endeavours, caretaker government did not convey its message against the corruption and embezzlement of Nawaz government. Nobody could not access on the result that where this political matter would be led up.

In comprehensive policy of the state, Federal Finance Minister Sardar Farooq Ahmed Khan Leghari categorically declared that the new caretaker government would continue to pursue the policy of deregulation and privatization. However he added, the process of privatization would be made absolute transparent and free from kickbacks, nepotism and other irregularities. He said that in every case of privatization, the public enterprises would scrutinize, it proved and actions have taken according to rules and

85 Ibid., April 30, 1993. 86 Editorial “Vitial Decisions” Daily The Pakistan Times, Lahore, May 4, 1993.

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regulations. The Federal Finance Minister pointed out that due to lavish expenditure of previous government, the fiscal deficit had alarmingly increased and Pakistan‘s commitment to the IMF and other international agencies were being violate. He emphasized that the macro-economic had damaged during the last two and a half years. He added that the inflation had reached a double figure because of economic mismanagement by the previous government. ―We will ensure that it could be again put on the rail‖, he asserted. He expressed his serious doubts about the figure of growth was given by the dismissed government. M. Zahur-ul- Haq commented:

Privatization was accepted as an economic creed and put into practiced by Benazir Bhutto‘s government. PIA was not only partially privatization of but the exercise of the privatized Muslim Commercial Bank was completed during her tenure. It took more than 10 year for Thatcher‘s government, in the UK, to complete the process of privatization. Benazir was quite cautious in implementing the policy of privatization as it involved their important economic issues. [But] Mian Nawaz Sharif accepted privatization not as a catalyst of economic change but alleged to oblige his friends by selling profit-earning units at throwaway price. 87

This privatization policy imposed a negative impact on a common man‘s life with inflation. He started paying for this privatization policy in the form of increased price of ghee and cement produced by the privatized units. This shows that Mian Nawaz Sharif‘s basic purpose was to fill his pocket with money as he earned it through corruption and embezzlement. The opposition kept a close watch on this matter with enthusiastic and pro-active strategies. Mazhar-ul-Haq has made firm efforts to prove that Benazir Bhutto Privatization policy was better than Main Mohammad Nawaz Sharif‘s. In addition, Dr. Perviaz Tahir had analysed it and wrote:

A massive privatisation programme started by the first Nawaz Sharif government. It set up the Privatisation Commission in 1991, with its law stipulating that 90 per cent of the proceeds of privatisation would utilize to retire debt and the remaining 10 per cent would utilize on poverty alleviation. The case for privatisation was, thus made, based on reducing fiscal deficit and debt and release of public sector resources for poverty alleviation. Additional arguments made for better industrial performance and larger

87 M.Zahur-ul-Haque, Economic Legacy of Industrialists, Article of Daily The Pakistan Times, April 26, 1993.

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investment. Workers told that privatisation would encourage further private investment, which would boost employment. Secondly, the government undertook to pay for the golden handshakes for workers considering to opt out. Thirdly, the workers accepting golden handshake were assured job continuity for one year to look for alternatives. The period marked a shift in approach from the sale of shares to outright and quick sale of assets, mostly in the manufacturing sector.88

The speaker of the National Assembly, Gohar Ayub, challenged the order of dissolution before the Lahore High court. While his constitutional petition was pending, Nawaz Sharif the deposed Prime Minister filed a constitutional petition under Article 184(3) of the constitution directly before the Supreme Court, challenging the order of dissolution of the National Assembly on the ground of violation of fundamental rights. A Bench of Eleven judges, headed by the Chief justice Nasim Hassan Shah heard this petition on a day-to-day basis. The Supreme Court accepted the constitutional petition by majority of ten to one on May 26, 1993, holding in its short order that the impugned order of dissolution did not fall within the ambit of the powers conferred on the president on this behalf and was, therefore not sustainable under the constitution. The National Assembly, the Prime Minster and his cabinet were restored.89 Later, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif met in meeting in which they determined to work for the progress of democracy in the country. On May 31, 1993, the New York Times reported that Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto agreed … to hold their first meeting in five years to try to end Pakistan‘s political turmoil‖.90

The dramatic confrontation between Ishaq and Nawaz had its drop scene on July 18, 1993. The Prime Minster advised dissolution of the National Assembly and then resigned. The president passed the order of dissolution of the National Assembly and stepped down. The Chairman of the Senate, Waseem Sajjad took over as acting president. The Chief of Army Staff, General Abdul Waheed played a leading role in brokering a compromise.91 Now, the caretaker government set up for elections process immediately. Moeen Qureshi, who was a former vice president of the World Bank and

88 Dr. Pervez Tahir, Economic and Social Consequences of Privatisation in Pakistan, (Friedrich-Ebert- Stiftung Pakistan, 2014), 8. 89 Khan, op.cit., 574. 90 J.Henry Korson, Contemporary Problems Of Pakistan, (Lahore: Pak Book corporation,1993),186. 91 Khan, op.cit.,580.

124 was engaged after his retirement in a consultancy work at Singapore, and later on in Pakistan, was appointed as the caretaker Prime Minister to hold the general elections.‖92 The PML-N was partly cautious in its campaign and protected numerous developing programs and strategies that its government had inaugurated during its period, mainly the Motorway and Yellow Cab schemes. The revelation of the government‘s financial misconduct and dishonesty lent support to PPP propaganda in this regard.93 The PPP contested elections on its manifesto.

The general elections for National Assembly (NA) held in October 1993. ―In these elections the Pakistan People‘s Party emerged as the single largest party and a parliamentary group with 86 seats, followed by the Pakistan Muslim League with 72 seats‖.94 With the help of independent members and some small parties, Benazir elected as the Prime Minister on October 19, 1993, (with 121 votes against seventy- two polled by Nawaz).95 ―Expectation was high that she having been learned some lesson from her first tenure, would preside over a more successful administration this time‖.96 Maleeha Lodhi writes, ―These elections were held many lessons for the both the major parties and their leaders. Benazir Bhutto could not take even het home base for granted in an elections described as the last to yield an electoral dividend from the Bhutto name alone. She also had to address the PPP‘s loss of the ground in Punjab‘s cities from the upper side, though she succeeded in parts of central Punjab, down to Multan. As for Mr.Sharif, he could no longer claim that he had a hold over Punjab. The PPP together with its ally, the Juneju faction of the Muslim league, won more seats in the province than his party‖.97 The voters‘ ideology in 1993 elections had based on different opinion. It was a part of a Pakistani political culture. The voters followed the party ideology in different ways. Waseem‘s book ends with the following conclusion regarding the Pakistani voters in 1993:

Overall, the 1993 voters was a parochial voter; not a national voter. He was bound by considerations of local power structure in terms of caste /Biradari and tribe, tempered by instant patronage in the form of development funds or money

92 Yusuf, op.cit.,242. 93 Mahmud, op.cit.,173-174. 94 Shehab, op.cit., 352. 95 Khan ,op.cit.,587. 96 Burki, op.cit.,88. 97 Lodhi., op,cit.,7.

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proper. The party voter, combined with the patronage voter and the Biradri/tribe/ethnic /sectarian voter shaped the profile of a Pakistani voter in the 1993 elections.98

Table III/IV

National Assembly Election Results 1993

Party % of Total votes Punjab Sindh NWFP Baluchistan Islamabad FATA Total PML(N) 38.1 47 33 5 1 - - 86 PPP 39.7 52 10 10 - 1 - 73 PML(J) N.A. 6 - - - - - 6 PIF 3.1 - 1 2 - - - 3 ANP 1.7 - - 3 - - - 3 Other 8.8 2 1 4 9 - - 16 Independence 7.4 5 1 1 1 - 7 15 Total - 112 6 25 11 1 7 202 Source: Daily Dawn Karachi 8 October 1993.

4.4 Benazir Bhutto Second Regime

The Presidential elections held after the arrangement of government in the centre and provinces. Farooq Ahmed Khan Laghari and Wasim Sajjad contested the elections for president ship. Gulam Ishaq Khan did not submit the documents as PPP backed out of its promised to help him in the elections. Farooq Ahmed Khan Laghari defeated Wasim Sajjad by 274 to 168 votes.99 ―Benazir fortunes were further heightened on 13th November with the announcement that the PPP candidate for president, Farooq Laghari, had defeated his PML rival, Waseem Sajjad. The problems which Benazir had had with Ghulam Ishaq Khan were ended Lagari‘s victory heralded a new era on Pakistan politics wherein the head of the government and the head of state were expected to work in consent with on another‖.100 Now Benazir Bhutto promised to boost up democracy and the economy of Pakistan. She stepped in with the

98Andrew R. Wilder, The Pakistani Voter Election Politics And Voting Behaviour In The Punjab, (Karachi: Oxford University Press,1999),10. 99 Rabbani 2011,op.cit., 263. 100 Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan In The Twentieth Century: A Political History (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2000), 550.

126 lot of experience of high office of Prime Minister, which she had gained during her first term (1988-90). She was much better politician now and could understand the complexity of politics.

Both the leaders Altaf Hussain and Nawaz Sharif encouraged union and labour strikes in Karachi and Lahore to undermine Benazir Bhutto‘s authority. She responded by the disbanding some trade unions, on the other hand, she provided incentives to workers. Due to her authoritarian action, her political rivals gave her the nickname ―Iron Lady‖ of Pakistan.101 She tried her best to bring the opposition on negotiation but she could not do so. In the others word, She did not completely abandon for reconciliation policy‖.102 Mian Nawaz Sharif criticised Benazir government‘s policies and put obstacle in the way of Benazir Bhutto‘s works. Therefore, both parties could not reach any reconciliation, rather, they accused on each other without any hesitation, which disfigured the pages of democratic history of Pakistan.

Benazir Bhutto presented her economic programme. ―Although the economy showed some improvement at macro level by reducing the budget deficit under IMF pressure, increase in foreign exchange reserves and commitment of foreign investment in the energy sector, at the micro level the situation was depressing. There was stagnation in the agricultural and industrial sectors. Two fifth of the textile industry was shut down. The industry was contributing 50% of the total exports. GDP growth rate originally projected at 6.9%, fell down to 4.6% in 1995-96. Rampant inflation (13% in 1994 and 10.8% in 1995-96), spread the corruption in all spheres and at all levels, unemployment and rising crime and violence reflected adversely on the performance of the government. The life of an ordinary man became miserable beyond description.‖103

Hub Power Company (HUBCO) was the main Private part of electricity producer scheme of South Asia, which was form in 1986. The HUBCO and independent power (IPPs) were fulfilling about 30 % of the requirement of total electricity produced. After the arrival of the IPPs in the country in 1994, the energy prices had been increasing continuously. The freedom of the power generation sector

101 Amin, op.cit., 243. 102 Ibid. 103 Yusuf, op.cit., 245.

127 reduced the water and Power Development Authority‘s (WAPDA) income. IPPs were producing electricity in high cost. That is why; the masses were paying high cost electricity bills. It was regrettable. The government should take measures, by giving subsidy to masses at any cost. The most of the scholars commented, ―The hydroelectricity sector problems can be solved by forming fair and justice policy‖.104 In March 1994, Government of Pakistan announced its new Energy Policy to encourage private investment in the Power Sector. The main objectives of this policy were to improve the performance of Public Sector Power Utilities in order to eliminate waste losses and thereby increase the capital utilization efficiently and to mobilize resources in the private sector on a massive scale to support the generation expansion programme.105

In 1996, the Bhutto family had suffered another tragedy when Murtaza Bhutto, Benazir Bhutto‘s younger brother publicly shot down in a police encounter in Karachi.106 This incident imposed bad effects in Benazir Bhutto government because masses were considering her husband‗s involved in this matter, because it had been since 1989 that Murtaza and Benazir had series of disagreement regarding the PPP policies. Nusrrat Bhutto, the mother of Benazir and Murtaza, sided with Murtaza, which dismayed the daughter. Murtaza also developed serious disagreement with her husband Asif Ali Zardari and attempt to end his influence. Shahid Amin observed this circumstance and articulated, ―The killing of Murtaza discredited Benazir and became one of the reasons for her downfall‖.107

President Farooq Ahmed Khan Laghari suspended the Assembly on November 5, 1996. After the dismissal of Benazir government president Farooq Laghari announced that the fresh elections would be held on February 2, 1997. President Farooq Ahmed Khan Leghari immediately appointed Meraj Khalid, Ractor of International Islamic University, and Islamabad as the Caretaker Prime Minister to conduct the elections to the Parliament and in the meantime to work as interim Prime

104 Fahad Ali and Fatima Beg, The History of Private Power in Pakistan, (Islamabad: Suitable development policy institute, 2007), 15. 105 Economic Survey 1994-95 Government of Pakistan, Finance Division, Economic Advisor‘s Wing, Islamabad, 43. 106 Amin, op.cit., 245. 107 Ibid.

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Minister. 108 Malik Meraj Khalid had realized that he had a daunting task ahead, though the elections required to hold within 90 days. He requested Lahore High Court to define the powers of Prime Minster and President. He started accountability (Ehtesab) from 1985 and law was prepared for this process. He set about educating the public on their power to elect only the persons of unimpeachable integrity who had an unblemished record. He termed his pre-poll campaign as a vote of ballot; the electorate could carry out accountability of the politicians against seeking public offices. His campaign was in fact a crusade against corruption.109 On the other side, Benazir Bhutto challenged the dissolution order in Supreme Court. The Supreme Court upheld the order of President.110 The suspension order enclosed a long list of accuses and allegation against the administration of Benazir which included in dishonesty, favouritism and violation of rules to thrust the nation over the crag. There was an obvious moan of release over the ending of PPP government.111 Safdar Mahmud has observed these circumstances and commented:

In her authoritarian style, she picked up confrontation with superior judiciary and began to build pressure on Chief Justice Sajjad Ali Shah, when he asserted the independence of judiciary. Her confrontation with Chief Justice was coupled with sharp differences; she developed with President Leghari on political and economic management‖.112

Benazir‘s second period showed even more catastrophic situation than her former period. Her poorly envisaged know-towing to International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank recommendation without getting country‘s own benefits into consideration, turned a shaking economy into its worst situation. Similarly, caretaker administrations were also produce in the four provinces. In the wake of allegations, being levelled against Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, her husband, Mr. Asif Ali Zardari, Federal Cabinet members, Provincial Ministers, the leading political associates of the first couple and civil officers, close to her and her spouse, regarding massive corruption in the shape of kickbacks for award of lucrative contracts. For

108 Ismail, op.cit., 47. 109 Ibid., 48. 110 Yusuf, op.cit., 247. 111 Ibid. 112 Safdar Mehmood, Pakistan: Political Roots and Development1947-1999,( Karachi: oxford University Press,2005), 396.

129 instance, pre-consignment inspection arrangement with two Swiss companies, indicate towards their involving in embezzlements and corruption. They showed the illegal allotments of lands and residential as also commercial plots in major urban centres, unlawful appointments in Pakistan International Airlines and other public sector corporations. PPP government also misused the public funds spent on schemes implemented for personal comforts.113 Afterward the suspension of Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, several scholars gave divergent opinions about the failure of democratic or civil government. Dr. Anis Alam has analysed it in his scholar view, in his article in The Daily Dawn, Dated November 13, 1996, he wrote:

In the eight years since the parliamentary democracy was restored, three elected governments have been dismissed on charges of corruption and misgovernance. Both the major parties, the PPP and the Muslim-League have been indicated the dismissal of civilian government has been frequent in Pakistan‘s political history. These dismissals have been done sometimes by military dictators, as in 1958, 1977 and 1988 but also by civilian heads of state as in 1990 and 1993 and now in 1996. Every time these governments were accused of corruption and misgovernance.114

It is fact, the parliamentary democracy had been functioning for eight years but it dismissed by its own elected president to impose corruption and misgoverned allegations. It was concerned in the democratic community and circles. Dr. Anis Alam craved to clarify that if the military governments put off any civilian government from power, it criticised intensely. However, when civilians heads terminated civilian democratic government, why was not observed and criticised by so-called democratic observers, scholars, politicians, intellectuals the followers of democratization respectively. Consequently, I have analysed, every civilians government was vacate because the politicians indulged in corruption, misappropriation and embezzlement. No doubt, history is witness that the difficulties came in life of the nations of the world but they did not despair, rather, they worked hard and made progress with sincerity, diligently and earnestly. Indeed! Pakistani society needed such mechanism, which made Pakistan a citadel of democratization.

113 Ismail, op.cit., 48. 114 Dr. Anis Alam, New beginning or action replay, Daily Dawn Karachi, November 13, 1996.

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Malik Meraj Khalid, veteran politician as the caretaker Prime Minister promised to hold the Elections within ninety days. As promised by the caretaker government, general elections were holding on February 3, 1997. He set up caretaker cabinet, which consisted on ten prominent personalities.115 The same day, nearly twenty million Pakistani went to the polls to elect their next government. The PML (N) won 45.9 per cent of the vote nationwide and 134 of the 204 seats contested on elections day. The resulting two-third majority government that the PML (N) was able to form had made it politically the most powerful elected government (in term of National assembly seats) that Pakistan had ever seen. The PPP won only 21.8 per cent of the vote and 18 seats as its poorest performance ever. 116

The various theories had propounded to explain the phenomenal success of Nawaz Sharif and the abysmal failure of the PPP comprehended its performance and the measures it adopted for the revival of the party. It seemed that the bulk of the PPP vote bank had not turned out due to disillusionment with the performance of the PPP. It also sent a signal that the traditional votes of the PPP may not take for granted.117 The elections also witnessed the entry of a new party, Tehrike-insaf (Movement for Justice), led by Imran Khan the ex-cricket star turned a politician. Although the party was not, able to win a single seat, its campaign highlighted the issues of corruption and accountability.118 Television journalists and political experts prophesied that Pakistan is heading towards the evolution of a two-party system. The prophecy has based on the functioning of the IJI, now the PML-N and the PPP in the elections held in 1988, 1990, 1993 and 1998. Mushtaq Ahmed has considered it as, ―It was contest of two ideologies, which based on difference of opinions and professed as it ―a contest between Ziaism and Bhuttoism‖. 119

115 Following were the members : (i) Shabzada Yaqoob Khan (ii) Javaid Jabbar (iii) Abida Hussain (iv) Shafaqat Mehmood (v) Umar Afridi (vi) Shahid Hamid (vii) Irshad Haqani (viii) Shahid Nabi Malik (ix) Dr. Zubair (x) IMF worker Shahid Javed Barki. (xi) Fakhruddin Ali G. Ibrahim (xii)Faridullah khan (xiii) Subedar Mandokhel (xiv) Begum Abida Hussain (xv) Najam Sethi. (S.M.Ismail , From milk-seller to Prime Minster, Life Story of Malik Meraj Khalid, (Islamabad:2005), 47-48. 116 Wilder, op.cit., 223. 117 Yusuf. op.cit., 247-248. 118 Ibid., 248. 119 Mushtaq Ahmed, Benazir Politics of Power, (Karachi: Royal Book Company, 2005), 242.

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Table IV/IV

Party positions in National Assembly and Provincial Assembly Election 1997

National Assembly Provincial Assemblies Punjab Sindh NWFP Baluchistan

PPP 19 3 36 4 1

PML(N) 135 211 15 33 6 ANP 9 0 0 31 0 MQM 12 0 20 0 0 PML(J) 0 2 0 2 1 PML(F) 0 0 7 0 0 BNP 3 0 0 0 13 JWP 2 0 0 0 0 PPP(SB) 1 0 2 0 0 NPP 1 0 3 0 0 PKMAP 0 0 0 0 2 BNM 0 0 0 0 2 PDP 0 1 0 0 0 SNF 0 0 1 0 0 SSP 0 1 0 0 0 JUI(F) 2 0 0 1 7 INDEPENDENCE 20 20 1 10 6 Source: Zahid Hussian “Clean Sweep” Newsline Friday 1997p.36

4.5 Second Tenure of Nawaz Sharif

PML-N had obtained more than two-thirds majority in the National Assembly and consequently, Nawaz Sharif , the leader of PML-N was elected as the Prime Minister by the National Assembly, In his acceptance speech, he made special mention of the need for accountability at all levels, like Benazir before him had done. He obtained a vote of confidence from the National Assembly on February 18, 1997, and the federal government was formed in coalition with Awami National Party (ANP) and MQM.120 The attempts at democratic management of the country since 1988 have made in traditional way over the decades. It was an uneasy sharing of power between the president and the prime minster prescribed by the Eighth Amendment of the constitution and the role of military as a major force in the body

120 khan, op.cit., 620.

132 politics. These constraints were complicated by the inability to unwillingness of the political parties to observe democratic norms and to transcend mutual confrontation and the urge for authoritarianism on the interest of democracy.121 After the General Elections of 1997, Nawaz Sharif having an overwhelming majority in the National Assembly refused the discretionary powers of the President (then Farooq Laghari). The constitutional (13th Amendment Act 1977 was moved and passed in a matter of minutes on April 4, 1997.122

The new democratic government was likely to be free from any of the earlier constraints; the government was no longer a hostage to a coalition partner or to the members of the Assembly. It was not burdened, after the 13th Amendment, with an uneasy power-sharing arrangement with the president, which had clouded the earlier governments. The new government had the mandate and the freedom to carry out its political and economic agenda.123

President Lehgari tried to persuade the Prime Minister to work within the system and turned down his request to remove the chief justice of the Supreme Court. The President declined and the Prime Minister threatened him with impeachment. This crisis was only resolved with the resignation of President Farooq Ahmed Leghari and the removal of Chief Justice Sajjad Ali Shah.124 Leghari resigned on December 2, 1997, and blamed Nawaz for the constitutional crisis. His resignation brought to an end the high drama of conflict between the judiciary, and the legislature to an end. His resignation cut short the normal term of office of the president of five year by nearly one year.125

Mr.Rafiq Ahmed Tarar had elected as the President of Pakistan. He was a PML-N candidate. Mr. Rafiq Tarar had elected as the ninth president of Pakistan by securing a record 374 votes out of 457. President Rafiq Tarar vowed support to strengthen democracy. Prime Minister Muhammad Nawaz Sharif originally conceived

121 Yusuf, op.cit., 248. 122.―Passed in April 1997, under the 13th amendment the discretionary powers of the president to dissolve the national Assembly, to appoint the Chief of the services and the Governors of the province were taken away‖. [Hamid Yusuf, Pakistan: A Study Of Political Developments 1947-97,(Lahore: Sang-e-Meel publications, 1999), 248] 123 Yusuf, op.cit., 248. 124 Burki, op.cit., 92. 125 Khan, op.cit., 632.

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Pakistan Motorway during his first tenure in offices as Prime Minister. Its aim was to provide the desperately needed network of roads to link the different parts of the country.126

Nawaz Sharif government put another amendment, which known as 14th Amendment. It was a positive step to strengthen democracy in the country. The passage of 14th constitutional amendment is another landmark of the Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif‘s government. M. Ikram Rabbani commented, ―The said amendment will be instrumental in scraping the most detestable political activity of Horse-trading and floor-crossing by putting an end to party defection‖.127

On March 27, 1998, the Nawaz Sharif government announced that a new education policy that envisaged increase in literacy rate from the existing 31 per cent to 70 per cent by the year 2010. Announcing the education policy 1998-2010 at a news conference, Education Minister Ghous Ali Shah said that the government had decided to increase the education budget from 2.2 per cent of Gross National Product (GNP) to 4 Per cent by 2003. By the year 2003, Rs. 709 Billion would be required for the expansion of education and reforms, which included Rs. 150 Billion of private sector investment in education sector.128 Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif introduced new education policy. The overriding importance of education in the modern times cannot be overlooked. The global experience of development has now proved beyond doubt that the education was not privilege but gave a fundamental right of every individual. In order to accomplish the above objectives, the Prime Minister of Pakistan Muhammad Nawaz Sharif announced the outline of National Education policy for the next 12 years (1998- 2010) on Saturday February 21, 1998. The new policy as was announced by the Prime Minister (PM), aimed at the use of new technologies in educational system to promote creativity, productivity and competency.129

On April 6, 1998, the Lahore High Court reserved its judgment on constitutional petition challenging the taxation without any representation at the union council level in the rural areas and, the bar on political parties and their members from

126 M.Ikram Rabbani, , Pakistan Affairs, (Lahore: Carvan Enterprises, nd), 367. 127 Rabbani 2011, op.cit., 273. 128 Daily Dawn Lahore, March 28, 1998. 129 Rabbani, op.cit., 371.

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contesting the local government poll at any level.130 On June 12, 1998, PML-N government Finance Minister Sartaj Aziz presented budget, 1998-99. It comprised of Rs.606 bn.131 On June 24, 1998, the Central Board of Revenue announced a revival of Tax exemptions on essential goods by withdrawing the Financial Bill Amendment in the Sales Tax Act of 1990.132

Chairman of Central Board of Revenue(CBR) Moinuddin Khan, who wanted to introduce radical reforms in the taxation sector so as to collect much more revenue than before and made it easy for the tax-payers to pay their dues, had quit his job after failing to do so.133 Prime Minister Nawaz government got $ 2 billion foreign assistance in the second phase and it signed an accord with World Bank donors for $ 10 billion for social action programme (SAP). On the other side, Banks asked to expedite loans recovery with prompt action. Hamid Yusuf clarifies these circumstances in this way, he writes, ―There are challenges arising from the huge external and internal debt, high inflation, a stagnant economy to name but a few.134 This thing indicates towards economic crisis, which had been increasing day by day.

The Local bodies‘ elections were held in Punjab. The PML-N won the Local bodies elections in Punjab with overwhelming majority. The opposition criticized it because they considered that the government had used government machinery and rigged the elections. On October 1, 1998, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif said, ―The PML and other parties have different stands on the issue of provincial autonomy, yet he was ready to hold talks on the issue with other parties.135 Talking to journalists after his two-hours talking with Jumuhri Wataan Party (JWP) President Nawab Akbar Bugti, the Prime

130 Daily Dawn Lahore, April 7, 1998. 131 Ibid., June 13, 1998. 132 Ibid., June 25,1998. 133 Sultan Ahmed, Unethical basis of Taxation, Article, Daily Dawn Lahore, November 12, 1998. 134 (i) The total national debt in March 1997 stood at RS. 2150.9 billion. This includes external debt of RS.1164.7 billion ($29 billion) and domestic debt of RS.986.2 billion. Total debt servicing on the 1997- 98 budget amounted to Rs 248 billion or 45% of the total current expenditure, leaving meagre resources for defence, administration and development programme. (ii) Fiscal deficit fir 1996-97 was 6.4 per cent and balanced of Payments deficit was almost 5% of GDP. Coupled with a huge gap of 7% of GDP between averages and investment, it implies that the economy is likely to remain heavily dependent on foreign borrowing while its capacity to service theses borrowing has been stretched to outer limits. (iii) With the commissioning of private thermal power projects, the economy is likely to suffer another strains in the form of having to pay a high price for power purchases, Steep rise in energy prices could start an inflationary spiral and complicated the economic condition. (Yusuf, op.cit., 249.) 135 Daily Dawn Lahore, October 2, 1998.

135

Minister said ―the PML and the JWP held divergent views on provincial autonomy, but he said ―he was ready for talk‖.136 In October 1998, in an extraordinary development, General Perviaz Musharraf assumed Charge as Chief of the Army Staff (COAS), replacing with immediate effect General Jehangir Karamat, who stood retired.137 On October 30, 1998, the federal government had imposed governor rule in Sindh under emergency provisions of article 232 (C) of clause (2) of the constitution.138 On December 3, 1998, the top ANP leadership agreed in principle to enter into a large alliance with the PPP to launch a movement jointly for dislodging the Nawaz Sharif government.139 On December 11, 1998, The Pakistan Awami Ithad (PAI) and the Pakistan Oppressed Nation Movement (PONM) had decided to work together in their struggle against the Nawaz government, but neither of the two alliances appeared to the clear their perceptions about provincial autonomy based on their corporation which both termed as ―the number on issue of the country.140 Baitul Maal had re-merged with social welfare department and Nawaz cabinet renovated Chowkidara system (night watchman system) in the country.

Political circumstances had deteriorated with the government‘s vague promises and baseless confidence. The Prime Minister, with a competent authority, could do any favour to any person indeed. With these entire issues, treasury had closed to bankruptcy. These issues had overlapped by large bank loan defaults, corruption and accountability. These determination and commitment of the government gave rise to the hoped that it would measure up to the challenge of economic regeneration, good governance and democratic reconstruction. It might well mark the commencement of a new chapter as the country, which was fixed on the next fifty years. 141

In February 1999, for the first time in the history of bilateral relations, the Indian Prime Minister, Atul Bihari Vajpayee, made a bus trip to Pakistan. His official negotiations with Nawaz Sharif took place in Lahore. He came to Pakistan on the inaugural run of the Delhi-Lahore bus service. Pakistan‘s Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif welcomed his Indian counter-part at the Wahga border. After the conclusion of the visit of Indian Prime Minister, Lahore declaration and

136 Ibid. 137 Ibid., October 8, 1998. 138 Ibid., October 31, 1998. 139 Ibid., December 4, 1998. 140 Ibid., December 12, 1998. 141 Yuusuf, op.cit., 249.

136

Memorandum of understanding (MOU) were delivered. Both sides expressed their determination to develop closer ties and launched efforts to the hostilities between the two countries.142 The vantage point of Lahore Declaration was of historic importance. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif proved himself a political leader. When he gave invitation to Attal Bihari Vajpayee to come to Lahore and make agreement, which was the ―Lahore Declaration‖. Main Nawaz Sharif had pronounced his desire of resolving snags with the neighbour states peacefully with the ―Lahore Declaration‖. It was a regional collaboration to face the challenges of globalization.

In September 1999, Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan established Grand Democratic Alliance at Lahore after detailed coalition of different political parties; he opposed the Nawaz Sharif government. The alliance had one main agenda to put out Mian Nawaz Sharif growing oppressing hegemony. It hatred individual period of character liked Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif. All the opposition political parties agreed to get rid of that regime of temperament. This alliance could get a minor success in their political agenda. The agenda included neutral perpetual accountability, restoration of democracy and economic development, supremacy of Law, achievement of human rights and freedom of press. It encompassed with nineteen political parties but it is astonishing that only three political parties had legislative representation. 143 On the other side, this doctrine was put into the mind of scholars and intellectuals that Nawaz Sharif has capitalistic approached; therefore, he did not like to follow the principles of democracy. He gave preference only to his benefits and did not keep attention on masses problems, especially, poverty. Mushataq Ahmend commented:

Nawaz Sharif, capitalists have found a powerful representative of their cause and the feudalists in his political entourage a guardian of their privileges. His extraordinary success in a surprisingly brief span of time as an entrepreneur had convinced him that if the industry and business were left free to pursue their ends, the country would have the means by which the people can progress and prosper. The logic was simple in fact, reminiscent of the initial period of the industrial revolution whose pioneers had believed or had persuaded themselves to believe, that it would not only increase the volume of production but also reduce the prices of manufactured good under the impulse of competition and provide new

142 Rabbani 2011, op.cit., 280. 143 Hussain, op.cit., 217.

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opportunities of employment to the swelling population. He was not aware of the poverty that followed in the wake of exploitation.144

It was serious allegation on Nawaz Sharif and his performance, which stood firmly to ask the answers of these critical questions. He always cried up his patriotism and service of the people of Pakistan even having a desire to have the ball at his feet. Although he made promise to give incentive to masses but all his promises proved to be vague. When we analysed all the performances of second government of Nawaz Sharif, we got the result very regrettable, that he foxed up the way of corruption and embezzlement in politics to improve his business. He worked for facilitate society only but his sympathy with poor or common man consisted only to depress us.

On October 12, 1999, Musharraf blamed Nawaz Sharif attempted to replace the army leaders and take control of the army. Taking advantage of Pervez Musharraf‘s brief absence from the country, Nawaz Sharif announced that Musharraf had removed from his offices, while the latter was flying back to Pakistan from Sri Lanka. On Nawaz Sharif‘s order, Musharraf‘s PIA plane has denied a landing in Karachi. The immediate subordinates of the Chief of army staff, however, were quick to act. They arrested Nawaz Sharif and made the Karachi airport airline operators authorize the plane‘s landing. Pervaiz Musharraf stepped out of the plane as the new ruler of the nation.145 Democracy was derailed again and Nawaz Sharif government dismissed with imposed emergency in the country. Democratic process has terminated again after ten years. Mian Nawaz Sharif tried his best to work with opposition but he remained futile. Perhaps, he did do so only under the common opinion of politicians that in Pakistan the government in power has to work with the opposition only for the reason that if the elections process continues those in powers today may become those in opposition tomorrow.

144 Mushtaq Ahmed, Nawaz Sharif Politics Of Business, (Karachi: Royal Book Company, 2001), 119. 145 Belokrenitsky and Moskalenko, op. cit., 361.

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Chapter 5

5.1 So-Called Democracy (1999-2008)

General Perviaz Musharraf‘s Military interference in political affairs of Pakistan was not for the first time. However, this time Nawaz Sharif dealt with the military in an unprofessional way, which became antagonizing with military. Ultimately, General Pervez Musharraf answered him in the conventional way. It is fact that similar measures had been taken by the Military-hegemonic establishments of Ayub Khan, Yahiya Khan and Zia-ul-Haq. The famous scholars Vyancheslave and Valasimir narrated these circumstances in these words, ―The army in Pakistan, as a rule, has always come to power in a period when there was a sharp decline in economic conditions and extreme political instability. This time, however the main reasons for the military takeover were the confrontation between the civil and military leadership and personal rivalry between Nawaz Sharif and Pervaiz Musharraf.‖1 Many prominent politicians and intellectuals also gave their opinion about the Martial Law. The former federal Minister Abida Hussain in an interview with British Broadcasting (BBC) TV stated, ―Unfortunately, Nawaz Sharif had become somewhat imperialistic and was seeking to enter to confront every institutions of the state. He picked up confrontation with the president, the Judiciary, the Press, and finally with the Army, So he had become crisis-prone‖.2 Abid Hussan Minto President of the Supreme Court Bar Association (SCBA), talking to the Urdu service of the voice of Germany stated, ―Only the people had the right to change the government and there was a clash between the army and the government which had damaged the democracy‖.3 A.H. Pirzada, former Federal Minister of Law told the BBC radio, ―military action against the government was unconstitutional but had to be looked into along with the historical background and it was for the Supreme Court to determine its legality‖.4 International pressure was increasing against Pakistan because of the military takeover. The Managing director of International Monetary Fund (IMF) declared that

1 Vyacheslav.Y.Belorenitsky and Vladimir N. Moskalenko, A political History of Pakistan 1947-2007, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 370. 2 Sajjad Ali Shah, Law Courts In A Class House An Autobiography, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2001), 668. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid.

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Pakistan would receive no further financial aid until democracy would restore.5 General Pervaiz Musharraf correctly comprehended deployable state of affairs of the country. In a delayed broadcast to the nation (in the early hours of October 13, 1999), General Pervaiz Musharraf announced that the Nawaz government had been removed and the armed forces had moved on and taken control of the affairs of the country.6 He further said, ―The Armed forces have done so with all sincerity, loyalty and selfless devotion to the country, this is not martial law but only another path towards democracy.‖7 He added, ―The Armed forces have no intention to stay in charge any longer than is absolutely necessary to pave the way for true democracy to flourish in Pakistan‖.8 To him Pakistan was under ―a sham democracy which he was not going to allow‖.9

Number of petitions filed by Nawaz Sharif and other Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PML -N) leaders, in the Supreme Court, under the Article 184 (3) of the Constitution, challenging the military takeover of October 12, 1999.10 On January 25, 2000, an oath of the office Order 2000 promulgated in which all the judges of the superior courts required to take oath that they would discharge their duties and perform their functions in accordance with the proclamation of Emergency of October 14, 1999, and the Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO) as amended from time to time. However, this provision specified that if a judge had not taken oath within the time fixed by the Chief Executive of Pakistan, he would have to resign from his position. Justice Saiduzzaman Siddiqui refused to take oath.11 As a reply of this decision, he was to resign on his designation. The Supreme Court Zafar Ali Shah case was held in a part:

That the 1973 Constitution still remains the supreme law of the land, subject to the condition that certain parts thereof have been held in abeyance on account of State necessity;…[and that the Superior Courts continue to function under the Constitution. The mere fact that the Judges of the Superior Courts have taken a new oath, under the Oath of Office (judges)

5 Ibid. 6 Hamid Khan ,Constitutional And Political History Of Pakistan, (Karachi: Oxford university press, 2006), 490. 7Mansoor Akbar Kundi, Militraism In Politics 1947 to 2003, Daily the Nation, Lahore, Karachi, Islamabad, August 25, 2003. 8 Ibid. 9 Ibid. 10 Khan, 2006, op.cit., 491. 11 Ibid.

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Order No. 1 of 2000 does not in any manner derogate from this position. As the Courts had been originally established under the 1973 Constitution, and have continued in their functions in spite of the Proclamation of Emergency and PCO No. 1 of 1999 and other legislative instruments issued by the Chief Executive from time to time.12

On October 14, 1999, Musharraf imposed emergency throughout Pakistan and took the rule of the country. He proclaimed that the constitution would be held in abeyance but the president would continue in the office.13 It was also announced that the National Assembly, the senate and the four provincial assemblies would stand suspended and their speakers and Chairmen were suspended. Provisional Constitution Order (PCO) was promulgated which provided that notwithstanding the abeyance of the provisions of the Constitution, Pakistan (subject to PCO and other orders made by the Chief Executive) would be governed as nearly as may be, in accordance with the constitution.14 General Musharraf also laid down his seven-point agenda.15 The work of representative bodies was suspended, but not dissolved. The political parties continued to function albeit with some limitations and the country‘s constitution was not abolished, rather it was suspended. President Mohammad Rafiq Tarar continued to execute his responsibilities. General Musharraf assumed the title of the Chief Executive.16 Four month later, the new bench of the Supreme Court headed by a new Chief Justice Irshad Hassan Khan validated General Musharraf‘s coup. The Supreme Court also gave General Musharraf a sweeping authority to amend the constitution, although none of the parties before the court sought the court‘s advice on this issue.17 The verdict in the Zafar Ali Shah case was made within by the apex Court are devoid of any legal and constitutional sanctity and floated in a presumptive atmosphere of

12 PLD 2000 SC 869. 13 Khan, op. cit.,491 14 Ibid. 15 (1) Rebuild national confidence and morale; (2) Strengthen federation, remove inter provincial disharmony and restore national cohesion; (3) Revive economy and restore investors‘ confidence; (4) Ensure law and order and dispense speedy justice, (5) Depoliticize State institutions; (6) Devolution of power to the grass-roots level, and (7) Ensure swift and across the board accountability. (Khan, 2006, op.cit., 490.) 16 Belokrenitsky and Moskalenko, op.cit., 370. 17 Hamid Hussain, Judicial Jitters In Pakistan: A Historical Overview, Advance Contemporary Affair, Book 51, (Lahore: Advance AP Publisher, 2007), 502.

141 unrealities.18 The verdict protested against the courts previous decision in a case stated as Asma Jilani Vs., Government of Punjab, in which said:

The courts do not decide abstract, hypothetical or contingent questions or give mere declarations in the air. ―The determination of an abstract question of constitutional law was divorced from the concrete facts of a case‖, as observed by the same learned Chief Justice, ―floats in an atmosphere of unreality; it is a determination in vacuum, and unless it amounts to a decision settling rights and obligations of the parties before the Court. It is not an instance of the exercise of judicial power.‖ 19

Now Musharraf was busy in administrative work. He kept strict eye on his the opponents. It was difficult time for Musharraf but he determined to hold elections within given time. That is why he claimed that he would bring genuine democracy in the country. On the other hand, at the end of 2000, a few opposition political powers gathered in December 2000 to deal with Musharraf‘s political steps. The opposition parties formed an alliance for the restoration of democracy in the country. Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan was picked out as its President and its name suggested as the Alliance for Restoration of Democracy (ARD). This coalition comprised with seven political parties, ―Primarily parties were PPP, PML-N, MQM, ANP, PML, and JAH‖.20

5.2 Musharraf Regime

The government of Pakistan acknowledged education as one of the fundamental rights of a citizen and committed to provide access of education to every citizen. Education is a key to change and progress. The overall literacy rate had been estimated at 50.5% (male 62% female 38%) with rural and urban literacy rate standing at 30% and 70% respectively. Under the Education sector reforms, national Literacy Campaign had been launched throughout the country. The Campaign envisaged making 13.5 million people literate and raising the literacy rate to 60% by 2004 and it

18 Craig Baxter, Pakistan on The Brink Politics, Economic And Society, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2005), 60. 19 Malik Muhammad Hamid Saeed, S.K., The All Pakistan Legal Decisions,[PLD] 1972 Volume xxiv, (PLD 1972 Supreme Court 139),166. 20Akhtar Hussain, Politics Of Alliance In Pakistan 1954-1999, Ph.D. Unpublished Thesis (Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, 2008), 218.

142 had been decided that around 270,000 adult literacy centres would be opened for the purpose.21 The Musharraf government‘s scheme to rescue higher education concentrates on the production of 1,200 to 1,500 Ph.D.‘s in the beginning of 2009.22 However, the matter of primary or higher secondary education was kept on high priority during Musharraf regime. The Punjab government made decision to make education free in all the schools under its control. However, this decision was not entirely without merit, for it had closed the door to another possibility, which was the ultimate goal of IMF and the donors‘ agencies, to have the fees raised, as is being done in institutions of higher learning and in medical institutions in the name of autonomy. Such populist measures would not bankrupt the exchequer, as feared by the State Bank, but it did no good for education.23 The introduction of the Social Action Programme (SAP) and other efforts to increase literacy expected to increase the number of those with primary level education. Musharraf government had passed the laws that required compulsory education for all the children.24 For the years 2000-01, the SAP allocations were Rs. 64.45 Billion, which were higher by 41 per cent than the amount utilized in 1999-2000.25

On the other hand, a major success on the stabilization front, Pakistan‘s growth performance during the fiscal year 2000-01, was the matter of concern. It adversely affected by the worst drought in the country‘s history and by weaker external demand, falling commodity price, and the persistence of higher oil price in the international market. 26 On the other side, Out of total installed capacity of 9930 MW of the WAPDA, the Hydel generation was 5009 MW (50.4%) and the thermal was 4921 MW (49.6%). The numbers of villages electrified increased to 70,819 during July 2002 from 69,887 in 2000-01.27 Electric power, natural gas petroleum, coal and wood are the principal sources of energy in Pakistan. The total primary energy supply

21Government Of Pakistan, Economic Survey 2001-2002, ( Islamabad: , Finance Division, Economic 2002), XXII. 22 Stephen Philiph Cohen, The Idea Of Pakistan,(Lahore: Vanguard Books,2005),246. 23 Editorial Free Education, Daily the Nation, Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi, January 6, 2003. 24 Cohen, op,cit., 240. 25 Government of Pakistan, Pakistan Economic Survey 2000-2001(Islamabad: 2001), XXIII. 26Government of Pakistan, Pakistan Economic Survey 2000-2001, (Islamabad: 2001),VII. 27 The installed capacity of electricity (hydel and thermal) has increased by 1.6 per cent during the first nine months of the current fiscal year ND stood at 18,062 megawatt. During July-March 2001-02, 54,274 Gwh electricity had been produced against 49,682 Gwh during the same period of last year showing an increase of 9.2 per cent.[Government of Pakistan, Economic Survey 2001-2002, (Islamabad: Finance Division, Economic 2002), xxv.]

143 measured in terms of tons of oil equivalent (TOE) had estimated at 50.8 million in 2003-04.28 Demand for energy was increasing at a slightly greater rate than GDP growth, suggesting an elasticity of consumption, as is normal for developing countries. That is why energy must remain a high-priority sector for public policy and public sector investment. The government was also promoting the use of compressed natural gas (CNG) in vehicles to reduce urban pollution. By March 2005, about 700,000 vehicles converted to CNG, up from 450,000 in March 2004.29 This rate of conversion was likely to continue in line with the alarming increase in urban pollution. For electric power, domestic consumption in 2005-06, estimated at 7,199 MW, 46 per cent of total supply.30 Later, the energy matters were planned with full attention, and Musharraf government put up positive results.

Table I/V

Distribution of Demand for Power, 2005-2010 (Megawatts of electric power)

Year Domestic Commercial Agriculture Industrial Others Total 2005-06 7,199 1,216 1,763 5,891 1,035 15,500 2006-07 7,585 1,251 1,820 6,481 1,086 16,600 2007-08 8,127 1,312 1,893 7,252 1,159 17,900 2008-09 8,783 1,354 1,979 8,181 1,243 19,600 2009-10 9,531 1,408 2,079 9,267 1,341 21,500 Source: Government of Pakistan, Medium-term Development Framework, 2005-15, Islamabad.

The Musharraf government believed that its policies would lead to a reduction by 2009-2010 in the share of total supply consumed by households, to 44.3 per cent of projected supply. At the same time, the share of industry would increase significantly by five percentage points, to 43.1. Islamabad had not clarified how public policy

28 Shahid Javed Burki, The Weight Of History: Pakistan‘s Energy Problem, Article, Contemporary Affairs, Book Fifty Eight,( Lahore: Caravan Enterprises, 2008),582. 29 Ibid. 30 Ibid.

144 would bring about this change.31 However, it gave relief to public; therefore, it appreciated in all circle of society. Pakistan was making progress with conspicuous efforts of the government. As Such, the masses life had economically improved by these policies. However, load shedding of electricity and natural gas had become a serious problem for the masses.

Musharraf conveyed the message to Indian authorities by his demeanor, that he was the most powerful man in Pakistan to deal with them in future. He responded positively to the offer of talks by Indian prime Minister and announced that he was ready to go to India for meeting with Indian leaders. The world media attached great importance to the proposed meeting of the two heads of the states entangled in hostilities against each other for more than two decades. The entire world focused eagerly on the outcome of the talks. Everybody hoped and prayed that some solution to the dilemma accomplished to pull the innocent people of the sub-continent out of the quagmire of the Kashmir dispute. He was accorded befitting reception meant for a head of state. Indian government tried to show to the world that they were sincere towards the talks and extended full protocol to the Pakistani delegation. Musharraf after stepping on Indian soil began in an impressive style. He faced the media in a confident manner and declared that he had come to India with an open mind. He said that his primary objective was to bring Indian authorities around to understand the serious nature of the Kashmir dispute. He further said that the Kashmir issue was the core point of his talks with Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajapeayee as it had aggravated the relations between India and Pakistan.32

On the Other side, Indian published conflicting point of view of diplomats and government officials deteriorated the peace efforts. Indian foreign Minister Jaswant Singh declared that Kashmir would not form the basis of the talks.33 Similarly, Indian Prime Minister declared that Kashmir was an integral part of India before the commencement of Pakistani President Pervaiz Musharraf visit to India. No suspect, the genuine solution of Kashmir is in bilateral negotiation. These statements by the top Indian leaders‘ merely ruined the cordial atmosphere, which was created by Indian

31 Ibid. 32Pervez Musharraf, In the Line of Fire, A memoir, (London: Simon & Schuster, 2006), 150. 33 Jaswant Singh, External Affairs Minister of India, Transcript of Press Conference, July 17, 2001.

145 government created before President Musharraf set on Indian tour. President Musharraf asked Indian prime Minister to avoid issuing such statements, which were meant to Sabotage the talks.34 In other words, Indian prime Minister did not agree and talks came to a standstill.35

The PML-N invited Kalsoom Nawaz to take over PML leadership. She was busy in Nawaz Sharif trial, which was proceeding in court. She was facing the music of her opponents because of high profile trial in Karachi; Nawaz Sharif alleged sentenced to life imprisonment. Later, he signed a treaty for a ten years exile due to Saudi Arabian intervention. He went on exile and PML-N did not have any pro-active leadership. Rather, his party loyal criticised him, in his interview Pakistan Muslim League (PML) leader Humayun Akhtar Khan stated, ―He had ruled out the possibility of assemblies‘ restoration in the present political situation only under extra ordinary circumstances, when he was asked about the effect of Nawaz Sharif‘s departure from the Pakistan politics. I certainly was of the opinion that Nawaz Sharif was not the Nelson Mandela and would not be able to offer any resistance to the military regime or stay in jail for a long time certainly the sympathy factors in his favour were no longer there.‖36 He further said, ―In Pakistan, politics, if you raise your voice against the sitting government you earn gain politically. [But] that political gain was not present there. Nawaz Sharif‘s politics has badly affected. The people who stood by him during the last 14-15 months felt abandoned and the people, he had left behind in the jail, did not have good feeling about him‖. 37 On the same issue, in his interview, Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, hypothetically said, ―Well I feel that the whole matter pertaining to Nawaz Sharif‘s release could have been handled in a better manner considering the sensitivity of the issue. The people should have been taken into confidence at an early stage and the degree of transparency should actually have enveloped the entire decision. Instead, the leaving lot of questions unsettled and

34 President Pervez Musharraf, Record of Press Conference, July 20, 2001. 35 Rabbani, 2011, op.cit., 289. 36 Interview of Humyoon Akhtar Khan With Fasi-ur- Rehman, Published in Daily The News, Lahore, Edition, January 7, 2001. 37 Ibid.

146 undecided in the minds of the masses‖.38 Here, I have analysed the significance of Nawaz Sharif‘s matter in a simple way, when we take care of small matters and big ones will take care of themselves. Nawaz Sharif was expelled from office due to blame of conspiracy, which was a provocative question of the day. It was a sensitive matter and should have treated with fair judgment. I remembered the regime of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, when social or people democracy had strong belief for their workers (Jialas) and they stood firmly behind charismatic Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto‘s philosophy but there was nothing liked with Nawaz Sharif. Therefore, his party workers did not show any reaction on his dismissal. To give example, I have quoted Miraj Khalid interview in which he stated, ―Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was a democratic person, and his political philosophy gave a new dimensional approach to the masses of Pakistan which was a source of inspiration for the coming politicians. 39 However, Nawaz Shrief did not have such charisma or philosophical approach.

After the banishment of Nawaz Sharif, the central working committee of Pakistan Muslin League (PML) reaffirmed full confidence in the leadership of Nawaz Sharif as the President of Pakistan Muslim League but his supporters did not show any protest on his exile. Rather, General Musharraf became successful to pull on together the most prominent leaders of PML-N under his umbrella. The PML-N was divided into two groups. In 2001, the party further was divided by factionalism. Dissenters formed the Pakistan Muslim League, later called Pakistan PML-Q, which became allies of General Musharraf. Khalid Ahmed writes, ―When General Musharraf overthrew Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif‘s Muslim League government in 1999, he reached the people of good repute to help him, run the country‖.40 Whereas concerned with Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto, she was a democratic woman, therefore, she anticipated to restore democracy. That‘s why, PPP demanded to provide the elections schedule forthwith.

38 Interview of Gulam Mustafa Jatio With Shahzareah Hussain, Published in Daily News Lahore Sunday Edition Lahore, January 7, 2001. 39Interview With Meraj Khalid quoted from S.M. Ismail, From Malik-Seller to Prime Minister, Life Story of Malik Meraj Khalid,(Islamabad:2005), 32-33. 40 Khaled Ahmed, Political Developments In Pakistan-1999-2008,(Lahore: Vanguard book, 2010), 294.

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In March 2000, the National Accountability Bureau provided the Supreme Court with a list of former parliamentarians and their alleged finical shenanigans. According to NAB the 109 parliamentarian featured on the miss-declaration of assets list had lied about their wealth to either the Election Commission or the tax authorities. The list was included into the material placed on record in the famous Illahi Bakaksh Somroo versus the federation of Pakistan case and had touted as incontrovertible evidence against these wheeling-dealing politicians. Besides former premiers Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto, there was a mention of the leaders of what was now the Pakistan Muslim League Quaid-i-Azam (PML-Q). 41 That is why; Pakistan Tehrik-e- Insaf (PTI) Chief, Imran Khan said that the government to ensure the success of PML-Q candidates had been tailored 10th October Elections.42 No doubt, political parties were working properly to sustain only democratic system but they were not paying heed to fluctuate the system. They were following traditional politics, which did nothing for the progress of democracy, except disappointment. However, Mohammad Waseem has researched and elaborated his analysis in this way:

Corruption among party leasers actually entails the problem of checks and balances not within parties but outside them, in the legal and institutional framework of the state. That is why things do not improve when party-based government are not in power. It is the problem of governance, not of party. Indeed, the institution of political party is the only viable, comprehensive, durable, relevant and worthwhile link between the modern State and society. No, party no democracy.43

The significance of political parties is self-evident in Pakistani politics due to its deep-rooted influence in masses. The Political parties cannot work in proper way, until their democratic reputations are recognized in public, and they deem their performance appreciable in any society. If any party leader is found guilty in any embezzlement or corruption, the stern action should be taken against him. However, it is fact; as such, the existence of party will not be abolished. Rather, if it is Democratic Party, the other senior convener of party can run it smoothly. It will not be wrong to

41 Mubashir Zaidi, The Herald, (October 2002), 24. 42 Ibid. 43 Mohammad Waseem, Political Parties, A Family Business, Article, Book Twenty Four, Contemporary Affairs,(Lahore: Caravan Enterprises, 2000),596.

148 say, personalities follow the parties manifesto but parties do not follow the personalities‘ self-proclaimed, so-called principles.

In Pakistan, it is part of the political tradition; political people changed their loyalties for the lust of sway and for monetary benefits. It is an old maxim, which holds true over here ―Make hay while the sun shines‖. By the irony of fate, they not only get financial advantage through corruption themselves, but also they provide opportunities to their kith and keen equally in this behalf. Although they are democratic persons and get power with masses votes, yet they are not aware of democratic tradition, norms and values. That is why they did not get success to win the hearts of people. Rather, they consider themselves master of the people, though they are servants of the masses according to democratic philosophies or doctrines. But, it looks like that even today, the old political principle of famous Kotalia Chankia and old proverb holds true over here, ‗Might is right‘. In fact, they deem themselves exempted from all liabilities and do not respect the rule of law in Pakistan. If our old parliament representatives had been earnest, if they had toiled for the prosperity of the Pakistan and had not paved the way for the enhancement democracy, the future of democracy in Pakistan would have been optimistic.

The inflation was increasing day by day and the people got fed up with Nawaz Sharif‘s economic policies. His personality had become debatable matter of every day. He had lost his popularity in masses due to his undemocratic measures. No doubt, a person who does democratic deeds remains alive in the hearts of the people forever and such a person is considered a true leader of the masses. Asghar Khan, veteran politician commented about the true leader in this view, ―Leadership is that quality which inspires others to fellow. A leader of men is the one from whom in difficulty, they expect guidance and direction‖.44 Nelson Mandela was a revolutionary leader. Dr. Danish, a famous journalist and TV host was talking in his speech at ―The Pakistan & True Democracy Conference Birmingham UK‖, he said, ―Nelson Mandela

44 Interview with Asghar Khan quoted from M. Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, (Karachi: Oxford University press,2008),521.

149 always used to say, Politicians are those who think about the next elections but the leaders are those who think about the next generation‖.45

It is analysed that Mian Nawaz Sarief was looking empty from these merits. This is quite clear that the real and genuine leaders are those who serve the humanity without expecting any return. They devote their lives for the welfare of the people. These merits penetrate in only democratic system and real and genuine leaders find out and adopt them in their practical political lives. In Pakistan, democratic system has been derailed several times due to lack of leadership. Unfortunately, we were born politicians but not leaders. According to my own view, leaders are those who force the people with their doctrines to follow them without any greed. Their basic purposes are to work for the betterment of society collectively not individually.

In the history of Pakistan, military government always took similar decision regarding local bodies‘ democratic system. Syed Akbar Ali Zaidi commented, ―An examination of three military takeovers and coups in Pakistan in 1958, 1977 and 1999, and the speeches that General Ayub, Zia and Musharraf made, they show an uncanny resemblance for the causes and explanations for the takeover, as well as regarding the intention and the program of each General‖.46 Musharraf‘s government proposed local bodies‘ government system. The military regime of General Perviaz Musharraf had shown its determination to involve the people in the Governance from village and Mohallah level to the provincial and inter-provincial levels. He had delineated a programme of national reconstruction, which guaranteed a just access to the national income and ever-increasing degree of people‘s participation. It was bound to bring a political culture that promoted collaboration and co-operation, rather than competition, hatred and fascism. The Chief Executive announced a strategy for re-construction of

45 Dr Danish Full Speech At The Pakistan & True Democracy Conference Birmingham UK 04/05/13. [https://tune.pk/video/3129737/dr-danish-full-speech-at-the-pakistan-true-democracy-conference- birmingham-uk-040513] 46S.Akbar Ali Zaidi, Military Civil Society and Democratization in Pakistan,(Lahore. Karachi, Islamabad: Vanguard Books Pvt Ltd, 2011.),125.

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Local Government, which would ensure the ―Devolution of Power and responsibility‖ to the grass root level. 47

Figure: 1 DEVOLUTION OF POLITICAL POWER

Source: NRB

This plan had been criticised by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) and political parties, intensely. Musharraf‘s government coped with the challenging time and was determined to take strong measures in implementing it. Its intentions had obviously exhibited in the eyes of concerning people and they were worried about such acts of the government. Despite the fact, criticizing Pervaiz Musharraf‘s Local Government Plan the Asia Times specified:

The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) rejected the plan, saying the military rulers have no mandate to take such steps, ―The official local election scheme is incomplete, self-contradictory and divisive and the rulers should announce steps for return of democratic rule,‖ an HRCP resolution said. The Pakistan Muslim League (PML) of Nawaz Sharif and the Benazir Bhutto led

47 M. Ikram Rabbani, Pakistan Studies, (Lahore: Caravan Book House, 2011), 285-286.

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Pakistan People‘s Party (PPP) had both rejected the military government‘s overtures and has demanded immediate restoration of democracy. Among critics of Musharraf‘s plan are hard-line nationalist leaders from the provinces of Sindh and Baluchistan, who fear that it interferes with provincial autonomy guaranteed in the country‘s 1973 Constitution, currently under suspension. The nationalists‘ parties have demanded more autonomy for the provinces along with greater financial and administrative control ….. The religious and political parties, on the other hand opposed the devolution plan, saying that it is contradictory to the country‘s cultural values, especially, with regard to the mandatory representation for women in district governments.48

Although the devolution Plan had opposed by the political parties and human rights organizations, yet Musharraf‘s government was determined to put in place local government structure prior to the holding of elections to the parliament and the provincial assemblies. His key advisor Lt. Gen. (Retd) Tanveer Naqvi, the head of the National Reconstruction Bureau (NRB), devised a new system of local government in Pakistan based on the concept of district government. Every district, under the system, had to be headed by its own district and deputy district Governors (Nazim and Naib Nazims) with its own council. Nazims and Naib Nazims had to elect by the elected members of the Union Council within their districts.49 In the political history of Pakistan, whenever military governments took over, they emphasised on local self- government or municipalities elections so that people could not take notice of their intentions behind these programmes. Actually, they extended their sway through slipping statements of restoration of democracy. The Local Government Plan scheme had expressed:

In the existing system of governance at the local level, the province governs the districts and tehsils directly through the bureaucracy at the division, district, and tehsil levels. The local government for towns and cities exist separately from those of the rural areas. The provincial bureaucratic set-ups are the designated ―controlling authorities‖ of the local governments and tend to undermine and over-ride them, which breed a colonial relationship of ―ruler‖ and ―subject‖. The separate local government structures engender

48 Rizvi, Muddassir, Opposition Builds Up Against Devolution Plan, Asia Times, April 13, 2000. 49 Khan 2006, op. cit., 496.

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rural-urban antagonism, while the administration‘s role as ―controlling authorities‖ accentuates the rural-urban divide.50

There were so many interested groups, which allowed enhancing their hold on the pedals of authority on the name of so-called democracy. When the General Perviaz Musharraf spoke about the rule of the grassroots and away from the feudal group, he illustrated common approval. However, if one observed at the people elected for contesting the local elections with tutelage of political Parties, one originated that the General President Perviaz Musharraf provided a boost to Biradari (clan group) politics. Go through the list of PML-Q‘s MNAs and it reads like a who‘s who of Pakistan‘s political Biradaris. There are numerous families living in Pakistan and have great influence on Pakistani politics. They are known as: The Sardars, Maliks and Khans of North Punjab, the Melas, Cheemas, Tiwanas, Bharwanas, Sahis, Malhis, Warraichs, Dhillons, Virks, Rais, Ranas and Bhattis, of central Punjab and the Kasuri, Nakais, Bosans, Kanjus, Mitlas, Khaggas, Maneka, Jats, Joiyas, Hirajs , Khichis, Dreskaks, Khars, Qureshi, Bukhari, Lalikas, Syed and Makhdooms of Southern Punjab are all there.51

Besides all these, the influenced feudalism or feudal authoritarianism can easily realize on the panorama of Pakistan politics. Biradari had considered even during constituency grouping. Making out the village with opposition majority, and taking in the village of their own Biradari is usual. Martial Law also supported Biradariism, local trend proliferated due to ban on political parties and Biradariism proved to be a strong element to play the vital role of filling the absence of political parties. (Voters, members of Assembly, views of candidates, field survey). In Pakistan whether the provincial, national and local body elections held on party basis or non- party basis, the role of the Biradaries could not be overlooked.52

50 Local Government Plan 2002. www.nrb.gov.pk. 51 See for details Herald, (December 2002), 34. 52 Mughees Ahmed, Biradrism (Caste Politics), (Germany: Lap Lambert Academic Publishing, 2012), 114.

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The local elections were held in 18 districts of the country in the first phase of the electorate exercise had marked by the low voter turnout that was contrary to the electorates‘ participation in the previous similar polls. The turnout was higher in the local election compared to the national polls because tremendous enthusiasm had generated by the contesting candidates among the voters. It was easy for local bodies‘ contenders to mobilize the electorate by doing door-to-door campaign in limited areas as compared to any national or provincial constituency. They had been generously spending to win.53 It was first step to restore democracy in the country. Unofficial results from various districts showed that candidates fielded by old politicians had won majority of the seat for Nazim and Naib Nazim in the first phase of the local bodies elections.54

Figure: 2 THREE TIER OF LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS 2000

53Tariq Butt, First Phase Fails to generate election fever, Daily the News, international Lahore Edition, January 2, 2001. 54 Adanan Adil, Old Hands hold sway in New System, Daily News Lahore Editions, January 2, 2001.

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After completing local bodies‘ elections, the local government plan started with condemnation. The local government plan criticized the civilian servants, particularly District Management Group (DMG) officers and Provisional Civil Service (PCS) officers who administrated the system.55 The plan pinned down the character of PCS and DMG officers in this way:

The two structured and systemic disjoints, coupled with the absence of horizontal integration and the consequent inadequacy of functional coordination between the line departments at the division, district, and tehsil levels, lead to inefficiency and corruption and are the root causes of the crises of governance at the grass roots level. The crisis appears to have been addressed through over concentration of authority, particularly in the office of Deputy Commissioner, which besides creating the potential for abuse of authority, diffuses operational focus and results in the expedient handling of routine functions through crisis management.56

The government presented local self-government plan and approved it. To commence this local self-government system was the basic purpose to give the benefits of people on grass-root level. Musharraf wanted to include masses in good governance, so that people could recognize their democratic rights, engage in administrative work, and interlink with so-called democracy. As Such, he could achieve his aims and goals easily. It is a part of Pakistan democratic history, whenever military governments takeover, they emphasise on the local self-government institutions to show that they are following the democratization. Though, they extend their rule in this way. No doubt, they are always remaining successful in this respect.

55 Baxter, op.cit., 158. 56 Local Government Plan 2002. www.nrb.gov.pk. 155

Figure:3 ADMINSRATIVE STRUCTURE OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT

Source: Pattan Development Organization, 2001

On June 20, 2001, Musharraf as the Chief Executive Promulgated president‘s succession Order, 2001, in which he declared the office of President vacant (for any reason whatsoever) thus empowering the Chief Executive to become president of Pakistan and perform all functions of the office of President until his successor enters his office. President Tarar unceremoniously removed, although neither President Tarar

156 had resigned his office nor his term of office had expired. He in fact had more than one and half year of his term left. Musharraf promulgated Legal Framework Order (LFO) during the month of August 2002. The LFO also increased the number of National Assembly (NA) seats from 270 to 342, reserved 60 seats for women and 10 for minorities, removed joint electorates, reduced campaign period from 90 to 40 days, lowered voting age from 21 to 18 and expanded the ambit of the clause on disqualification to exclude undesirable elements.57

Musharraff‘s government claimed that Pakistan would adopt real democracy after elections. He decided to hold referendum. It was astonishing that Musharraf used government machinery in referendum campaign. The presidential referendum was held during the month of April 2002. The referendum was significant for Musharraf because he could confirm his position both as the President and as the Army Chief after the referendum. The polling day had not announced as a holy day, in an effort to bring people out instead of letting them stay at home and not vote. The polling stations and polling booths had made for the voters in their offices, hospitals and in mobile vans. The Election Commission (EC) directed the educational institutions to issue certificates of eligibility to students above 18 years old, which would then serve as identity cards for voting.58 The Election Commission (EC) stunned many with its own figure of voter turnout at 70 per cent. It was declared that out of the total number of 61.9 million voters, 43.39 million were cast their vote at the 85,566 conventional and 2,978 non-conventional polling stations. Of the 43.39 million polled votes, 40.02 million, i.e. 98% per cent endorsed the government policies and hence Musharraf elected for five years.59 With this announcement, there was a large number of criticism was commenced from different forums, especially media. A famous Pakistani journalist Ayaz Mir has claimed that this controversial referendum were manipulated with government administrative machinery. To prove his statement, he elaborates:

A young friend of mine proudly told me that in front of the Municipal Library he had stamped 135 ballots as a mark of his love for General Musharraf. His mother,

57 Khan, 2006, op.cit., 494. 58 Mohammad Waseem, Democratization In Pakistan, A Study of the 2002 Elections, ( Karachi: Oxford University, 2006),84. 59 Ibid.

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an active woman had stamped another hundred, his sister, all of fourteen years old, 150. Only figure rather than anything else had cut short their exertions.60

The issue of the turnout on the day of the referendum created yet another controversy. On the other hand, the official spokesperson, Nisar Memon, claimed on polling said that the turnout was doubled that of the targeted 60 per cent polled in the 1997 general elections.61 It was also claimed that there was such a rush to vote that some polling station ‗ran out‘ of ballot papers. The referendum was challenged in the Supreme Court but the court treated the writ as premature. It was left to be determined at proper forum presumably in the saddle of power.

Musharraf wanted to hold the elections in 2002 with immediate effects. It had observed that in the presence of Muslim League (Nawaz Sharif) and PPP (Benazir Bhutto), it was difficult to sustain Musharraf in power. Mian Nawaz Sharif was already in exile due to an agreement whereas Benazir Bhutto was also in exile but in different capacity. Benazir Bhutto was in exile since Nawaz Government due to registered cases of National Accountability Bureau (NAB) and Swiss cases. For getting domination over political matters, he introduced Legal Frame Work Order (LFO) and Political Parties Ordinance. Both these acts perfectly facilitated Musharraf and politically affected Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto. However, President General Perviaz Musharraf focused on holding the elections in the country and restore democracy forthwith. For this purpose, he addressed the nation on 05-04-2002. He said:

Pakistan is once again at the historic juncture. October 2002 is fast approaching and a new political era is going to commence. Some very important decisions have to be taken by me and by all of you. Genuine democracy, as I have been saying all along, which is the essence of democracy, has to be introduced in Pakistan. It has to be placed on firm foundations. During the past two and a half years, we have done a lot, and in my opinion, all the reforms and restructuring

60 Ansari, Masooud, How The Referendum Was Won,( Newline, May 2002), 22 61 Waseem, op.cit., 84.

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that we have done in various sectors will go waste if we do not cap it with true democracy.62

The Supreme Court had validated Musharraf government for three years in the case of Zafar Ali Shah vs. Chief Executive of Pakistan General Perviaz Musharraf and others (PLD 2002 S C 869) under the doctrine of necessity till the end of period, that was 12th October 2002. However, Perviaz Musharraf held election before the finishing date, which has given by court. He completed electorate process and handed over power to the newly elected Government. The elections 2002 had held in Pakistan under the name of so-called democracy. A big leap forwarded in the legal history of Pakistan came with the promulgation of the LFO by President Musharraf on the way to elections in 2002. It had been usual by military governments, preparing to hold elections to take measures in the direction of what could be called ―constitutional engineering; this served several purposes. First, it provided a legal framework for holding general elections.63 On June 26, 2002, the BRB published a 58—pages document titled Establishment of sustainable federal Democracy ‗in Pakistan. It proposed 78 amendments in 29 Article of the constitution. According to the Information secretary, these proposals have being made public to solicit public opinion and after one month, the National Security Council (NSC) and federal cabinet would meet to finalize these proposals. President Musharraf announced that these amendments have meant to protect and advance democratic governance, and replace the sham democracy of the past civilian government with real democracy.64

The elections 2002 had brought results, which generally and cynically expected by the majority of the public as a fait accompli. On a more realistic note, various poll surveys and analytical studies projected the levels of party performance, which in many cases turned out to be at variance with results. The outcry about the alleged rigging made news headlines in the early days after the elections. Despite all this, political parties were ready to move on to take part in the proceedings of various legislatures, where they represented in varying degrees. One reason, for the complacency was that

62 Naveed A. Sheikh, Great Speeches, National And international,,(Lahore: Rabia book house,n.d), 101. 63Waseem, op.cit., 110. 64 Ibid.

159 most large and small parties were able to secure a position on the floors of either the national or the provincial assemblies.65

Table II/V

Elections Results 2002 Party General Women Minorities Total PML-Q 92 22 4 118 PPP-P 63 15 2 80 MMA 47 12 2 61 PML-N 15 3 1 19 MQM 13 3 1 17 NA 13 3 0 16 PML-F 4 1 0 5 PML_J 2 1 0 3 PPP-S 2 0 0 2 FATA 12 0 0 12 Independents 1 0 0 1 Others 8 0 0 8 Total 272 60 10 342 Others include one seat each of BNP, JWP,PAT, PML-Z,PTI,MQM-H,PKMAP, and PPP-SB.[Source: Mohammad Waseem, Democratization in Pakistan, (Karachi: Oxford university press, 2006), 167.]

The PML-N suffered grievously due to departure of its leader Nawaz Sharif. A cloud hanged over the Sharif exodus. Party circles tried their best to gloss over it, but the Quisling drummed ceaselessly that the former Prime Minister had preferred his own-safety to principles. Mr. Sharif moved away from Pakistan and kept his personal vote-bank away from the ballot box. It could ask why PPP did not lose its base, despite suffering the same handicap? In fact, PPP more than triple its presence in parliament, since it‘s dismal in 1997 showing, from 8¼ per cent to 24 per cent seats. The PPP remained united and reaped rewards from its presence in almost every national and provincial constituency in four of the provinces. People‘s party also benefited from Benazir Bhutto‘s freedom of issuing political statements and thus to remain continuously in public eye, while Mr, Sharif was forbidden to issue statements. In his absence, none among the party‘s central leaders campaigned outside their constituencies.66 The Saudi King, Fahad Bin Abdul Aziz and Crown prince Abdullah Bin Abdul Aziz had expressed their best wishes for the progress and prosperity and

65 Ibid,164. 66 Khurram Dastigir Khan, PML(N)‟s Murky Future, Editorial, The Nation, Lahore, November 8, 2002.

160 development of Pakistan and the Crown prince congratulated President Musharraf for the successful completion of elections in Pakistan.67 The political parties did not agree with government legacy in respect of oath taking process. They agitated on government vow to follow the banner of PCO at any cost. They considered it political bargaining to get political benefits and prolong President General Musharraf sway. Afzal Khan wrote in his article in daily Nation, Islamabad, dated November 3, 2003:

Unless both sides showed some flexibility or one side blinks, the entire process might be deadlocked even in the essential stage. The first showdown may occur on the question of text of the oath. President Perviaz Musharraf had introduced some fundamental changes in the Constitution, through the Legal Frame Work Order (LFO), which now formed part of Constitution. The political parties said that they would take oath under the 1973 Constitution. The government shelved earlier plans to specifically mention LFO in the oath.68

The inaugural session of National Assembly had commenced and political analysts were writing a lot for the restoration of democracy. PML-Q nominated its Prime Minister Mir Zafar ullah Jamali, PPP‘s Shah Mehmood Qureshi and MMA‘s, Mulana Fazl-ur-Rehman as the candidates for Prime Minister Ship. Eventually, Mir Zafar ullah Jamali had elected as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. He obtained 172 votes in a House of 342.69 The transfer of power to elected representatives had completed with the swearing of Mir Zafarullah khan Jamali as the 20th Prime Minister of the country. He administrated oath of a 21-members cabinet.70 Its composition reflect the problems being faced by Mr. Jamali out of 14 Federal Ministers eight were from the PMs own party, as were four of the seven Ministers of state. Out of 10 Pakistan People‘s Party Parliamentarian (PPPP) rebelled who announced support for Mr. Jamali, three had given cabinet posts and three had taken as Ministers of state. The National Alliance had given two cabinet posts and Mr Aftab Sherpao, two

67 Daily The Nation, Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi, October 30, 2002. 68Afzal Khan 3 Critical Stages At NA Opening Session, Daily the Nation Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi, November 3, 2003. 69 Khan, 2006, op.cit., 501. 70The name of the cabinet members: (i) Rao Sikandar (ii) Khursheed kasuri (iii) sheikh Rashid (iv) Ghaus Bakhsh Mehar (v) Faisal Saleh (iv) Naurez Shakoor (vii) Humayun Akhtar (viii) Aftab Sherpao (ix) Sattar Lalika (x) Naseer Khan (xi) Owais Leghari (xii) Zunaida Jala (xiii) Yar Muhammad Rind (xiv) Liaqat Jatoi made federal minister (xv) Thir Iqbal (xvi) Rais Munir (xvii) Raza Hayat Hiraj (xviii)Khalid Ahmed Lund (xix) Hamid Yar Hiraj and (xx) Sikandar Hayat Bosan Ministers of State (xxi) Sharifuddin Pirzada (xxii) Sardar Fath Ali (xxiii) Neelofar Bakhtiar (xxiv) Shaukat Aziz made advisers. [Daily The Nation Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi, November 24, 2002.]

161 members of his PPP(s) had made Cabinet Ministers. Four Advisers to the prime Minister had appointed. Mr. Shaukat Aziz and Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada had sworn in to ensure the continuity of the economic policies and the political system formulated by the Musharraf‘s government. The problem with the PML-Q was that, notwithstanding, it had fully-fledged encouragement from establishment, it miscarried to acquire ample members picked out on its ticket to carry out the government on its own, even after about a dozen and a half independent members had to gather later to join it as coalition in parliament. It was astonishing; even the support of the PML-F, the PML-J, National Alliance and MQM could not help it for accomplishing the requisite numbers in parliament. Mr. Jamli was finally had to seek help from PPPP‘s forward block. Moreover, Mr. Jamali was worried to form government due to political blackmailing of different political pressure groups. Eventually, Mr. Jamali had formulated the so-called democratic government but was still trapped hazardously among the pressure groups; even then he worried that as few as eight members from his coalition might be moving over to the opposition. Mr. Jamali was being sustained but ―Pressure Group” some of which joined the cabinet while the strongest ”Pressure Group” consisting of those around the president, was still waiting for its nominees to be given the senate tickets to enable them to be implanted in the cabinet on significant posts. On the other side, the ―Pressure Group” also continued to keep their eyes on Mr. Jamali‘s patience and posed challenges, which was a clear indication towards his political inventiveness that he would have to face sever crises in future. In its editorial of Daily ―The Nation‖, dated November 24, 2002, wrote:

Mr. Jamali was simultaneously had to keep the 156- members opposition pacified. Unless some of its major demands were accommodated, the government might not be able to manage the two third majority needed to indemnify the military government‗s actions. It remained seen if Mr. Jamali could keep the contradiction in his coalition, within manageable limits. While keeping the lines of communication open with the opposition. Democracy is crucial for economic, social and political growth. 71

71 Editorial, Challenges before Jamali, The Nation, Lahore, Karachi, Islamabad, November 24, 2002.

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To analyse, there were going to be antagonistic feeling among these groups over portfolios and on perquisite privileges. All the political forces were pondering and entitling this so-called government as puppet government. While the backstage players were likely to treat Mr. Jamali as a follower, expecting him to continue carry out the policies initiated by General Musharraf and follow his advice without open mouth, his elected supporters were likely to commence resenting the influence manipulated by non- political actors. To make the government stable, further endeavours might make to encourage disappearances the opposition from the parliament. However, in case, the defection law remained non-operative some of the complainers in the ruling coalition might in due course decide to join the opposition, hoping to get better terms if they could help it come to power. It was difficult circumstance for Jamali‘s government because he was facing political intimidations, resentments and contempt from his fabricated friends who were not less than rank opportunists in a shape of harsh criticism. Therefore, jamali should have understood, it was democracy, which could help him to precede right direction in this authoritarian regime.

Prime Minister Jamali worked diligently day and night for the implementation of genuine democracy and therefore, the Political exercises had continued with full zeal and zest. Those days President Musharraf‘s uniform matter became a debatable matter. He did not agree to put off his uniform and opposition had highly demanded to get off his uniform with immediate effects. The pro-government senator suggested Musharraf to put off his uniform. Musharraf was annoyed on it. There was a debate raging in the country on the President‘s uniform issue. People believed that the shedding of his uniform was necessary for the emergence of democracy in Pakistan.‖72 The opposition did not have confidence on the government, in spite of its all endeavours. In its editorial, Daily Nation, dated March 10, 2003, wrote:

The Jamali government‘s performance during the last hundred days remained dismal due to the opposition parties, citing the fact that four federal ministers are on ―ECL‖ list on accountability related charges, it has maintained that the government was incapable of ensuring the clean rule. The appointment of an

72Asgar Khan, We‟ve Learnt Nothing from History, Pakistan: Political and Military Power, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2006), 257.

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ally as Governor of Sindh, ignoring the serious cases pending against him, also mentioned as an example of compromise on good governance.73

It was astonishing, the level of cooperation so far, between the PPP and the Mothada Majlis-i- Amal (MMA), made one wonder; the problem was that the PPP and the MMA were ideological poles apart, and their natural antipathy was making it difficult for them to pull together‖.74 The opposition plays vital role in the parliament in any kind of democracy but in those days, the opposition did not fulfil their obligation. Some of the opposition members assisted the government only for their personal benefits. One of the more interesting aspects of the PPP- MMA standoff was that the PML-(N), which had more or less totally excluded from the process of government formation, now assumed a more important role in the opposition. It had the ability to act as bridge between the PPP and the MMA, and that was a crucial role at this moment. Just as the new government had weighty responsibilities, the opposition now had an extremely significant role to play.75

Another political exercise had started in some of the PPP MNA‘s; they prepared to make a forward block. They called themselves loyal to PPP and the follower of great leader Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto. In political arenas, it was astonishing, ―Ten MNA‘s belonged to PPP proclaimed a forward block to help King‘s party (PML-Q). This section of the PPP parliamentarians, which had earlier formed a forward Block, had decided to convert itself into a political party called the PPP patriots; intriguingly the group still considered Ms. Benazir Bhutto as its Quaid and had promised to pave way for her honourable return‖.76 On the other hand, Mian Muhammad Soomroo and Khalil-ur-Rehman have elected unopposed Chairman and deputy Chairman of Senate respectively.77

On June 8, 2003, the government presented a budget, which was of Rs. 805 Billion. The tax-free budgets unveiled Rs.160 Billion Pakistan Development Program (PSDP). It also increased 15 per cent Salaries and Pensions.78 The budget gave a

73 Editorial ―Jamali government‟s 100 days‖, Daily The Nation, Lahore,Islamabad and , Karachi, March 10, 2003. 74 Editorial, Opposition‟s Role, The Nation Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi, November 24, 2002. 75 Ibid. 76 Editorial “PPPP Patriots” The Nation, Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi, November 26, 2002. 77 Daily The Nation, Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi, March 13, 2003. 78 Ibid., June 8, 2003.

164 message of the continuity of the government. Clearly, Senator Aziz had been able to stamp his mark on the budget, and ensured that the new members of the Jamali government did not cause any change of direction. It would be interesting to see how the next Budget, freed from IMF constraints, hopefully, in an even better macroeconomic situation, could get down providing common man some relief.79 Mr. Jammali‘s dissatisfaction with the parliament‘s performance was understandable; his arguing was due to entirely opposition‘s negative attitude. The opposition had accused of unreasonable rigidity during the talks with the government on the principle cause of disagreement, the Legal Frame work Order (LFO). In its editorial The Daily Nation, Lahore, dated November 9, 2003, wrote:

At the start of the parliamentary session, practically the whole opposition was willing to provide a way out to the president simultaneously holding the office of the COAS. Attitudes started hardening in the ARD when it was cold- shouldered and attempts have made to wean away the MMA from the combined opposition. The MMA continued to talk to the government for nearly a year only to find it going back on agreements reached in the parleys. The government then promised to restart negotiations, which were delayed first on the excuse that the president was abroad then the Prime Minister was abroad, finally, when both arrived a new pretext was invented, Ch. Shujat Hussain‘s absence abroad.80

The opposition started the agitation and different scholars gave different views about this agitation ―The largest agitation of the parliamentary opposition brought the legislative activity to halt. This had had a demoralizing effect on the treasury benches, when the Commonwealth had again refused to restore the membership of Pakistan on account of the opposition‘s agitation to the LFO‖.81 Now country came on the right pathway, after a long period, it had an elected civilian political structure. ―In the initial phase, the process had to pass through some critical posts whose successful culmination would determine whether the new system would work or not. 82

79 Editorial, Budget 2003-2004, The Nation Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi, June 8, 2003. 80 Editorial “Parliament‟s Performance” Daily The Nation, Lahore, Karachi, Islamabad, November 9, 2003. 81 Aziz-ud-Din, An Opposition Sworn to a Frazzle, Article Daily The Nation, Lahore, Karachi, Islamabad, October 16, 2003. 82Afzal Khan ―3 Critical Stages At NA Opening Session, Daily The Nation Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi, November 3, 2003.

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The seventeenth amendment (17th Amendment) was the return of the 8th amendment. The opposition opposed this bill intensely; they considered it unconstitutional act. The condemnation continued and democratic forces deemed it as vain endeavor of Musharraf, which was imposed to overcome the political section easily. However, the 17th amendment Bill was passed in parliament but ARD boycotted it.83 After passing this bill, power of Prime Minister was reduced while President became more powerful. This card played by Musharraf aimed at getting political advantage through this bill. PML-Q appreciated this bill to get Musharraf‘s pleasure or with compulsion, they wanted to restore democratic process with immediate effect.

On December 24, 2003, after a lengthy negotiation the two sides signed an agreement containing the following provisions. Pervaiz Musharraf agreed to elect as the President in accordance with the constitutional procedure, while the MMA committed itself to support him during the elections, in establishing the National Security Council (NSC) and in adopting of the seventeenth Amendment to the constitution. For this part, Musharraf agreed to retire from active military service and leave his post as the Chief of Army Staff before the end of 2004.84

It was an act of deception to the opposition. It is an old maxim, which holds true over here, ―Appearances are often deceptive‖. The government was holding a cynical attitude towards opposition. It had no optimistic approach logically, ideologically and practically. The government attitude on this occasion was a phenomenon for the intellectuals and scholars. All political and democratic people except government did know where this attitude would lead the country.

The history of functioning of Common Wealth in Pakistan commenced from 1947. The day before independence, Lord Louis Mountbatten the last Viceroy of British India addressed the people of new dominion Pakistan, ―Tomorrow two new sovereign States will take place in the Commonwealth….fully independent States ….. Not the immature governments but fit to carry their great share of responsibility for

83 Daily the News, Lahore, December 30, 2003. 84 Belokrenitsky and Moskalenko, op.cit., 388.

166 peace and prosperity of the world‖.85 The Commonwealth did not like to suspend democracy in Pakistan. It put pressure on General Musharraf to restore democracy as soon as possible. Pakistan also wanted to re-join Commonwealth. The Commonwealth Action Group (CMAG) had come to a decision that Pakistan‘s affiliation would remain putting off until the restoration of democracy. Eventually, the British Commonwealth readmitted Pakistan in May 2004.86

It was necessary to make South Asian Association for Regional Corporation (SAARC) more dynamic, vibrant for peace in region. That is why Musharraf desired to erect historical memorandum for this organization. He wanted to extend its performance. The ―SAARC” could play vital role to improve economic condition of the countries of South Asia. However, it was necessary that all countries, which were members of this organization, had optimistic approach toward mutual progress in the region. It was pleasure for Pakistan diplomats, this time India government agreed to sign joint written agreement. Prime Minister Vajpayee agreed to come to Pakistan for attending the “SAARC‖ summit in January 2004. It was also known as ―Islamabad Declaration‖. After over two years gap, Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee had first formal bilateral meeting with Pakistani President Genral Perviaz Musharraf, which lasted about an hour, said Indian External Affairs Minister Yashwant Sinha who hinted at more exchange of Confidence Building Measure (CBMs) between Islamabad and New Delhi.87 Even Pakistan adopted to move negotiation through ―Composite Dialogue‖ which comprised the difference of opinion over Jummu and Kashmir. The positive gesticulation could not be fulfilled again. Earlier the composite dialogue could achieve momentum, elections held in India. Prime Minister Vajpee‘s party the Bharatia Janata party (BJP) was defeated in these polls. Sonia Gandhi‘s Congress party set up a new coalition government, which elected Manmohan Singh as new Prime Minister of India. It altered the complete panorama of the peace process. Therefore, this time, President General Pervaiz Musharraf commented, ―I wished we had not lost this opportunity, one year after Agra‖. 88 Similarly, Japan welcomed the

85Allen McGrath, The Destruction Of Pakistan‟s Democracy,(Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1996),11. 86Commonwealth Lifts Pakistan Suspension,‖ New York Times, May 22, 2004. Opposition parties criticized the Commonwealth‘s May decision as unjustified given an absence of true democracy. 87 Daily The Nation Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi January 6, 2004. 88 Pervaiz Musharraf ―In The Line Of Fire” (UK: Simon and Schuster, 2006), 300.

167 composite dialogue process, which included Confidence Building Measure (CBMs), Jammu and Kashmir and other bilateral issues, between India and Pakistan.89

Prime Minister Jamali requested ―Pirpagara” to help him in PML unification. The democracy dialogue, played vital role, it was essential for strengthening the democracy and for the reconciliation among the political parties. The political parties were prevailing in Pakistan like a mushroom, Prime Minister Jamali desired to unify them for the growth of democracy in these circumstances but his efforts remained profoundly dejected. On the other hand, Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto desired to flourish democracy. That is why, ―Benazir Bhutto had offered General Musharraf a way out, provided, he meets two conditions, a reconciliation satisfying the PPP and the restoration of the 1973 constitution, leading to the revival of democracy‖.90

After Mir Zafar Ullah Jamali stepped down, Shaukat Aziz became the Prime Minister of Pakistan. He welcomed the opposition for negotiation on national issues. Prime Minister Aziz announced more job opportunities and appreciated the reforms of Punjab government. He was an economist and emphasized on economic progress. But Khurram Dastigir Khan had contradictory remarks about Prime Minister Aziz, he Writes,‖ Mr Aziz was supposed to shine in economic policy, particular seeing his banking background, international exposure, and five years as Finance Minister, there was a hope that he would re-think those fundamental issues of Pakistan‘s economy, where he had disappointed the most‖.91 Pakistan economy had been going to deficit since 2004. It was alarming situation for the PML-Q government. That is why; it was paying special heed toward improving economy. Sulman Siddiqi writes in his article The Daily Nation, Lahore, dated December 30, 2004:

State Bank of Pakistan in its first quarterly report for 2005 had predicted that overall real GDP growth was likely to fall in the range of 6.5 to 7.1 per cent during the financial year 2005. Similarly, the prospects for industry also clouded

89 World Infopedia Pakistan Part 2, (New Delhi: Paragun publication, 2007), 573. 90 Editorial, “Bhutto‟s Offer, Daily The Nation, Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi, August 30, 2003. 91Khurram Dastgir Khan, The Prime Minister Speaks, Daily the Nation Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi, November 24, 2004.

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by concerns over the impact of the increased competition in global textile markets post-December 2004-on Pakistan‘s exports. 92

Pakistan‘s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth exceeded 4.5%, industrial growth and phenomenal foreign exchange reserves were comfortable, the government claimed it at that time. Anywhere, the Economic technocrats did not have the same opinion. Pakistan was third world country, which had bad economic condition. The common wealth was focusing on poverty and disaster relief in Pakistan. In the summary, it was stated that both agriculture and industry performed better than anticipated during the initial months of FY05, laying a strong foundation for the economy to exceed the 6.6 per cent real GDP growth target for the year. Consequently, the favourable economic situation facilitated certain social improvement. According to official data, the income of salaried employees and the other population groups were increased; purchasing power of the population grew, ,while the inflation rate, somewhat, dropped. The employment situation was improved, and incidence of poverty decreased, which happened for the first time in the history of Pakistan.93

A process of national reconciliation had commenced during Musharraf‘s regime with highly applauded support of PPP. ―Benazir Bhutto made guarded references praising Musharraf for increasing women representation in legislations and for the October 26, 2004, bill for enhancing punishment for in the name of so-called honour killing.‖94 Hudood ordinance had opened for debate in national assembly. Asif Zardari, the husband of Benazir Bhutto, originally incarcerated by Nawaz Sharif had finally released after eight years on December 22, 2004.95 Pervaiz Musharraf wanted to improve the women condition politically. He empowered women in their lifestyle. He gave them opportunity to find out better way to form their future. For this purpose, ―he established women political school at a cost of $4.3 million to help train women

92 Inflation rate would stem over five per cent target to 7.6 to 8 per cent. It was further stated that outlook for agriculture and industries during the year remains uncertain. Specially, the hopes of achieving the fill year agriculture growth target rests crucially on the wheat harvesting which might be substantially below target due to worsening water supply. [Salman Saddiqi, SPB predicts higher Inflation in 2005, Daily the Nation, Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi, 30 December 2004.] 93 Belokrenitsky and Vladimir, op.cit., 394. 94 M.R.Kazimi, A Concise History of Pakistan,(Karachi: Oxford University Press,2009), 246. 95 Ibid.

169 for political offices. By 2006 about 2,700 women had been trained‖.96 He emphasized on the promotion of education. His team gave a holistic attention on education zone, which had declined worryingly. President General Perviaz Musharraf said, ―We have decided to universalize education, especially for girls, and also focus on adult literacy‖.97 Pakistan economic condition was improving and common people were getting all sorts of economic incentives, especially, the commodities of life accessible and inflation were reducing because of good economic policies of government. According to Government of Pakistan Economic, survey 2005 to 2006:

For the first ten months of the current fiscal years (July-April) 2005-06, the inflation as measured by the consumer price Index (CPI) declined to 8.0% from 9.3% in the same period last year. Food price inflation averaged at 7.0% as compared to 12.8% for the same period last year. Non-food inflation increased to 8.8% versus 6.9% in the comparable period of last year. Core inflation, which excluded food and energy costs from the headline CPI reflected a favourable trend and remained almost at last year‘s level of 7%. The larger contribution toward the overall CPI inflation came from Non-food, House rent, Energy and transport components of CPI. However based on current trend and barring any adverse shocks, it expected that inflation would be within the target of 8% set by the government for the full year.98

Pakistani government increased its credibility by doing this work one billion debt pre-paid to Asian Development Bank (ADB). It was a great achievement of the government to return another $1 billion by the end of year. The government of Japan helped Pakistan for improving economy and number of domestic reforms. It gave 16,400 Million Yen for this purpose.99 This economic panorama is clarifying the picture of economy of the country during those days respectively. However, it was the obligation of government to take control on the deficit budget, so that poverty alleviation could eliminate with the passage of time. On June 6, 2005, the Public Sector Development Programme (PSDP) for the 2005-06 fiscal unfolded by Minister of State by Finance and Planning Omar Ayub

96 Musharraf op.cit., 316. 97 Ibid., 308. 98Government of Pakistan, Economic Survey 2005-2006, (Islamabad: Finance Division, 2006), xxvii. 99 World Infopedia Pakistan Part 2, (New Delhi: Paragun publication, 2007), 573.

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Khan in the National Assembly was pitched at Rs. 272 billion up by Rs. 70 billion against current year‘s Rs. 202 billion showing an increase of 34.7 per cent. The programme already approved of the National Economic Council on May 27, was divided into federal PSDP and provincial PSDP with allocation Rs.204 billion and Rs68 billion, respectively.100 The Second Local Government Elections 2005 were hold in Pakistan during the month of October. There were 53 district seats of Councillors, Nazim and Naib Nazim of Union Council in the first phase of local elections 2005. While 54 district seats of Councillors, Nazims and Naib Nazims of Union Councils in all the four provinces of the country were polled on August 25, 2005.― The Local Government Election 2005 was held in a total of 6048 Union Councils with 3074 Union Councils in Phase-I and in 2974 Union Councils in Phase-II‖.101 Total number of candidates in Local Government Election 2005 was 222,441 against 72,576 seats. This displays that there were 3 competitors per seat in the race. Phase-I had 114,154 candidates while in Phase-II the number of candidates was 108,287.102 The overall number of seats for women in different phases of local government elections reduced from 42101 to 28577 in 2005.103 There was a debate throughout the country on the women seats in these Local bodies‘ elections. ―The findings of the study conducted by the NGO Pattan Development Organization (2006) revealed that the majority of men interviewed were in favour of political quotas for women and supported the idea of women playing a role in politics‖.104

To give analysis, the backwardness of a country assessed from its rate of literacy. The more the illiteracy more the backward the country is. Education is essential for women as for men to ensure the progress of the country. Man and woman are two wheels of the cart of life. If any one of the wheel is defective, the cart cannot move properly. Women form about half of the population of a country. If such a big portion deprived of education, the country will certainly lag behind in the race of

100 Daily Dawn Lahore, June 7, 2005. 101 Pakistan Local Government Election 2005 Fact Sheet September 05, 2005, PLDAT. 102 Pakistan Local Bodies Elections, 18 and 25 August 2005 Report of the Commonwealth Expert Team. 103 Study on Local Bodies System and its Impact on Women, National Commission on the Status of Women, TA 4602-PAK: Institutional Strengthening of NCSW – Support to Implementation of GRAPs, November 2010.p.13.[ http://www.ncsw.gov.pk/previewpublication/14 ] 104 Ibid., 15.

171 progress. There was a time when it said that the educated women become indifferent to their domestic responsibilities, however, that time had passed away. All such doubts have proved false and baseless. The fact is that educated women become all the more dutiful. Women play an important role even in national construction. Without her, the family and national life is not completed. It is because of her that a family comes into existence and flourish. Today, women are working in different professions like education, medicine, Law and politics correspondingly. Similarly, they are performing well in the field democratization.

The second Local Bodies elections (LB) were hold in Pakistan after completing the first tenure. The confusion of law had a marked impact on the turnout of local bodies‘ elections. The MMA lost ground; in Sind PPP received setback in second round of local bodies polls. In second phase, local body‘s election turnout was 48.7per cent. Again, PML-Q allies took lead. PML-Q bagged 79% of seats in Punjab. The PML-Q allies bagged Nazim (Administrator of local government) seats in most districts. Although the Local Government Elections 2005 were holding on non-party basis, but even then, political parties were actively involved in the elections at every stage - selecting candidates, campaigning and polling. After the elections, all parties had also expressed their views on the conduct of elections. The ruling PML-Q and MQM described the local government elections as a genuine democratic exercise, which would strengthen participatory governance, and the federal cabinet described elections as 90 per cent free, fair and transparent with only 8-10 per cent complaints about irregularities. The leading opposition parties disputed these claims and accused the government of using its state power and resources to tilt the balance in favour of candidates of the ruling Pakistan Muslim League (PML).105

In October 2005, earthquake came in the Himalayan area of north Pakistan and Kashmir. It brought a huge devastation in Pakistan. A large number of families became homeless and countless people lost their lives. This catastrophe damaged economic and social sectors of Pakistan. The masses of Pakistan helped the earthquake-affected people with money and necessary commodities of life. The world generously helped Pakistan in this difficult situation. According to EERI Special

105 Pakistan Local Government Election 2005 Fact Sheet September 05, 2005, PLDAT.

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Earthquake report, ―The earthquake affected more than 500,000 families‖.106 On October 26, 2005, ―half billion dollars of fresh aid was pledged to rebuild earthquake- hit Pakistan after a UN fund-raising drive, but emergency cash to help survivors through winter snow fell far short of UN goals‖.107

On December 30, 2005, the parliament committee on Pakistan Council of Research and Water Resource (PCWR) had voiced unanimous support for Bhasha dam‘s immediately construction even as its members from Punjab proposed that Kalabagh Dam should simultaneously constructed with it. The government leaders delivered fiery speeches on Kalabagh issue in national assembly but government remained futile to get unanimous support. Musharraf went to Kalabagh for the feasibility report of dam and the Government gave assurance to international monetary Fund (IMF) to bring down inflation and solve Kalabagh issue. The Sind MPAs again expressed irritation on dam issue. On the other side, PPP held anti-dam protest in Punjab. On December 26, 2005, Sindh‘s ruling party leadership advised President General Musharraf to rearrange priorities on the government‘s dam construction plan by taking up Bhasha dam first and ―a canal-less‖ Kalabagh dam later.108 The Punjab looked for simultaneous work on Kalabagh report placed in senate but all of them agreed on to build Bhasha dam first. On December 30, 2005, President Pervaiz Musharraf said the IMF and other international finical institutions had approved Kalabagh project‘s feasibility‖.109

Kalabagh Dam project had made controversial due to intrigue, deceit and petty politics. Hence, at present moment it was more a political issue than a technical one the solution of the problem would, thus need political approach fully supported with facts and figures, which had badly distorted by the vested interest. If approached properly and suitably the majority of the important politicians of the smaller provinces could be convinced and brought around to support the construction of Kalabagh Dam. Baghliahar Dam was another issue and it had solved on high merit. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had goodwill for solving this problem and he offered to

106 The Kashmir Earthquake of October 8, 2005: Impacts in Pakistan, Islamabad: EERI Special Earthquake Report February 2006. 107Daily Dawn Lahore, October 27, 2005. 108 Ibid., December 27, 2005. 109 Ibid., December 31, 2005.

173 settle differences between Pakistan and India in respect of Baghliahar Hydro Electric project on bilateral basis. Pakistan wanted to resolve this water problem based on “Indus Basin Treaty” which was signed in 1960 between Pakistan and India. Before considering the existing design of project its main scheme may briefly be noted. 110 Article III paragraph (2) of the treaty reads as follows:

India shall be under obligation to let flow all the Waters of Western rivers and shall not permit any interference with these water expect for the uses enumerated, which included generation of hydroelectric power. 111

It is obvious that the uses of waters of the western rivers by Indian have to be strictly in conformity with the provision of the treaty. The pervious one had to interpret in a strict manner to prevent the destroyable fundamental right of Pakistan to receive unrestricted used all the waters of western rivers in exchange, of which it had to forgo its rights to water of three Eastern rivers. Pakistan has endeavoured to satisfy India through strong arguments and with ―Indus Basin Treaty‖ proof but India has always showed the reluctant attitude during any meeting or forum. Pakistan stood firmly on its principle of stance but India always adopted denial attitude, which was condemnable on all forums. Pakistan invited India to have dialogue on this issue but after constant discussions, it remained futile. In fact, India wanted to make its hegemony in the region, which is not acceptable for Pakistan at any cost.

The 112 ‗Charter of Democracy‘ has significant importance in our democratic history. Perhaps the most accurate version is set in Dubai in the late spring of 2002. In April the season was changed in the Emirates , growing hotter day by day, and at the house of Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto the deep freeze in relations between

110 Under the treaty: ―Pakistan had to forgo its rights as lower riparian to about 23 million acre- feet of water flowing previously to it form three Eastern rivers i.e.; Sutlej, Beas, and Ravi so that it ― shall receive for unrestricted use all those Water of the Western rivers which India is under obligation to let flow……‖. [Roos Masood, How to Resolve Bagliarh Dam Issue?, Daily Dawn Lahore, Dawn Economy and Business Review May 9-15, 2005.] 111 Dr.Iqbal Wahla, Kalabagh Dam, Editorial The Nation Lahore, September 22, 2003. 112 The Charter of Democracy was signed by Nawaz Sharif of Pakistan Muslim League and Benazir Bhutto of Pakistan People‘s Party on May 15, 2006 in London. The document, signaling an alliance between two significant political parties of Pakistan, outlines steps to end the military rule established by the 1999 Pakistani coup d'état led by General Pervez Musharraf and restore civilian democratic rule. [For further study the full text of “Charter of Democracy” Please see this website http://www.pak-times.com/2007/12/16/full-text-of-charter-of-democracy/]

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Pakistan two largest political parties was about to thaw. Ishaq Dar and Benazir, along with Aftab Shaban Mirani, were deep in negotiations to achieve a truce between the PPP and the PML (N). The arbitration process was not easy, but in the end, they realized an alliance between the two factions. Before the long-awaited meeting of the principals could take place in Saudi Arabia, there was a flurry of messages between Shaheed Bibi and Dar, followed by extensive intra-party consultation. Eventually, a set of proposals was prepared. Then on 5th February 2005, Benazir arrived at Main Nawaz Sharif‘s residence in Jeddah. Witnesses to this historical summit were Farooq Naiek of PPP and the PML- N‘s Ashan Iqbal. The meeting went well leading to a broad understanding. At the lunch table, Ashan Iqbal suggested that it might be advisable to release a written record of the agreement. Since time was short, Ahsan and Naiek decided to forgo their lunch and compose the press statement. However, both party leaders concurred that a mere declaration of principles would fall somewhat short of the mark. They decided to appoint a four-member committee, consisting of senator Ishaq Dar and MNA Ashan Iqbal from PML-N, and senator Safdar Abbasi and senator Mian Raza Rabbani from the PPP, to prepare a detailed road map for implementing the new record. The committee completed most of the hard work of drafting the document in the office of the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate at the parliament House. Each thought, word and concept had debated, before being revised, and submitted to the respective leadership. There tussle with words and ideas began again, until the committee members returned to parliament House with a new set of concerns to incorporate in the text of their agreement. It was a difficult and long drawn out process, but at the end of the day historic ‗Charter of Democracy‘ had signed in London in 2006. 113 This occasion was a full of thrill and amusement for both parties PML-N and PPP. They knew well, it would do many benefits to the Pakistani society. It would convey us the par-excellence principles of democracy and rule of law. Mian Raza Rabbani writes:

The acrimony between the Pakistan people‘s party and the Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PML-N) had its root in ideology, style of politics and being anti or pro- establishment. These differences had manipulated by the ruling elite to the content that it had converted into a personal witch-hunt. Politics became a matter of personal

113 Main Raza Rabbani, A Biography Of Pakistan Federalism Unity In Diversity, (Islamabad: Leo Book, nd), 130-131.

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enmities, filled with engineered falls from power and fabricated court cases. So poisonous had the atmosphere turned that the cadres at the local level did not even socialise. To ensure that the two major parties found no common ground, political arrests and detention restored too. In this charge atmosphere, Benazir rode a grounds well of popular support for accommodation and reconciliation.114

Mian Raza Rabbani expressed two parties‘ differences. He admitted that PPP and PML-N have ideological differences. That‘s why, it was difficult to show reciprocal both parties especially on constitutional or democratic documentations. He clarified that Mohtarma Shaheed Benazir Bhutto had supported it with full vigour and enthusiastic approach. She desired to flourish democracy in its innovative and individual stimulation. She put forward the message of reconciliation and sharing of doctrines of their political parties with each other in democratic system without unflinching attitude. Moreover, she had feverish striving and suffered in silence before and after comfort, which gave her familiarity among the people of the world, entitled with charismatic leader. It may be useful to say that Mohtarma Shaheed Benazir Bhutto had created this idea and it is proof of her proficiency in the field of democratization. Mian Raza Rabbani considers Charter of Democracy document as a masterpiece of Pakistan democratic history. Therefore, it is given the significance like ―Magna Carta‖ in Pakistan.

On December 2, 2006, the government assigned a new task to the National Reconstruction Bureau (NRB) to conceive a strategic agenda aimed at establishing genuine democracy with sustained and durable good governance in the country.115 It was necessary for the betterment of democracy in third world countries like Pakistan. Besides all these issues, economic problems had stood firmly because it directly unified with human being, especial with third world countries where the majority of people were living miserable life. Thus, it was deepest urge of time to make progress and enhance our economic sectors. Government Pakistan Economic survey 2006-2007 had given this statistics:

During the first ten months (July –April) of the current fiscal year 2006-07, the average inflation rate as measured by the change in consumer prices index (CPI)

114 Ibid. 115 Daily Dawn Lahore, December 03, 2006.

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stood at 7.9 per cent compared with 8.0 per cent last year. Food inflation during this period increased to 10.2 per cent from 6.9 per cent in the same period last year whereas the non-food inflation had estimated at 6.2 per cent against 8.8 per cent in the comparable period of last year.116

This economic survey indicates that the ratio of poverty alleviation had sustained. It had reduced with minor statistical figure, which was alarming for the government, social activists and NGOs. The government representatives, who were working on this task, became failure to execute it properly. The government launched so many programmes to put an end to poverty. Funds had provided but unfortunately not spent on it properly. Rather, these funds snapped up in form of corruption. As Such, poor are poorer and rich are richer. It is scratchy question, why our politicians claim to eradicate poverty in the country. Notwithstanding, they need to set apart a few hours daily to help the needy and poor people so that there could be justice with them. Eventually, their standards of living could improve and they become prosperous and able to understand democracy and take part in democratization. Musharraf government measures had applauded in this respect. He put full attention to reduce poverty. However, it was other debate that how much he get in shape of success. In other words, although he focused on this issue sympathetically yet even his grim struggle could not acquire requisite result.

General Musharraf suspended Chief justice of Supreme Court Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chudhary on charge of misconduct. A reference against the Chief justice was send to the Supreme Court judicial Council seeking his dismissal from service for misconduct and gross misuse of authority. A number of charges have formed against Chief justice. The government produced authentic evidences on the charges, for the removal of Chief Justice. ―President General Pervaiz Musharraf appointed Justice Rana Bhagwan Das the senior most judge of Supreme Court of Pakistan after Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chudhary as acting Chief justice of Pakistan‖.117 On 20 June, the Supreme Court, overturning Musharraf‘s decision to dismiss him, ruled to reinstate Iftikhar Chudhary as the Chief justice.118 In September 2007, former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif decided to return to Pakistan. He had left home in 2000, as he had

116 Government of Pakistan, Economic Survey 2006-2007, (Islamabad: Finance Division, 2007), .xxxi. 117 Daily The News Lahore, Edition, March 23, 2007. 118 Belokrenitsky and Moskalenko, op.cit., 403.

177 pardoned by General Musharraf and sent abroad. Though he agreed to abstain from political activity for the next ten years, he resumed it while abroad much earlier. Nawaz Sharif announced his decision at a press conference in London on 8th September 2007. The following day, he flew to Islamabad in the company of members of his party, the PML-N and journalists. Nawaz Sharif thought that Supreme Court‘s decision made on 23rd August 2007, that he has an inalienable right to arrive and stay in Pakistan, as a citizen, it was sufficient guarantee for him to return.119

Presidential elections were hold in October 2007. Former Supreme Court judge Wajhuddin Ahmed contested the presidential elections against Musharraf. Musharraf obtained 57% out of 1170 votes of the parliament and four provincial assemblies. Prime Minister Aziz while commenting on Musharraf victory said that the astounding victory of Musharraf indicated that the people of Pakistan want continuity. 120General Musharraf again proclaimed emergency on November 3, 2007. ―With the imposition of emergency, the political situation in the country changed. There were wide scale agitation and protests against emergency. The opponents of Musharraf vehemently demanded that the state of emergency might ended. Political activists, Journalists, Lawyers and members of civil society were arrested‖.121 President Musharraf took oath of Civilian President on November 29, 2007 for his second 5 years presidential term a day after he stepped down as Chief of Army Staff. Chief Justice Abdul Hamid Dogger administrated the oath from President Pervaiz Musharraf.122 Moreover, General Ashfaq Perviaz Kayyni took the oath as a new Chief of Army Staff of Pakistan respectively.

It was news around the political spheres about the deal between Benazir Bhutto and President Musharraf. The negotiation between Benazir and Pervaiz Musharraf began in Dubai. Benazir Bhutto writes, ―Much to my surprise, the meeting was both long and cordial. We had a one-to-one meeting for several hours. I brought up all the critical political issues, the contentious issues, and General Musharraf‘s response to all of them was positive‖.123 Finally, a deal between Musharraf and

119 Ibid., 404. 120 Rabbani 2011, op.cit., 300. 121 Ibid., 307. 122 Ibid., 311. 123 Benazir Bhutto, Reconciliation Islam, Democracy, and the West (London: Simon & Schuster, 2008), 227.

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Benazir had struck. A National Re-conciliation Ordinance (NRO) had promulgated by which all corruption cases against Benazir Bhutto, Asif Ali Zardari and PPP prominent men were to be withdrawn.124 Eventually, Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto returned to Pakistan for the restoration of judiciary, rule of law and democratization.

The Lawyers, civil society and media agitated on the issue of restoration of judiciary. PPP and ―Alliance for Restoration of Democracy‖ (ARD) workers were arrested and put into the jails. Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto condemned the arrest of PPP and ARD workers in the country in connection with the demonstration against the assault on the ―Independence Day‖. On the other hand, the Lawyer‘s movement was on the peak, everybody desired to work out free and independent judiciary. The political temperature was high due to forthcoming elections 2008. All political parties prepared their political agendas, list of names of the candidates and seats adjustment under consideration for the elections. It was considered that after so-called democratic regime, these political exercises would create a new political scenario in Pakistani democratic culture.

124 Rabbani 2011, op.cit., 305.

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Chapter 6

6.1 Revitalization and Futuristic Democracy in Pakistan

The Civilian President Musharraf was likely to face tough opposition from some political parties i.e. PML-N, MMA and Tehrik-e-Insaaf who had rejected him even without the uniform.1 However, Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto returned to Pakistan for restoration of democracy and her political dice. Similarly, Mian Nawaz Sharif got opportunity to come to Pakistan. Benazir Bhutto when made a deal with Musharraf in Dubai, she clarified, ―I plan my return from exile to less yet another campaign. I pray that the democratic world will demand that General Musharraf provides the standards of fair and free election; allow all political personalities and parties to freely contest them; all international on servers to monitor the balloting and counting, and above all, abide by the outcome‖.2 She knew well about the significance of this meeting, when she came back, there was a triumphant gleam in her eyes. To her, ―I know it sounds idealistic, and to some unrealistic, but after all these years. I still maintain my faith about that time, justice and the forces of history sat on the side of democracy‖.3 Benazir Bhutto had been elected Prime Minister of Pakistan twice but she could not accomplish her tenure due to inappropriate political circumstances. The political activities had commenced and elections 2008 put in enthusiastic approach in all political parties. The PML-N predicted about rigging in elections but Musharraf responded very positively, there would be no sign of rigging in elections. The lawyers, Civil Society and media were agitating on the issue of restoration of judiciary. On the other hand, government commenced crackdown against its political rivals for stopping their activities against government. Therefore, PPP and ―Alliance for Restoration of Democracy‖ (ARD) workers were arrested and put into the jails. Mohtarma Shaheed Benazir Bhutto condemned the arrested PPP and ARD workers in the country in connection with the protest demonstration against the assault on the Independence Day. In Punjab Lawyer, movement was on the peak, everybody desired to work out free and independent judiciary. President General Musharraf, baptized the Kind Party

1 M. Ikram Rabbani, Pakistan Studies, (Lahore: Carvan Books, 2011), 311. 2 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of The East, An Autobiography, (New York: Simon & Schuster 2007), 431. 3 Ibid.

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distinguished leaders like Chudhary Shujaat Hussain and Chudhary Perviaz Ellahi in Punjab, and got MQM support from Sindh to fulfil his programme.

Mian Nawaz Sharif was busy in his election campaign. The PML-N held several processions on different places of the country. Similarly, Benazir Bhutto addressed the large number of political processions. Her party workers worked diligently day and night for the achievement of public opinion in their favour. Whereas both parties needed to seat adjustment, they looked agreed with each other. After the assassination of Benazir Bhutto in December 2007, polls held in a very tense environment. The PPP won 113, PML (N) 84 and PML (Q) 55 National Assembly seats.4

Table I/VI

Elections Result National Assembly 2008

Party wise NA Results PPP PML(N) PML(Q) MQM MMA ANP PML(F) Others Independence Total 87 66 38 19 03 10 04 04 27 258 Party wise Punjab PA Results PPP PML(N) PML(Q) MQM MNA ANP PML(F) Others Independence Total 78 101 66 00 02 00 03 00 35 285 Party wise NWFP PA Results PPP PML(N) PML(Q) MQM MMA ANP PML(F) Others Independence Total 17 05 06 00 9 31 00 05 18 91 Party wise Sindh PA Results PPP PML(N) PML(Q) MQM MMA ANP PML(F) Others Independence Total 65 00 09 38 00 02 03 07 01 125 Party wise Baluchistan PA Results PPP PML(N) PML(Q) MQM MMA ANP PML(F) Others Independence Total 07 00 17 00 06 01 00 05 10 46

Source: Elections Results 2008 Commission of Pakistan Islamabad.

PPP and PML (N) had reached a power sharing agreement at the centre and the provinces. Initially PML (N) was reluctant to join the coalition at the centre, but on Zardari‘s insistence, PML (N) agreed to join coalition with PPP and ANP. PPP agreed to join the coalition in Punjab with PML (N). On March 17, 2008, the session of the National Assembly held for the oath taking of Assembly members. PPP nominated Dr. Fahmida Mirza a bright woman and daughter of Qazi Abdul Majeed Abid former Minister of Zia Cabinet for the office of the speaker National Assembly. She became the first ever woman speaker of the National Assembly. Faisal Karim Kundi of PPP

4 Daily Dawn Lahore, February 20, 2008.

181 was nominated for the office of deputy speaker. Dr. Fehmida Mirza had been elected speaker on 19 March 2008. She received 249 votes against her opponent Sardar Israr Tareen of PML-Q who got 70 votes. Faisal Karim Kundi was elected Deputy Speaker. He got 246 votes against his opponent Ms. Khushbakht Shujaat of MQM who received 68 votes. The PPP nominated syed Yousaf Raza Gillani as a candidate for the office of Prime Minister on March 22, 2008. He had been elected prime Minister on March 24, 2008, with 264 votes. His opponent Chuadhri Pervaiz Elahi could poll only 42 votes. Syed Yousaf Raza Gilliani as a Prime Minister issued his first order to release, all too deposed judges detained in their houses. Prime Minister Gillani took oath of the office of prime Minister on 25 March 2008. He obtained a unanimous vote of confidence from the National Assembly (NA).5

The PPP government wanted the impeachment of Musharraf. To fulfil the government‘s desires, ―On August 18, 2008, addressing the nation on Television and Radio announced his resignation from the office of president on order to avoid the humiliation of the impeachment process. On his resignation, Senate Chairman Muhammad Mian Soomro took over as the acting President‖. 6 With the resignation of President Perviaz Musharraf, full Civilian rule was restored in Pakistan. Now Presidential election was held in Pakistan due to Musharraf resignation, for this purpose, the PML-Q decided to put up long stand Musharraf loyalist, Senator Mushahid Hussain as its candidate. The PML-N turned to the former Supreme Court Justice Saeed-ur-Zamman Siddiqui. Both men campaigned vigorously, despite the fact that Asif Ali Zardari was considered the overwhelming favourite to secure the support of the elections from the provincial assemblies and the national parliament.7 Zardari was the candidate of the PPP for the presidency and was supported by the MQM (Muttahida Qaaumi Movement). Zardari won the elections by securing a majority of 481 out of total 702 votes in the Electoral College. 8 He administrated the oath and commenced his work in the belief that he would overcome all problems with the help of democratic doctrine and approach.

5 Rabbani, 2011, op.cit., 314-315. 6 Hamid Khan, Constitutional And Political History of Pakistan,(Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2009), 720 7 Khan op.cit., 720. 8 Ian Talbot, Pakistan A Modern History, (New Delhi: Foundation Book, 2009),438.

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This political progress in Pakistan paved the way for the reinstatement of parliamentary democracy rendering to its true spirit and the commitment made in historic ―Charted of Democracy‖ (COD). The mechanism of an elected government by the popular vote had completed transition to democracy after ten years of military dictatorship. This presidential election made strong position of PPP and gave opportunity to PPP to pick out its own candidate for grip on sway. For this purpose, its workers did not work hard because polls indicated its domination. Zardari was a controversial personality but in spite of all these marred qualities, nation acknowledged him as President of Pakistan with broad-mind.

Table II/VI Presidential Elections Results 2008 Asif Zardari Saeeduzzaman Mushahid Hussain Actual Votes Electoral votes Actual votes Electoral votes Actual votes Electoral votes Parliament 281 281 111 111 34 34 Baluchistan 59 59 02 02 02 02 NWFP 107 107 10 05 03 02 Sindh 162 63 00 00 00 00 Punjab 123 22 204 35 36 06

Total votes Polled: 772 481 324 153 75 44 Source: Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political history of Pakistan, (Karachi: Oxford University Press,2009).726.

Now Pakistan‘s long voyage to democratic association was established to move in a new period. Democracy had restored after long time, it was obligation of politicians to maintain democratic values and tried to send message of democracy to grass-root level in this critical time, whenever genuine democracy was waiting for prevailing lanes and alleys. It was pleasure for all democratic forces that they had opportunity to strengthen democracy with working diligently, earnestly and honestly. On the other side, PPP and PML-N agreed to pull on together but they had ideological differences. After long conversation, both parties made their framework in which they looked that the democracy had given survival to form a coalition government. Ian Talbot commented:

Musharraf fate was sealed when Nawaz Sharif agreed to join Zardari‘s coalition government. While the cooperation between them was short-lived, they were able to demand the President‘s impeachment with a reasonable expectation that

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they could muster the necessary two-thirds majority in the National Assembly and Senate to pass an impeachment resolution. Musharraf pre-empted this process by announcing his resignation on 18th August. He maintained that the charge against him was false and that this decision was prompted by the need of the national unity. 9

The country was passing through political and judicial predicaments, which had made a storm in the judiciary teacup. Musharraf proceeded against judiciary provided the opposition and lawyers opportunity to assert the contrary Musharraf‘s policies. He took these steps in this context that he would be capable of controlling his rivalries easily but the consequences were quite the reverse of what he had desired. The suspension of Chief justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chudhary, who did not shy away from taking on cases that challenged the government had set off immense controversy and threatened the spiral into a constitutional crisis, according to lawyers and analyst, ―Thousands of lawyers across the country have boycotted court proceeding staged hunger strikes and organized protests. A growing wave of public sympathy has swelled behind Chudhary‖.10

The coalition partners PPP and PML-N decided to restore deposed judges including Chief justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chudhary. These judges had deposed on November 3, 2007, because they refused to take oath under Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO), allegedly issued by the former President Musharraf. It had been decided to restore the judges within 30 days of the formation of the federal government. This agreement called Murree agreement signed by Nawaz Sharif, head of PML-N and Asif Ali Zardari PPP Co-Chairperson.11 The text of the Muree Declaration is as under:

1- Allied parties, the Pakistan people‘s party and the Pakistan Muslim League (N) resolve to form a coalition government for giving a practical shape to the mandate, which was given to the democratic forces by the people of Pakistan on 18th February 2008; 2- This has been decided in today‘s summit between the PPP and the PML- (N) that the deposed judges would be restored, on the position as they were

9 Ian Tabot, Pakistan a New History,(Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2012),198. 10 Furor Over Musharraf‘s Suspension of Pakistan Chief Justice, The New York Times, Published 15/03/2007. 11 Rabbani, 2011, op.cit., 315-316.

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on 2nd November 2007, within 30 days of the formation of the federal government through a parliament resolution; 3- The parties agreed that all the allied parties would fully support the candidate for the opposition of the Prime Minister should be such a person who can take ahead the common agenda of the allied parties; 4- The parties agreed that the Speaker and deputy Speaker of the national assembly would be from the PPP while the Speaker and deputy Speaker of Punjab assembly would be from the PML (N); 5- Both parties agreed that the PML (N) would be a part of the federal government while the PPP would be a part of the Punjab government; 6- This is the solid opinion of the leadership of both the parties that the allied parties are ready for forming the governments and the sessions of the national and provincial assemblies be summoned immediately.12

On the other hand, PPP took this matter reluctantly; its prominent leaders went back from promise to restore the judiciary with prompt administrated Order. A rigid relation had erected between PML (N) and PPP and they drew a red line between them. Both political parties had divergent stance on this merit. The gulf of opinion had been extending day by day. The black coats revolution started from February 18, 2008, after the dawn of the democratic era, the lawyer‘s movement and struggle of the deposed judges entered a critical phase. On the judicial front, the lawyer‘s movement and the deposed judges contributed towards the following remarkable and historic achievements.

In view of the Murree-Bhurban declaration and the Islamabad declaration, the majority of parliamentarian parties made a public commitment that all the deposed judges would restore to November 2, 2007, position through a simple parliamentary resolution followed by an executive order. In short, the restoration of the deposed judges and the reversal of the unconstitutional actions of November 03, 2007, became the central political project of the PPP-PML (N) coalition government. The detained and deposed judges and lawyers had released. There was a political consensus that on

12 Khan, op.cit., 715.

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November 03, 2007, the actions were unconstitutional and for the first time in the history of Pakistan. Around 50,000 protesters from around the country converged.13

The Political differences had increased between PPP and PML-N because of obstinate attitude of PPP leaders. On the other hand, Zardari‘s attitude was close volume to all political forces, which merged in lawyer‘s movement for restoration of judiciary. That is why, the supporters of restoration of judiciary resumed a Long March against PPP government. The participants of the Long March included a large number of Lawyers, political workers from PML-N, Tehreek-e-Insaf (TI) and Tehreek-e-Khaksar. A large number of traders‘ members of civil society and people from other occupations took part in the long March. The long march had conducted during June 2008; they gathered a huge momentum when it reeled all the way from Karachi to Islamabad via Multan and Lahore. The marchers gathered in Islamabad, in front of the Parliament House, conducted a daylong public meeting, emphasizing upon their demands and dispersed peacefully and went back to their respective cities. Since then a continuous struggle is going on without any obvious signs of the restoration of the judges. As the riots and protests were held in the summer, the intense heat resulted in numerous deaths and hospital admissions, nearly all of which were minor lawyers and their family members travelling either on foot or in non-air-conditioned cars.14

On the other side, the disagreements between Nawaz Sharif and Asif Ali Zardari over the judiciary at the national level affected Punjab politics where the PPP was a junior partner in the government headed by Shahbaz Sharif. Months of raising the tensions saw President Zardari blunder in imposing Governor‘s rule in Punjab in February 25, 2009, following the Supreme Court‘s disqualification of the Sharif brothers from holding office.15 The long March ended in utter confusion. The participant wanted to stage the sit in until the Pre- November judiciary was restored. However, Chudhary Aitzaz Ahsan, the President of the Supreme Court Bar, in consultation with Nawaz Sharif, abruptly abandoned the ―Dharna”. This decision

13 Daud Munir, Middle East Research and Information project, http://www.merip. org/mer/mer251/struggling-rule-law. 14 Khan Fiqir, Fakhrul Islam and Shahid Hassan Razvi, The Lawyer Movement For Judicial Independence In Pakistan: A Case Study Of Musharraf Regime, Vol: 2 N0,2 (Oyama, Japan: Leena and Luna international, May 2013), 355, 15 Talbot, 2012, op.cit., 212.

186 adversely affected lawyers‘ movement. The lawyer‗s sacrifices for the restoration of judges appeared to have been doomed on the eve of victory. 16

On March 15, 2009, in a dramatic development, the government agreed to reinstate the deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chudhary who, along with nearly 50 judges had unceremoniously sacked by the then President and army Chief General Pervez Musharraf, almost two years ago.17 On March 16, 2009, as victors celebrated a judicial revolution, the culmination in restoration of deposed judges through people‘s power, the way seemed cleared for one in parliament as well to empower the legislature. 18 It was a good decision of the PPP government. The political workers, Lawyers, Civil Society, Media and Human Commission celebrated the restoration of judiciary. It was a victory of democracy.

In democracy, everybody has equal rights but here both parties were busy in making political scoring. Now democracy had restored after a long period. However, it regretted that both of them considered themselves formidable powers in political arena of Punjab. The past course of events was a lesson for them. They knew well, how did the democracy devastated in the past due to their political enmity. Hence, it was a need of the time that both parties should cooperate with each other in a political ground so that democracy could easily flourished and all contentious issues facing the country could be resolved through dialogue. As Edmund Burke said, ―Every prudent act was founded on compromise and barter‖.19

The flood not only necessitated a huge rescue and relief operation but also, according to economic commentators threatened to undermine Pakistan‘s halting recovery from the 2009 recession. Some estimates that were up to 2 percentage points could take off the projected growth rate in GDP of 4.5 per cent. In addition to the damage to an already weak infrastructure and the worsening of the power supply situation, standing crops of rice and cotton had destroyed in Punjab and Sindh. In Punjab alone, over 1.6 million acres of crops had inundated. 20 On the other hand, the

16 Rabbani, op.cit.,323. 17 Daily Dawn Lahore,16 March 2009. 18 Ibid., March 17, 2009. 19 Editorial ―In The Interest of Democracy‖ Daily The Pakistan Times, Lahore, January 11, 1993. 20 Talbot, 2012 op.cit., 205.

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IMF mission in mid-July 2010, led by the Assistant Director for Middle East and Central Asia, Adnan Mazeri, expressed concern over uncontrolled expenditure, rising inflation, slow revenue reforms and poor performance in the power sector.21 This affected unfavorably on the textile industry, which is crucial to Pakistan‘s exports. The slowing down in growth of GDP has occurred at the time of a youth bulge in the population which has generated additional labour demands, with an annual increase at around 2.4 per cent in the working-age population. It seems clear that without a return to high rates of growth in the years ahead, Pakistan will face a growing crisis not just of poverty and unemployment but also of radicalization of its youth. 22

American government gave economic assistance in the name of promotion of democracy in a form of Kerry-Lugar Bill. It was introduced by Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman John F. Kerry and ranking republican Richard Lugar, through which Pakistan would acquire economic assistance of 1.5 billion US$ per year and 7.5 billion US$ over the next five years. It was an aid package for social sector development to help stabilize Pakistan. The bill was passed by the U.S. congress on Sept 24, 2009, and signed into law by President Obama on October 15, 2009. 23 On the other side, In Pakistan on October 14, 2009 Senators, taking part in a debate on the Kerry Lugar bill in the upper house of parliament asserted the bill in its present form could not be endorsed.24 The masses of Pakistan rejected it and riots broke out against in it the whole country. The opposition opposed it intensely and boycotted assembly proceeding over KLB. Similarly, in a research paper, Center for Policy and Media Studies Islamabad dated November 4, 2009, commented:

The KLB has become a critical issue in Pakistan. It got extreme criticism and less-echo in favour. Its language, checks and balances, the U.S. influence over the state institutions and requirement of certification on the utilization of aid are the causes of concern.25

Eventually, US were to dilute some conditions in Kerry-Lugar bill. It was said an explanatory note attached to the enhanced partnership with Pakistan. However,

21 Ibid., 204. 22 Ibid., 205. 23 Abul Baqi, Kerry Lugar Law, (Islamabad: Centre For Policy Media Studies, November 2009),4. 24 Daily Dawn Lahore, October 14, 2009. 25 Baqi, op.,cit. 4.

188 some analysts have expressed their doubts on Kerry-Lugar Bill another attempt to seek control over Pakistan under the garb of economic assistance. They believed that the Kerry-Lugar Bill was itself problematic for Pakistan. Dr. Shireen M. Mazari told about Kerry Lugar Bill ―The USA continues to put forward the mantra of ―do more‖. Such certification would put our security forces under US pressure for a decade at least. The Kerry Lugar Bill has also attached conditional ties with respect of rule of law, independence judiciary and democracy. The Kerry Lugar Bill also provides $5million to US ambassador in Pakistan to provide ―Critical need development or humanitarian assistant, which is meant to buy loyalties and enable the US ambassador to interfere in Pakistan domestic affairs‖.26 As contrary, Abdul Sattar has diverged opinion on Kerry Lugar Bill. He considered it economic assistance for Pakistan‘s development projects and democracy. To make note on it, he mentioned:

The enhanced partnership with Pakistan Act, 2009, provided for increase in economic assistance from $600 million a year, under the 2004 law to $ 1.5 billion a year for the next five years, the fruit of years of efforts by prominent senators including Barrack Obama, this unprecedented increase in grant aid was an impressive gesture.27

During the 2010 floods, after noting that many corruption-wary citizens had decided to bypass the prime minister‘s flood relief fund in favour of local religious organizations, even the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) commissioned Transparency International (TI) to follow and report on the fate of its bilateral flood aid.28 Abdul Sattar praised USA endeavors for the flood-affected people, which relief largely depended upon USA aid. He writes, ―The United State also extended generous assistance for flood relief in 2010‖.29

26 Shireen M. Mazari, Kerry-Lugar Bill Still Seeking Control over Pakistan, News International, May 6, 2009. 27Abdul Sattar, Pakistan‟s Foreign Policy 1947-2012, A Concise History,(Karachi: Oxford University Press:2013),272. 28 Rob Crilly, ―US Hotline to Tackle Aid Fraud in Pakistan,‖ Daily Telegraph, November 30, 2010; Ahmed Rashid, ―Pakistan‘s Troubles Start to Stack Up Ominously,‖ British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), October 7, 2010. In September 2010, the Pakistan branch of Transparency International (TI) signed a five-year, $2.9 million contract with USAID to act as a clearinghouse for corruption complaints. The move came after international donors and UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon warned that Pakistan‘s transparency efforts regarding flood relief were insufficient. 29 Abdul Sattar, Pakistan‟s Foreign Policy 1947-2012, A Concise History,(Karachi: Oxford University Press:2013),272.

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The Federal and Provincial governments and through Presidential order vide S.R.O. 693(5)/2009 dated 24 July 2009, the Seventh National Finance Commission was reconstituted to make recommendations, among other matters, on the distribution of net proceeds of specified taxes between the federation and province. The divisible pool consisted of the following taxes collected by federal government : Income Tax; Wealth tax; Capital values tax; Tax on sales and purchases of goods imported , exported produced , manufactured or consumed ; Export duty on cotton; Custom duties , Federal Excise duties excluding Excise duty on gas charged at wellhead ; and any either tax that may be levelled by federal government. The Finance Minister Shukat Tareen chaired the 7th.National Finance Commission (NFC). It composed of Provincial finance ministers and one nominee each from four provinces. Fasih Uddin commented on seventh (7th. ) NFC award in this way:

The Commission examined the issues in depth and finally arrived at consensus recommendations. A unique feature of the deliberations was the involvement of the provincial Chief Minister in the negotiations, which facilitated a great deal in ironing out the difference and arriving at consensus. The NFC Report had signed in a ceremony attended by the Prime Minister and Chief Minister at Gwadar on December 31, 2009. It could consider a landmark in Pakistan‘s financial history, with far-reaching Implication for Federation-province reasons. The president approved the recommendations which were first notified in president‗s Order No.4 of March 18, 2010 and later repealed and replaced by President‘s Order No.5 May 10, 2010, effective from July 1, 2010, for a period of five years (2011-15).30

On April 14, 2010, a standing committee of national accountability approved the draft of a bill to replace the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) with powerful National Accountability Commission (NAC) to hold accountable public office without expectation.31 Prime Minister proved his loyalty with President Zardari, when on October 9, 2010, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani distanced himself from the process of appointment of a Chief of the National Accountability Bureau (NAB), affirming that it was prerogative of President Asif Ali Zardari to make appointment.32

30 Fasih Uddin, Analyzing 7th NFC Award and Its Implications, Current Affairs, Digest, (Lahore: A.H.Publishers, October , 2010), 53. 31 Daily Dawn Lahore, April 15, 2010 32 Ibid., October 10, 2010.

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Benazir income support programme (BISP) had showed an effective measure of the government to provide relief to the helpless and poor people. Poverty alleviation was not a new problem for the country like Pakistan. We can get rid of poverty through making good economic policies. PPP endeavours were marvellous in this respect. It was the manifesto of PPP to give incentive to masses and improve the economic condition of the masses because democratic awareness comes when economic condition would better in each respect.

On April 29, 2010, Thmphu (Bhutan) Pakistan and Indian agreed to revive, without any precondition the stalled dialogue when their prime ministers met for the first direct talks in nine months on the side-lines of the 16th SAARC Summit. Both sides termed the meeting between Yusuf Raza Gillani and Dr. Manmohan Singh ―very positive.33 It was pleasure that both countries agreed to accept Combine Building Measures (CBM) for peace in the region. They approved to extend trade and reciprocation process.

The PPP government had full confidence in its economic programme, which brought into notice all economic matters in unconventional way. However, a deficit budget with a total quantum of Rs. 3,259 billion was announced for the next financial year and a 50 per cent increase in salaries of government employees with no new custom duty on any product. Dr. Abdul Hafeez Sheikh said:

Total revenue receipts have projected at Rs 2574 billion translating into fiscal deficit of Rs. 685 billion or four per cent of GDP. The gross federal revenues have projected at 2411; billion rupees revenue collection by the federal board of Revenue (FBR) projected at Rs 1667 billion, which accounts for 9.8 per cent of tax-to-GDP ratio. An amount of Rs. 1033 billion will be transferred to the province under the 7th NFC Award compared to Rs 655 billion during the current year. 34

It was a usual debate in the country that the PPP government was laying great stress on improving economic condition by using economic democratic principles as a tool. It was hoped, if a government got well with its economic treatment, it regarded it to be the greatest healer for the masses. However, this endeavour had proved another

33 Ibid., April 30, 2010. 34 Daily The News International, Lahore, edition, June 6, 2010.

191 routine provision from the democratic PPP government. This budget was extremely criticised by the opposition. But this budget revenue was appreciated by the economists; therefore, the Parliament of Committee on Constitutional Reforms (PCCR) also reviewed NEC whose jurisdiction had to give the proper recommendations to the government with respect to improve the economic condition of the state.35

The eighteenth amendment, the most significant of the constitutional legislation, demonstrated the potential of a democratic process when ruling and opposition parties support a common reform agenda over obstructionism. The PPP had prepared a draft bill in 2008 that it said was open to debate and revision. Instead of introducing that version, which many considered too weak, 40 the ruling party opted for discussion, political bargaining and revision, finally presenting a revised draft in 2010 that had buy-in from all the mainstream parties. Both houses of parliament unanimously approved the amendment in April of that year.36 It was great achievement of PPP and comprehensively dealt with the matter of balance of power at the Centre. It had set the direction for Pakistan on the track of democratic federal parliamentary system, which was necessary for sustainability of democratic norms. The framers of the amendment under the leadership of Senator Mian Raza Rabbani visualized a stable and balanced parliamentary democracy for the future of Pakistan.

The National Reconciliation ordinance (NRO) had become controversial issue in Pakistan; all political parties, especially PPP were getting partial incentive through this ordinance. Therefore, NRO case was proceeding in Supreme Court. The Supreme Court had argued before seventy member larger bench of Supreme Court against the legality of NRO.37 It was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of Pakistan on December 16, 2009.38 Later, PPP government requested Supreme Court to give review on its verdict. On October 11, 2010, the Supreme Court of Pakistan snubbed the federal government by rejecting its request to postpone the hearing of its

35 Anwar Shah, The 18th Constitutional Amendment: Glue or Solvent for Nation Building and Citizenship in Pakistan, The Lahore Journal of Economics, September 17, 2012, 387–392. 36 International Crisis Group Report, Parliament‟s Role In Pakistan democratic Transition, (Brussels Blgium: September, 18, 2013), 10. 37 Daily Time, Lahore, December 10, 2009. 38Fasil Siddiqi, The NRO Mystery, Daily Dawn Internet Edition, December 31, 2011. https://www.dawn.com/news/684586

192 review petition against the court verdict declaring the NRO illegal.39 This matter created contempt and bred antagonistic approach between PPP government and Supreme Court of Pakistan.

On October 21,2010, In what had been billed as a landmark verdict that might further bring down the political temperature in the country, the Supreme Court referred to parliament a new mechanism for appointment of superior court judges introduced under Article 175-A of the 18th Amendment.40 For the carrying out this issue, the PCCR recommended for setting up of a judicial commission under article 175 -A for the said appointments.41 It had decided that the judicial commission would process the name to a special parliamentary committee for the parliamentary approval. The committee consisted of eight members equally accommodating both the houses Senate and National Assembly along with government and opposition members would confirm judicial appointments. The committee after confirmation of names would move it to President for appointment of judges.42 The connection of parliamentary committee in the process of appointment in judiciary also approves the sovereignty of the parliament in this respect.

The National Assembly and Senate passed 19th Amendment Bill. The 19th Constitutional Amendment Bill had its roots in the landmark 18th Amendment. The earlier Amendment was a crucial document that almost cleansed the constitution of Pakistan of the sham provisions introduced by military dictators. It was a milestone in our civil history because it restored the balance of powers among the President, the Parliament and the Prime Minster. It marked a paradigm shift from an overreaching centre to strong and stable provinces. For the first time in Pakistan‘s political history, we witnessed provincial autonomy and the transfer of ownership of natural resources. The entire process had completed in the span of one year, as stipulated in the constitution.43 It was a positive move towards to strengthen democracy and democratic institutions. Zardari government got full support from army and had

39 Daily Dawn Lahore, October 12, 2010. 40 Ibid., October 22, 2010. 41 The Report on the Constitutional (Eighteenth) Amendment Bill, 2010,(Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional Reforms, National Assembly of Pakistan), Article 175-A. 42 Ibid. 43 Main Raza Rabbani, A Biography Of Pakistan Federalism Unity In Diversity, (Islamabad: Leo Book, nd), 277.

193 intention that military should work under democratic institution like a subordinate institution in which he remained successful in a great extent. Perhaps, he was accomplished politicians; therefore, he knew how he could take advantage in political arena without any hesitation. However, Stephen Cohen analysed Asif Ali Zardari‘s government performance in this way:

The Zardari government, for all of its obvious problems, has put Pakistan on this path and other mainstream parties have not obstructed these changes. The process seems to have settled into a game of one-step forward, followed by one-step backward, or perhaps a hop sideways. A recent clever scorecard of gains and losses comes out to about zero. The parties have resisted turning to the military for support, as they did time and time in the past. They appear to have learned that it is better to play by the rules of the game and continue to tolerate each other rather than risk destabilizing the system, and losing power to the military for another decade. However, democratic institutionalization also needs a military committed to a subordinate role in a democratic framework. 44

In the next, the mixed of Musharraf‘s nearly nine years on office was reflected by the jubilant celebration of political opponents and civil society groups, while the responses of the business class and many ordinary citizens were muter. It might have been this along with an undoubted patriotism, which later raised his ambition for a possible return to the political stage through the vehicle of a new party, the All- Pakistan Muslim League (APML).45 By the time, it appeared an oasis of relative stability and efficient governance following the chaos and insecurity of the Zardari years. Memories are short in politics, so Musharraf‘s moves have not greeted with the condemnation, which had accompanied his departure for the political scene.46

The Nation reported, ―tax evasion has been estimated at [$8.1 billion], which was almost half the total collected and roughly equivalent to the country‘s annual deficit.‖47 It was concerned for the country economic sector because tax play vital role to reduce deficit of budget on any country of the world, though Pakistan was facing these circumstances since 1947, which was not taken notice by any government till

44 Stephen P. Cohen, The Future of Pakistan, The Booking Institution Washington D.C. P. 50. 45 Tabot 2012, op.cit., 199. 46 Ibid. 47 Shahbaz Rana, “Tax Evasion Peaks to Half of Total Revenue Collection,‖ Nation, July 14, 2008.

194 now. In addition to this, international focused, internal agencies had also reported on the prevalence of tax fraud, which proved to be a disgrace of country. In 2010, the auditor general assigned blame to the Federal Board of Revenue (FBR) and its perceived inability to generate accurate data. The auditor‘s office found that the FBR aided tax evasion by underestimating tax liabilities and accepting false claims of losses. In Karachi, alone 28 individuals reported to have evaded more than $199 million in taxes. 48 In 2010, this total had risen to nearly $9.5 billion or $1.2 billion more than the projected deficit.49 It gave loss to the treasury, which desired to surpass the country‘s total education budget for the year. It was not sufficient for the requisite need.

All democratic parties in Pakistan leftist or rightist and masses wanted to continue accountability process. It should be done practically not verbally because there were so many corrupt personalities member of their parties, therefore they do not commence accountability process with prompt action. Rather, they are avoiding this matter with their political influence. It is crimson question, Why should the rest of the world respect a country whose citizen have allowed their freedom honour and self- esteem to be captured by ten 10% political families, hundred bureaucrats and theocrats thousand 1000 loan defaulters and at most ten thousand 10,000 landed aristocrats like industrialists, and business class who have looted the wealth of the country. Remedy for this situation, it is necessary to reach justice at grassroots level to break the cycle of legal corruption. The courts should be free from political influence to conduct accountability cases against any political party. In other words, they are supreme above the all institutions to proceed and give verdict, so that standard of justice could fulfil.

In Pakistan, it was common debate happening all around that corruption was increasing rapidly in our society. It was horrible for the masses of Pakistan because their tax money was not spending on implemented projects; rather, big politicians for their personal interest were stealing it. They did not pay their taxes. In spite of all these, the politicians were not considering it corruption. Rather, they denied and raised

48 Shabhaz Rana, “Tax Evasion of Rs21.7b Unearthed,” Express Tribune, October 7, 2010. 49 Farzana Shah, ―Rs. 796 Billion Tax Evaded in Pakistan: WB Report,” Asian Tribune, September 7, 2009. Shah cited a World Bank report prepared by the FBR entitled Pakistan Tax Policy Report 2009: Tapping Tax Base for Development.

195 the slogan of development in society. It was a fact that not all democratic forces could take the notice of these sorts of illustrations. In its editorial Daily Times, Dated March 4, 2010 writes:

In 2010 the Pakistan Institute for Legislative Development and Transparency (PILDAT), an NGO, prepared a report entitled How Rich Are Our MNAs? It revealed that the average net worth of a Pakistani lawmaker was roughly $900,000, leading others to report that this figure had ―nearly doubled from [that] … of the previous parliament.50

For getting analysis, I have drawn conclusion with the help of this PILDAT‘s report, which shows a move towards a more open dialogue on anticorruption and transparency efforts. It has showed the dishonesty of all corrupt politicians and lifted curtain from the facts comprehensively. It has exhibited all misappropriation, embezzlement and corruption, which goes hard with their characters. The role of media in this respect should be to give preference to masses voices because the numerous voices of the people give birth to democracy. No doubt, the founder of Pakistan Mohammad Ali Jinnah‘s real work for democracy was fallen into oblivion after his death. In his address to the constituent assembly, he clarified that we should work with diligently, honestly and earnestly but unfortunately, our leaders overlooked the message of Jinnah, rather, they were engaged in corruption, which were pernicious for democratization in great extent. Needless to say, that the process of accountability should give preference by making stern laws, because it is only antidote of corruption. If it has not done so, it will be equivalent to invite the Martial Law in Pakistan.

6.2 Future of Democracy in Pakistan

The future of democracy and Civilian rule in Pakistan principally relies on the representative and democratic aims of the politicians of the future. No doubt, Pakistan has a little experience with democracy and electoral order. In his interview veteran politician Chudhary Atizaz Ihsan stated, ―Democracy in the country can be strengthened by

50 Tavernise, ―Pakistan‘s Elite Pay Few Taxes‖; ―Assets Declaration Is a Farce,‖ Pakistan Tribune, February 28, 2010; Irfan Ghauri, ―Stark Contrast in Assets of BA Members,‖ Daily Times, March 4, 2010.

196 good and honest governance‖.51 The democratization in Pakistan has formed in a part of the ―third wave‖ global democratic revolution. It positively in the late twentieth century has formed a massive comparative text. Today, it has commonly known by the term ―Procedural democracy, People‘s democracy, Functional democracy and Social democracy in respective meanings in Pakistan. Pakistan is adopting westernized democracy with interpretation of religious principles. Pakistan has propagated so- called people democracy, which has created authoritarianism in a form of feudalistic, and industrialist politicians and powerful bureaucracy; they always oppressed the people in numerous ways. In spite of this fact, we have been running on wrong side for last seventy years to find out real and genuine democracy due to authoritarianism. Most of the scholars have admitted on all hands that truth must prevail. Therefore, Ian Talbot writes,

Pakistan may be seen as having made the transition from authoritarianism to procedural democracy, but as lacking any of the characteristic of a consolidation of democracy. The democratic transition in Pakistan can be best conceptualized as a transformation.52

In order to develop Pakistan into a modern democratic state, the bureaucracy had to liberate from political authoritarianism. Parliament took up this hot issue in parliament several time and so many politicians of different political parties have argued in different ways. The whole ethos of bureaucratic recruitment during the British rule evolved from the constitution of certain requirements. The democratic feudal and industrial politicians‘ authoritarianism and bureaucratic authoritarianism has interlinked with each other like cheek by jowl due to their personal interests. They did not take notice against each other on any corruption and embezzlement. If they have found guilty in the eyes of public through print media trial, they proved these allegations baseless with extravagance stream of talk. However, Today, Independent media exhibits black and white pictures of their wrong deeds, which creates stimulation in them to come on media and defend allegation against them easily. With this media exercise, democracy becomes strong in society.

51 Interview of Chudhry Aitzaz Ahasan with DNA. http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2015/09/12/features/interview-democracy-can-be-strengthened-by- good-and-honest-governance-aitzaz-ahsan/ 52 Talbot, 2009, op.cit., 290-91.

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Martial Law remains phenomena in Pakistan and has considered ill-suited to military daring character. Mohammad Wseem commented, ―Justifying military rule on the grounds of democratic reform is a time-honoured tradition in Pakistan, where the military can intervene at will but lacks domestic legitimacy because of popular support for democratic representation and constitutionalism‖.53 The real problem is that it is very difficult to have a strong and vigorous executive and at the same time to make it responsible and not autocratic. There are those who maintain that a strong and vigorous leadership is dangerous proposition while others like the great political sociologists Mosca and Michel, have virtually asserted, ―the leadership by its very nature is undemocratic‖.54 A powerful and vigorous executive is not necessarily in compactable with democratic government as long as it has subjected to constitutional and recognized restraints.

Democratic system in Pakistan is functioning under the influence of authoritarianism, which is eating our society like a termite. It applies a very dense influence over the democratic future of the country. No doubt, it has deep roots in administrative, social, economic and political sectors and it has recognized as a part of Pakistani democratic culture. In a closed system like ours, economic and political power circulates within a limited section of society only. The fledgling market system that we have, when compared with the stale political order, is robust and has many windows open for ambitious entrepreneurs with innovative ideas. Our economy is running under the umbrella of heavy shadow of narrow political interests of the dominant political families. The growing middle class that has proficiency, literacy and philosophies to put Pakistan onward cannot obtain scope in the party system that we have, with a very undemocratic, authoritarian culture. Now efforts have made to break down this undemocratic culture. Some political parties‘ services are surpassingly estimable in this respect. They are giving a new democratic dimension to new generation and stimulating healthy competition in the field of democratization.

The question, why was democracy a failure in Pakistan? A constitution commission, headed by a former chief justice, Mohammad Shahabudddin, has

53 Mohammad Waseem, ―Electoral Reforms: The Political Context‖ in Mohammad Waseem (ed.), Electoral Reform in Pakistan (Islamabad:2002), 2. 54 Roche and Stedman, The Dynamic of Democratic Government, (New York:1954),332.

198 appointed in 1960, to examine the causes of the failure of democracy in Pakistan. According to the constitution commission, the main reasons for the failure of parliamentary democracy in Pakistan were: (i) Lack of proper elections. (ii) Interference by the head of state with the minsters and political parties and by the central government with the functioning of the government of the Provinces.(iii)Lack of leadership resulting in the absence of well-organized and disciplined parties, lack of character in the politicians and their undue interference in the administration.55 To keep under analysis this critical answer, we need new enthusiastic and vigorous leadership who is honest, work diligently and earnestly for the country.

The democratic discussions also recognise and highlight the profound impact that political forces such as Imran Khan‘s party, PTI, had on the electoral process in terms of bringing a new demographic group to the voting process. We can bring change through self-criticism, as such, standard of parliamentarian will improve and People of Pakistan are not going to accept irresponsible freedom for a very long time. Self-correction should give preference, which is revealing the canvas of political arenas‘ gradually. It is the deepest urge of time; we should conduct open debate over a code of ethics in which media can play a key role.

The governments should check on increasing expenditure and adopting simplicity and far away from luxurious life. They will have to ponder about the masses interest because they get vote from them and they are representative of public desires. Indeed! It is regrettable that Public expenditure on education as percentage of GDP stands at just 2 per cent according to Economic Survey 2009-10.56 It should increase with the statistical consensus.

Talk shows on a large number of television channels gave birth to a new phenomenon in Pakistani political talk show. It has created gaps between political parties and their manifesto in great extent. They have followed those political parties, which give them advertisements for their channels. On the other side, it is not doubtful that the talk shows hosts are highly paid, highly watched and highly rated. The talk shows also generate attraction and conveyed awareness among the people, as such;

55 Golam W.Choudhury, Pakistan Transition From Military To Civilian Rule, (England: Scorpion Publishing LTD,1988),20. 56 Ian Talbot, Pakistan: A new History, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2010), 214.

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TV hosts procure fame and wealth. Thus, needless to say, the media gives awareness to the public on different issues. Social scientist Akbar Zaidi, writing in English daily newspaper Dawn, points out that:

Pakistan‘s new public intellectuals are television talk-show hosts, so-called analysts and journalists. These individuals have both an eager public listening to their observations, analysis and insights every day, often many times a day, and they have the extremely powerful medium of television, which has become the new public sphere.57

Hassan Nisar a distinguished journalist and democratic analyst describes the issue of democracy and it‘s implication problems, he says, ―In our country, the democracy is not working like a real and genuine democracy, rather, it is hereditary, which we have been given the name of democracy. What was the matter of Karbala, if we open the pages of Islamic history; we will find out the great sacrifice of Hazrat Imam Hussain (R). The grandson of Holy Prophet Hazart Muhammad (PBUH) martyred for abolishing heredity‖.58 He further argues, ―Democracy cannot flourish as long as its fruits do not reach at grass-root level‖.59 In his interview Chaudhary Atizaz Ahsan stated, ―The only way forward is to establish an honest and good government that is accountable to what is going on under its nose‖.60 Similarly, Javed Jabbar has articulated, ―Democracy remains the first imperative: a system of representation that enables the holding of regular elections and accountability‖.61 No doubt, Accountability is real and genuine spirit of democracy and staunch followers of democracy always esteem it and have been tempted to make accountable mechanism, which should be free and transparent from authoritarian influence. The elections process should continue without any hurdle because the strong Electoral College can be a guarantee to flourish democratization.

57The New Intellectuals, Zaidi, S. Akbar, Dawn, published 09/04/2012, accessed at [ http://x.dawn.com/2012/04/09/the- new-intellectuals/ ] 58 Interview Hassan Nisar with Shazia Zeeshan in Night Edition, 92 News dated 9-3-2017. 59 Ibid. 60 Interview of Chudhry Aitzaz Ahasan with DNA. Please visit this website for full text of interview. http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2015/09/12/features/interview-democracy-can-be-strengthened-by- good-and-honest-governance-aitzaz-ahsan/ 61 Javed Jabbbar, From Chaos To Catharsis, Perspective On Democracy And Development, (Karachi: Royal Book Company, 1996),9-10.

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Now we have discussed the democratic process in Pakistan, which could not be successful in Pakistan after passing 70 years. It has so many causes in a form of drawbacks. We have pointed out these drawbacks through print media and TV talk shows but unfortunately, we could not take practical steps to counter these drawbacks. Some scholars and intellectuals have displayed some drawbacks in Pakistan‘s democratic system in divergent views. Vidia Dhar Mahajan has given his opinion in this way:

The system introduced in Pakistan was against the view that evils of democracy can be removing by having more democracy and not less as it is easier to buy a few hundred or a few thousand voters than to buy millions of voters under adult franchise. There is always possibility that the members of the Electoral College may not represent the current public opinion as they might have elected much earlier. In that case,, the National Assembly and the Provincial Legislature would not be the true mirror of the public opinion outside.62

I have analysed this statement of Vidia Dhare Mahajan and reached on this result that the problems in democratic system can be resolvable through more democracy. Indeed! There are several times, martial law has imposed in Pakistan, which could not allow the democracy to work in proper way. The Electoral College reforms have done several times in Pakistan but no positive response put out practically in polls. The roles of political parties are not outstanding in this behalf because political parties are working like a mushroom in Pakistan. They do not gather on one point agenda, therefore, Electoral reforms are limited, which always remain under the influence of ruling party. However, Pakistan needs more attention to rectify its electoral college to bring alternative need of democratic processes, which is remaining desires of every government of the past or present. Recently, a political party PTI has emphasised on electoral reforms, which is indication of demanding the real and genuine democracy. Contrary to this, Javed Jabbar argues about the development of democracy and its future has diverged points of views, he elaborates:

Emerging after 8 years of abstinence from an elected parliament, the Pakistani nation is now facing the task of learning pragmatically to manage the two equally crucial processes of democracy and development. While the two processes over-lap

62 Vidia Dhar Mahjan, Select Modern Governments,(Delhi: S.Chand & Co, 1980),520.

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and May even interdependent, each of them has certain individually inherent characteristics. 63

Javed Jabbar has made cross-examination this issue deeply, reaching this analysis, and has pointed out the handicaps in the way of democratic process after the existence of Pakistan. Pakistani leadership fell between two stools with its primarily time because the followers of both ideological entities had their own incentives. First parliamentary system obliged for the administrative mechanism, later martial law authority gave the preference to presidential system. That is why; democratization could not achieve its destination in single form. We had trapped in this argument since the emergence of Pakistan; whether, we should adopt parliamentary system or presidential system of governance. We diverted from conventional democratic process, rather, we revolved around the musical chair of politics without respecting democratic values. Unfortunately, Pakistan had become an experimental place for democracy. It was necessary to adopt democratic philosophy, values and logic on one system programme without any hesitation, so that country could run on right democratic dimension. As Such, the progress of the country has certainly endorsed. It is quite right, when democratic process enhances, the country will make progress rapidly. Further, Javed Jabar writes to give more justification of his opinions:

Without helping to dilute the democratic perspective by shifting their attention away from it even temporarily, those who have been elected to the Senate and to the Provincial and National Assemblies have the responsibility to investigate and to learn about the different dimensions of development.64

This is very necessary because, apart from the political gap of the past years, which has kept development decisions making outside the political mainstream. The elections have primarily been managed on local issues and limited discussions, which needs more attention. However, there has been a general nationwide polling trend present but it processes in conventional way. The policymaking spokespersons, the newly elected representatives now need to match their electoral mandate with acquainted awareness of the democratic development process, which should

63 Jabbbar, op.cit., 9. 64 Ibid.

202 implement on a countrywide basis as well as at a grass-root level in their own respective societies.

The performance of every government is criticized in Pakistan in different phase but it is regretted that our politicians do not give positive response to it, rather, they try to get rid of their responsibilities. They adopt petrified silence and face the criticism without any hesitation. Our democratic history has abundance of these examples. However, our elected governments have neglected democratic institutions, flouted democratic norms and ignored the need for tolerances. These are always remaining debatable matters which have also encapsulated their larger political interests to petty rivalries and infighting‖.65

Now we discuss two heinous crimes of our administrative mechanism and society. It is Nepotism and jobbery, which are eradicating our society‘s tradition and venerate culture in a form of colossal crime while democracy does not also remain safe from them. Therefore, democracy cannot remain without touching it due to its influence in society very deeply, they erode it and if democracy strengthens, it will be remedy of these vices. Hence, it is quite clear that democratic pragmatism can protect us from political, social and economic predicaments. Democratic philosophy probes any ideological functions on the base of holistic democratization. In other words, it encapsulates all issues of realization. In fact, it is democracy, which is antidote of all problems and puts forward development schemes for human being.

Pakistan got help from the international democratic countries for the betterment of democracy in Pakistan financially. In this respect, the friends of Democratic Pakistan had decided to give economic assistance to Pakistan. At a meeting held in Tokyo in April 2009, twenty countries including the United States, Japan, Britain, Germany, China, Saudi Arabia and other affluent Arab Countries Turkey, and Iran pledge $ 5.7 billion in aid for Pakistan but despite assurance to expedite transfer of funds, actual delivery remained much lower than pledges.66

65 Mushahid Hussain and Akmal Hussain, Pakistan: Problems of Governance (Lahore, 1993), 28-29. 66 Sattar, op.cit., ,272.

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The problem of democracy is solvable in Pakistan, if genuine steps have taken with cohesive and integrated approach. However, few suggestions have given for strengthening democratic system, process and culture in Pakistan.

(i) Feudalism should abolish immediately to enable elections genuine instrument of people‘s wishes, so that the participatory culture could develop. Democratic values could transform social stagnancies into dynamism, which may help in strengthening the democratic process;

(ii) Judiciary should be independent to enable it to ensure implementation of rule of law to stop all legal and constitutional transgressions;

(iii) Parliament should be sovereign, so that its decisions could implement strictly;

(iv)Supremacy of the Constitution should ensure. Article six (6) should practice in letter and spirit to check all constitutional abrogation, which disturbs democratic process in Pakistan;

(v) Free and fair election should ensure and Electoral College reforms should ensure through independent Election Commission in order to prevent the rigging.

(vi) Democracy education should be incorporated in the syllabus at all levels of education to promote and create democratic values, norms and practices in youth in particular and in masses in general;

(vii)Political party rules 2002 should strictly implement in order to help democratic structure and conduct of political parties;

(viii) Funds should allocate based on membership to political parties in order to strengthen them to work effectively for democracy;

(ix) Launching of advocacy programs to highlight non-democratic trends and actions;

(x) Impart democracy education to general masses, youth, political workers media persons and writers.67

6.3 Views of Politicians about Democracy

The feature of democracy and Civilian rule in Pakistan principally relies on the representative and democratic aims of the politicians of the future. The role of parliament did not remain strengthened in Pakistan due to unstable democracy. Pakistan has a little experience with democracy and electoral order. However, peculiar

67 Jamli Hussanin Jenju, why Democratic is weaken in Pakistan Cause and Solution, Indus Asian online journal, 12,12,2010.

204 ideological democratic approach of masses has strongly based in party-political loyalty and lust of achieving power, which always remains a phenomenon for democrats. However, the people who have new democratic idealistic approach want to enhance democracy with continuous political activities in Pakistan. It is necessary for the masses to recognize and accomplish their ―Democratic Rights‖, which are achieved only through democratic process.

Those politicians involved in financial embezzlements and misappropriations should treat with exemplary punishment, so that corruption may eradicate. No doubt, corruption erodes the democracy in each respect. Therefore, accountability process should give first priority in democratic institutions. This way, democracy will strengthen with stable, strong cultural and civilized society, which will display on the canvas of the democratic world.

Samiullah Chudhary former MPA (PML-N) elected from Bahawalpur City (Punjab) in his interview has stated that the future of democracy is very bright. Democracy is a name of continuity of democratic process in any society. If people elect representatives of the people, it will keep running.68 He further said, ―When democratic process will be running properly, not only democracy establishes on high moral ground, rather, this society will be considered to be a highly valuable society in each and every respect.69 PML (N) government is hammering out the agenda of live harmony with other political parties for promoting democratic system in the country‖.70 Haji Zulfiqar former MPA (PML-N) in his interview commented, the future of democracy is very bright in Pakistan. When democracy flourishes, the country will progress.71

On the contrary, in his interview, Safdar Shebaz former PPP nominated candidate for MPA from Bahawalpur stated, ―Democracy gives confidence to people. Therefore, PPP has always been running on this mode manner, which is the message of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto‘s legacy to flourish democracy with masses faith. Now democracy is not making progress rather, it is passing through developing scenario of

68 Interview With Samiullah Chudhry, Former MPA, PP.271, (PML-N) Bahawalpur. 69 Ibid. 70 Ibid. 71 Interview With Haji Zulfiqar Former MPA Bahawalpur PP.271. (PML-N)Bahawalpur.

205 history. Where democracy flourishes, that country‘s economic condition improve by leaps and bounds.72 He further said that democracy enhances awareness among the people. As Such, they elect honest and better thinking people according to economic point of view. While the tragedy of this country is that people have divided into different classes. People cast their vote because of Biradarism, linguistic prejudices, and personal relations.73

Correspondingly, Kaleem-ullah- Khan Advocate high court and PPP former Vice President of Bahawalpur City has narrated in his interview, democracy is strengthening in Pakistan day by day because majority political parties except PTI, which did not come in power up till now but PPP and PML (N), have endured political imprisonments during martial law period. Now they should have gained political maturity and they know that they cannot afford anything except democracy for which Benazir Bhutto and Main Nawaz Sharif have played vital role by signing the ―Charter of Democracy‖.74 He further said, PPP is only party which can claim the betterment of minorities, peasants, labourers and common man while other political parties could not do so. Therefore, the political awareness will not come unless you develop your economic condition.75 It is part of our history, PPP sent prosperity at grass-root level with its surpassing economic measures from which politics came out from the drawing rooms of notables and reached to common person. As Such, a prosperous society came into existence that had superfluous economic resources.76

Similarly, PPP Divisional President and President of High Court Bar Association Bahawalpur, Nawazish Ali Pirzada, in his interview, stated, ―We need to understand democratic system, it is for educated people. When literacy rate is high, voters know, what are their rights and what are duties of government. Democratic government, which remained in Pakistan, it was their duties to convey the fruits of democracy to grass root level. Unfortunately, whatever democratic government came into power, they remained only limited hierarchy in upper class. That is why masses

72 Interview With Safdar Mehmud , Former Candidate Of (PPP) Elections 2008 MPA PP.271. Bahawalpur. 73 Ibid. 74 Interview With Keleem-Ullah- Khan Advocate High Court Bahawalpur and Former Deputy President of PPP City Bahawalpur. 75 Ibid. 76 Ibid.

206 look annoyed from so-called democratic governments.77 He further said, divergent ideologies have been working for motivation of human beings. During the Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto regime, when Socialism and Marxism were obsessing the whole world, Pakistan was following these ideologies. After 1980s, capitalism spread over the entire world; hence, we had to follow the world. No country of the world could remain isolated in this age. Consequently, the signs of capitalism were obvious in our society. Therefore, now we are working under the capitalistic democratic banner.78 PPP government has completed its five years successfully and transferred power to another government in democratic manners. It made strong democratic institutions and took positive measures through 18th Amendment like NFC Award, Provincial autonomy, restoration of 1973 constitution. These measures are not only historical but are also useful to strengthen the democracy in Pakistan.79 In the same way, Shamus-ur- Rehman local PPP leader in his interview stated, Pakistani culture has adopted divergent kinds of democracy. It needs to concentrate on only people democracy, which looks only in PPP‘s democratic ideology. Democracy is still developing and the economic progress will come with the promotion of more democracy.80

Farooqe Azam Malik PTI member and veteran politician of Bahawalpur City in his interview, specified, Democracy is enhancing gradually, after election 2008; it is second time in Pakistan that both governments have completed their tenure which is pleasurable. If the continuity of democratic process sustains, democracy will be entirely successful in Pakistan.81 He further said, Western democracy has flourished after two or three hundred years, we are still a promising nation in this behalf, we will have to spend a lot of time in this respect. Then, democracy will pace ahead with its full innovation, revolution and modernization spirits.82

After getting analysis of all interviews of Pakistani politicians, the democracy in Pakistan based on devotions to the code of provincial sovereignty. It must ensure that the centre does not intervene with Provincial subjects. In fact, the province must

77 Interview with Muhammad Nawazish Ali Pirzada, PPP Divisional President and President, High Court Bar Association Bahawalpur. 78 Ibid. 79 Ibid. 80 Interview with Mian Shmus-ur Rehman, Local leader of PPP, Bahawalpur. 81 Interview with Farooq Azam Malik, Former MNA and Present PTI leader Bahawalpur. 82 Ibid.

207 be transmitted more powers. The provincial governments were bound to disperse power at grass root level to the Mohallah Committee or villages‘ level. In order to provide for the needs of masses, it is necessary to create resources to fulfil their needs. On the other hand, it is indeed! Satirical that military ruler gave priority to the local government system and decided to pledge people‘s energies and resources in solving problems of towns and villages. As far as political governments were concerned, they bypassed this system and used with impunity resources of local bodies for strengthening their political parties and to promote their political agenda. Notwithstanding, the local bodies serve as training ground for political leadership and help to make sacred community structure, today, which is called democratic society. Therefore, Albrit Weale has nicely said, ―Democracy also requires a quality of political rights among the vast bulk of the citizen in a democratic community‖.83

Pakistan needs preventive steps for dignity, identity and innovative ways of democracy; as such, Pakistan will make progress forthwith and overthrew all problems. In Pakistan, the economic base for a large middle class does not yet exist, the economy and society remain very pyramidal, and socio-economic mobility has obstructed by a culture of feudalism. Stephen Cohen analysed it and expressed, ―In Pakistan The growth of a middle class might be a necessary condition, but it is not sufficient for Pakistan‘s democratization‖.84 In future, we cannot reach the consecution of democracy until educated idealistic representatives will not elected by the masses through fair and transparent polls with immediate effects. The monopolisation in democratic institutions and the existence of authoritarians, which have occupied the power since independence to till now, should be put to an end and the real and genuine democracy be flourished.

83 Albert Weal, Democracy, (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 19. 84 Choen, op.cit., 23.

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Conclusion

There is no universally familiar description of democracy in individual form but its parity and autonomy are recognized in the globalized world as vigorous and unique term, now it is considered that the democracy had always been a source and centre that is required to sustain life since ancient to modern times. Democratic doctrines are imitated by all nations of the world and they have equal sanctions to legislative processes in spite of having differences of opinion. Global democracy is a field of academic study and political activism, concerned with making the global political system more democratic.

Besides the political aspects of democracy, there are social and economic aspects, which are equally important for the way of life. A society can be called democratic if the dignity of the human personality is recognized. Every individual is able to live the way he likes hold opinion on his choice, move about freely, and enjoy the company of people he likes and become a member of associations and political parties, which he prefers. In other words, democracy aims at protecting fundamental rights of common man. It means all human beings have their basic rights and can get all facilities in any democratic society. Moreover, it is considered that they are all equal in the eyes of law. A true democracy should stand for a social order in which every person assured to get justice and social, economic and political advantage from the state. However, Democracy is an embodiment of liberty of thoughts, expression, belief and worship, equality of status and opportunity; while political and social aspects have their own importance due to their perpetual obligation in society. Without democratization, it is not possible to provide equal economic opportunities to state citizens, and they cannot enjoy the status of genuine and real democracy through thick and thin. Today the world is passing through third wave of democratization in which democratic principles and rules of law look dominant, therefore, Pakistan has followed under this banner in harmony with world.

Pakistan achieved democracy by British heritage and it kept the democracy intact throughout its all history, since 1947 until date. Now the question arises, how did Pakistan arrive at the present juncture? Pakistan originally intended to transform the lives of British Indian Muslims by providing them a homeland sheltering from

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Hindu oppression. In addition, ironically, the north Indian Muslim middle class spearheaded the Pakistan Movement; found it united with many Muslim, who had been enthusiastic about forming a new State. Some were even hostile to the idea of an explicit Islamic state.

After the creation of Pakistan Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the founding father of Pakistan, and its first Governor General, had consistently stressed that Pakistan would be a democratic country. Similarly, Liaqat Ali Khan was picked out as its Prime Minister and he followed the principles of father of the nation dedicational. After the independence, government faced many challenges in setting up new economic, social, judicial and political structures. Both the leaders wanted to eradicate all the social, political and economic problems through democratic principles. The problem like settlement of the refugees, and to establish the distribution of balance of power between Provinces and Centre and increased economy had managed with marvellous transaction. Unfortunately, both leaders could not fulfil their aims and goals because they expired before completing their intentions and the later leadership ignored it. It created negative impression, which became cause of failure of democracy in Pakistan.

The first decade was blemished with political turmoil and fall of the Civilian democratic government. From 1947 to 1958, the seven Prime Ministers of Pakistan either had resigned or expelled. After Liaqat Ali Khan‘s death, Pakistan had passed through extreme political predicament. From Malik Ghulam Muhammmad to Sikinder Mirza political panorama was lacking democracy. This political scenario had provided opportunity to Ayub Khan, enter in political arena and took the reign of the country without any hurdle.

Ayub Khan had to resign because of public pressure, but he escaped easily from accountability, it looked like account able process was lost somewhere, which imposed negative impact in future. Ayub Khan got support from capitalists; therefore, country became an industrial zone. On the other hand, educated idealists and rational middle class stood firmly against this capitalistic industrialist class. As Such, differences rose up in society and new democratic culture rose up which supported idealism for the future democracy in Pakistan but Ayub regime looked void of these merits. However, he introduced discipline, guided democracy, and introduced market-

210 oriented economy, which provided the framework for rapid economic growth, with a by-product of political stability.

Yahiya Khan‘s Martial Law proved another predicament paradigm in which he promised the masses to hold elections and he promulgated Legal Framework Order (LFO) for this purpose. He held elections in 1970 in relaxed atmosphere. The two major parties Pakistan People Party (PPP) in West Pakistan and Awami League (AWL) in East Pakistan won the elections in majority position. The head of both parties Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and Sheikh Mujeeb-ur-Rehman wanted to get power and they started endeavours in this respect. Consequently, a political conversation started between two parties but it could not lead to any goodwill, subsequently, East Pakistan had separated from West Pakistan in the form of Bangladesh.

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto took the rule of the country. It was democratic system with liberal and sovereign mechanism, which had necessary devices of people or social democracy. Although democracy was in right direction during Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto regime, yet he faced huge hurdles created by undemocratic forces. Election Commission and Bureaucracy were two major sections, which needed streamlining in right direction. Hence, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto brought huge change in these institutions through positive reforms. The performances of Bhutto‘s government in foreign policy, drafting constitution or managing internal circumstance had appreciated. No doubt, Bhutto‘s regime emphasised on the both incremental and infrastructural changes. His new innovated policies and extra-ordinary proficiency in political field made him ―Messiah‖ (healer) in the eyes of the masses. The charismatic Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, who simultaneously tried to gain control over the military, diversified Pakistan‘s foreign Policy and introduced an economic order based on both Islam and Socialism, which afterward, led to his decline. However, his democratic policies remained alive in the heart of people in the form of PPP ideology.

General Zia regime was famous for its Islamization policy. He perpetuated his rule to defeat his rivals with political tricks. During his regime, he took stern decision that the Print media could not allow to print any news without censor. Political activities had completely banned, and politicians arrested and put into the prisons. New ordinances had notified without any care of masses interest. He adopted the dictatorial policies, which made him a more powerful President; furthermore, he

211 assumed authoritative style of government that had practised in our democratic history since 1947. Indeed! His regime exhibited undemocratic rule, which oppressed the masses with the help of feudalists, bureaucracy and sycophant‘s industrialists. Zia regime exhibited the grim miscarriage scenario of democracy by organizing non-party elections, local body‘s elections for the sake of giving protection to his position had boycotted by the eleven parties‘ coalition known as the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) and opposition. On the other hand, these elections re- established the National Assembly and Provincial Assemblies and seemed to have allowed a return of the country on constitutional rule. Muhammad Khan Juneju had appointed as the Prime Minister of Pakistan and later, Zia, using the article 58-2 B Eighth Amendment dismissed him. Zia continued his rule through executive orders until his death.

From 1989 to 1999, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif alternated in office during a decade of imperfect democracy, groping towards the creation of Jinnah‘s moderate vision of Pakistan. In the 1990s, the decade of democracy saw Benazir and Nawaz holding a combined four terms as Prime Minister. In this period, the press was freed from government censorship (Benazir‘s accomplishment), and there was movement to liberalize the economy (Sharif‘s contribution). It was greater manifestation of the crisis of democracy, which could be as a period of democratic rule (1988-1999). Pakistan has literally experienced ten Prime Minister of varying hues, colour and garb, which could be termed as a massive travesty of every single cannon of democracy.

Democracy in Pakistan is primarily essentially and undeniably a big hoax, a nasty joke perpetrated upon the people by a handful of indolent elite, a tiny clique of post-colonial masters who simply refused to mend their ways and trim their weights. Democracy is a useless conception, a meaningless experiment and a silly little farce that operates behind the self-righteous facade of great liberal and progressive ideals. This great crisis, repeatedly, delivers Pakistan on to lap Bonapartism on one hand and fascism on the other. The economy had connected to a few remittances from overseas workers flowing into the country; unemployment became high in certain parts of the country in 1993. Both the PPP and IJI governments had pushed the privatization and deregulation with the private sector that played a great role in the creation of jobs the

212 production of goods and the provision of services. Some observers declared this scenario as a greatest danger to democracy.

In October 12, 1999, democracy was dispelled once again and General Perviaz Musharraf kept on ruling. General Perviaz Musharraf was elected President of Pakistan through bogus referendum in April 2002. In October 2002, he held the elections and PML-Q, MMA and PPP has revealed as major political parties through ballots. Alliance for Restoration of Democracy (ARD) was set up for performing opposition role and reinstatement of democracy with the rule of law. The two Prime Ministers had changed who were working under the banner of Perviaz Musharraf legacy as puppets.

Musharraf claimed that he improved the standard of living of the people, through presenting innovative local self-government system, social welfare programmes, women protection bill and his liberal policy, which gave benefits to masses at grass-root level. He was elected President of Pakistan twice, firstly through bogus referendum and secondly, through controversial election, which were criticised intensely by civil society, the lawyer‘s community and media. On the other side, Mian Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto signed a treaty in 2006 ―Charter of Democracy‖ in London to follow the constitution 1973 in its original form. Both parties committed the signatories proposed ways of improving the country‘s political and democratic system. Moreover, they made strong intention that they would restore the 1973 constitution, as it had existed before the Musharraf coup.

In fact, Authoritarian regimes could make so without an independent and secure civil service. To correct this democratic order Benazir Bhutto had to toil hard and Nawaz Sharif too had to pay a heavy price on his return. Although, they came together but they should have brought back administrative services, which could secure and committed enough to sustain the democratic venture. Musharraf rejected the suggestion that corrupt or guilty politicians would come to power. He could launch still another reformation for the Pakistani state and nation. There is an important element of democratic defects pointed out involved in this analysis, which will continue to receive attention long after the matter has decided through PPP‘s constitutional package. While the protesting lawyer as well as the PML-N demanded reinstatement of the pre-PCO judges, the response of the PPP was ambiguous.

213

Pakistan people‘s party (PPP) got success overall in 2008 elections but in position to make government with coalition while Yusuf Raza Gillani was elected Prime Minister of Pakistan and PPP government decided to commence the democratic process with the help of its coalition with PML –N. However, it could not run for more than three months. Here, we can see the causes of failure of democracy in shape of lack of unanimity. It is quite right whenever martial law has imposed in Pakistan; it has imposed on blames of the civil governments‘ bad governance and lack of coordination. The 18th Amendment and 19th Amendment are highly applauded because of their sovereign packages, which have given incentive to masses and tied up strong relation between masses and parliament.

From the point of view of the culture of democracy in Pakistan, I need to ponder on this question, why undemocratic values and tradition are not present in our society. The mood of the civil society is to return to the 1973 constitution, and not to indemnify the changes made since 1947 until 2010. In other words, any compromise on this matter would seriously affect the credibility of the any ruling party and any dictator. They did not seem to get support from some ethnic groups or some members of the political parties, set up by them. It would be a clear indication of democratic decline, if any political party starts compromising on this question. If some people claim that they would change the system, they must realise that any system is composed of different elements. One cannot change the whole without being able or willing to restore each element to its original position. Now we are in search of culture of democracy, which is present in all segments of life. It needs to be rectified and functioning in proper way. Democracy seems to have returned to Pakistan‘s political culture, with parties behaving more responsibly.

The manipulation has been deficient exhibited into shape of political victimization, gerrymandering, stuffed ballot boxes, and intimidation of polling staff, pressuring masses, use of state resources and breaking up the rule of Election Commission fixed for the polls. As a result, polls could not have been helpful to conclude the will of the people, and have eroded the faith of the common people in democracy. If polls could have demonstrated to be helpful in expressive real will of masses, the picked out representatives must have raised nobility of parliament, functioned for reinforcement of democracy and for prosperity of common people whereby growing their faith in democracy.

214

Now let us revert to the question whether martial law or democracy is the better instrument for bringing about far-reaching economic reforms. In most advanced countries of the world, the people are better off than before, because they have been able to use their increasing control of the state apparatus to push through radical economic reforms. Democratic institutions have taken measures to place key industries and public utilities under public ownership or control, to curb monopolies and cartels to promote a wider diffusion of wealth and economic power through taxation and other measures and to introduce mass education health insurance and old age security. As a result, political democracy has been ripening into economic democracy.

Martial reformism bypasses the people and circumvents the democratic process. It does not advance the people‘s consciousness because whatever social gains accrue, achieved without the political struggle of the masses and because of the benevolence of the wielders of power. Reforms carried out by using the mechanism of a democratic policy have every chance of avoiding the caprices of arbitrary rule and of providing more durable. If our experience is to be any guide, we must have both reforms and democracy.

Democracy makes success where middle class has considered major class in any society. Pakistan has faced such problems because its middle class population is not in majority. That is why, if educated middle class wants to bring rule of law or democratic principles, it cannot do so because it does not have requisite majority in Parliament and society. It looks helpless against authoritarianism. Middle Class society turns attention on the genuine problems and their solution easily. They suffer in these entities; therefore, they have keen awareness about them. As they are educated, thus, they overcome these problems. It is the class, which can abolish poverty, ignorance and prejudice in the society. Unfortunately, middle class leaves these tasks and thinking them useless. If it exposes corruption and embezzlement of any government, it will not be prepared to accept these allegations open heartedly. In other words, any government does not like to hand over this matter to justice in parliament. Eventually, the middle class has to knock the doors of courts where they hope that they can get justice. Notwithstanding, these matters can be solved in Parliament with immediate effects and as it is expected, these circumstances will no longer exist due to supremacy of parliament and rule of law. As such, all the

215 undemocratic elements will be undermined and democracy will inject in the minds of masses like rigid ideology, which will become a source of inspiration for the coming generation.

Political parties and bureaucracy in Pakistan have often condemned by the educated middle classes because of their poor performance, tarnished with dynastic leadership; not holding elections for office-holders, and thus operating in an authoritarian style; and has dominated by feudal. These drawbacks point to the low institutional level of parties. It also means that in a democratic framework, the middle class finds itself disenfranchised and therefore alienated. Another concerning element, which is also remaining true to families tend to dominate parties; the Bhuttos in PPP and Sharifs in PML. It is hereditary and not democracy, which has been imposed on masses without enquiring the public desires since 1947. It has given to birth ―authoritarianism‖ which has deprived the masses of its democratic rights and did not allow democracy to flourish and sustained continuity. The satire is that critics of party leadership do not want to change the prevalent class structure, no land reforms, no change in industrial relations no substantive re-allocation of resource in favour of the working class. It is noticeable, people tend to maximize their gains by voting for local influential to get things done, and that is why people vote for the powerful and the privileged in Pakistan.

It is national obligation of Political Parties that they should develop good reputation among people in Pakistan. They should expand their basic network and perform profoundly, enthusiastically and vigorously in the field of democratization. They should develop strong coordination between their lower and higher workers, train their staff and impart democratic education to masses to propagate political outlook, which could generate the atmosphere of democracy within and outside them, just to counter the supremacy of non-political institutions. They should oppose the constitutional and judicial disobedience through public support. As Such, they will increase the confidence and trust of masses, people will regain their belief on democratization.

Feudalism and democracy are two quite controversial norms in each respect. It is fact; Feudalism has determined by principles of one person show, oppression, bondage, slavery. On the other hand, whereas democracy is motivated by with its

216 principles of participation, peace, equality, pluralism and freedom, there the nature of parliament and political parties were to be democratic and prosperous in Pakistan in divergent regimes. Pakistan has been remaining at the mercy of both feudal politicians or military generals due to lack of democratic programmes based on education, economic prosperity, social awareness, freedom of speech, liberty, lack of fundamental rights and draft constitution. It is regrettable, indeed! Now mercantilism has overcome the politics of Pakistan. Feudalists who produced authoritarianism, fled away from the political arena of Pakistan due to mercantile approach. It has fear from mercantilism due to its disobedient attitudes toward establishment, judiciary, administration and all institutions of state. This merchant class has introduced benefits of business through politics. If their trial has conducted in courts and they prove guilty, they will not accept this verdict. Rather, they openly say that conspiracy has done against them. It is correct to say, they consider themselves exempted from the rule of law, though they posed themselves democratic.

The constitution plays vital role to support and brace up vigorous and enthusiastic spirit in democratic process. When genuine and real constitution will frame, it puts the country on the path of democracy and constitutionalism. There are two aspects in making constitution:

1-Firstly, Ideological and Theoretical aspect;

2-Secondly, Practical and Physical aspect;

When a constitution has framed on ideological and theoretical aspect, it will be easy to promulgate based on practical entities. Although the Constitution of Pakistan bestows a host of rights on all citizens, for the vast majority these rights exist only on paper. It is deepest urge of time to empower the citizens practically. The constitution as just, Sir Olive Holmes remarked, ―Is no doubt, as all life‘s experiment‖. Our experience, however, with the four constitutions during the past 70 years has made us quite positive as to what fundamental principles our future constitutionalism should be observe. Precisely speaking, these are one, adherence to Pakistan ideology; two adoption of the parliamentary federal form of government, three, grant of maximum autonomy to the Provinces without, of course impairing the national unity and solidarity. That Pakistan‘s constitution should embody the essential principles of Islam exceptionally; Pakistan has claimed as separate homeland for the hundred (100)

217 million Muslims on the ground that Muslims were a separate nation. What therefore, was won by a single nation can be retained by a single nation only if we adhere to the ideology which created Pakistan. The constitution should be of democratic type embodying the essential principles of Islam. All democratic constitutions uphold the supremacy of rule of law. Today, they are applicable in actual life as they were fourteen hundred (1400) years ago; Islam and its idealism have taught us democracy. It has taught equality of man, justice and fair play to everybody.

The authority to enact laws, vest in the legislature, and in no other functionary of the State should have full esteem in perpetuating its proficiency. We have too long been plagued with the curse of Ordinances imposed by the authorities other than the parliament. To make the constitution truly democratic the parliament alone should have the power to enact laws and the courts to interpret them and adjudicate in the disputes arising between the centre and the units on constitutional issues. In addition, the practice of the limiting the scope of the courts should curb as this is a distinct negation of the rule of law, and paves the way for authoritarian rules.

Moreover, democratic federal constitution provides distribution of power between the centre and the provinces in such a way that later gets maximum regional autonomy. The bond between the centre and the units are such that each feels itself happily placed. Before framing 1973 constitution, Undue centralization in our previous constitutions evoked sharp criticism from the Provinces. It led to six-point demand from the Awami League leaders in East Pakistan and eventually, it ended on separation. Today, provinces autonomy in constitution is crimson question of the day. Hence, it is necessary that we should amend the constitution in this way. If these minimum fundamental provisions have made in our future constitution, then not only the long drawn conflicts between the various groups would be resolved but also, more an era of peace, progress and prosperity will not be far away.

It is also fact; Martial Law and Civil regimes have oppressed the people by inconspicuous constitutionalism. They could not make or amend such constitution, which is considered a public asset; therefore, they were abrogated several times in Pakistan without caring masses sentiments. Moreover, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto framed constitution of 1973 with fully consensus of parliament, which was representing the masses desires. Before the enforcement of this constitution, political and constitutional

218 dilemma carried on Pakistan‘s democratic process. Notwithstanding, it is necessary to frame or amend such constitution that keep all the institutions in their premises and it should allow only democratic process to pursue all state organs towards right dimension through thick and thin. It is indeed! The genuine and real constitution, even if it amended numerous times for the masses to ensure them the rule of law in the country through democratization. Despite all that, its originality and identity remained afresh. If a constitution drafted on the will of masses, it would be durable and could exercise easily with its agenda.

Pakistan has been in journey for stable democratic system from its existence. The process of its democratization has been slow and passive due to lack of mutual democratic understanding. It has been showing high helplessness in the way to nondemocratic interventions since 1947. In addition, it could easily fall a victim to non-civilian forces. Consequently, Pakistan has been continuously failing to flourish promising democracy. Such painful scenario has numerous causes behind it at three levels, which are State, government and society. Numerous meeting and seminars have held in Pakistan to put together scholars and democrats from Pakistan and the world for discussion on the future of democratization in Pakistan. The suggestions have given positively, which indicates, if there are some drawbacks in Pakistani democratic system but it can remove with more democracy.

Before closing this analysis, a few words about judicial activism and its role in a democratic Pakistan may be necessary. This activism certainly does not involve question of war or peace diplomacy or even of economic management. There is then need to distinguish between these kind of issues and actual scope of judicial independence. It does not allow any segments of human being to put order for their beneficial substances without caring rule of law. It supports all the social groups to enhance democratization. Democratization can make its existence through independent judicial system because judiciary provides protection democratic principles through interpreted rules and constitution in a systematic way.

The crux of the conclusion is that to order Pakistan to move away from the clouds of the past error of omission and commission a new beginning will made. Unlike Western democracies, Pakistan since its inception has experienced problems such as provincialism, delay in constitution-making, prolonged martial laws, alliance

219 and counter-alliance, wrong economic policies a hegemonic neighbour and so. These made it difficult for a strong democratic system to become entrenched in the country. Regular dissolution of the elected assemblies annoys the people. They demand strong and honest parliament, which could make democratic decision with vigour and enthusiastic approach. The future of democracy and civilian rule in Pakistan concentrates on the distinguishing and democratic motivation of the politicians of the future. The politicians must pay heed to all democratic segments of the country and keep in their minds that if they commit these sorts of mistakes once more by mystifying the political circumstances, then military rules are the only substitute for the doctoral desperadoes in Pakistan. In addition, allegations and counter-allegations make the matters worse and as a result, people became disenchanted with democracy. Our politicians have so many deficiencies like lack of strong grounding in norms of democracy, leadership, qualities of cool-mindedness, awareness and good civic sense. Politicians (Landlords and capitalists) play off against each other; therefore, undemocratic practices resulted in the end of democratic governments. Our politicians usually operate on the principle of opposition for the sake of opposition. That is why, they have lost the sympathies of masses whose basic problems not only remain unsolved, but has also exacerbated due to wrong policies. Now Pakistan is entering in millennium of twenty first (21) century and has passed through predicaments and dilemmas of the past, which have brought hurdles in transition of democracy from authoritarian to a democratic rule.

220

Appendices

Appendix: A

Text of Prime Minister Zufiqar Ali Bhutto’s Radio, TV Interview 1974.

Following is an English rendering of Prime Minister of Pakistan Zulfiqar Ali

Bhutto‘s interview broadcast in Radio Pakistan in the national hook-up and telecast by all the station of Pakistan on March 23, 1974. The interviewers were: Mr. Farhad Zadi,

Mr. H.K.Bukhari and Mr. Zubir Ali.

 Question: Sir, The Islamic Summit Conference was an important event that

took place recently in the history of Pakistan. The first question that comes to

my mind in this regard concerns the desire of all Muslims countries to fight our

huger and ignorance and diseases. Sir, how far do you think for this conference

will assist them in the achievement of this objective?

 Prime Minister: You have rightly said that it has been all along the

endeavors of all the Muslim countries to root out hunger, ignorance and

squalor. Though the struggle for the achievement of this objective began in

right earnest after the Second World War, even before that every leadership in

Asia, Africa and Lain America was confronted with this challenge. And as a

result, we have also seen many convulsions and changes taking places. The

point, I am trying to make is that no single events, no matter how important,

can see this struggle through to an end. It can only infuse new vitality in this

struggle and help us carry it forward. So, the conference was undoubtedly an

important one but the assumption that it would yield some immediate results is

221

rather too far-fetched. In today‘s world, reality has to be faced squarely not

only by those who in power but also by those who are out of it. That is entirely

a different matter that those in power have better appreciation of it. Therefore, I

would like to say that we are happy indeed! That this Conference was held in

Pakistan. But our struggle is a long and drawn out one. It will also have its

repercussion, and we should be ready to face them. Viewed in this respect, I

would say that we have reality succeeded in so far as the objectives of this

Conference were concerned.

 Question: Sir, You have just made a mention of repercussions, Do you expect

some adverse reaction? I mean whether anything happened the Conference,

which might lead to the resistance of this struggle.

 Prime Minister: Why not? As for as the Conference itself is concerned

nothing happened their which should lead to adverse repercussions. But had

there been no resistance to this struggle, it would have ceased to exist. What

was the need it, then! In fact, this struggle started particularly after the

domination of the imperialists over Africa, Asia and Latin America. Even

today this struggle cannot be their linking. But now I think, they should come

forward and reconcile themselves to it because this struggle is bound to

succeed sooner or later. And when it is destined to be successful-even the turn

of history say so then-this reality should be accepted not only by us but even

by those who have exploited us and our friends. There is a need for adjustment

and compromise on their part to this struggle of ours. That would enable us to

reach our destination earlier. But if they do not even then we will achieve our

objectives with grace of God. On more sacrifices and time would be needed.

222

 Question: sir, what steps will be taken for putting into effects arrangements

provided by the Islamic Summit Conference for the expansion of economic

cooperation between the Muslims countries.

 Prime Minister: As far as this question is concerned, you must have gone

through the resolutions Lahore Declaration adopted by the Conference. In this

connection, a conference going to be held in Saudi Arabia soon. It will be

followed by the Conference of Foreign Ministers of Islamic countries at Kuala

Lumpur. The problem of confronting the Muslims countries are indeed so

complex that at the Summit, we could take the elections only on broad

principles. Far greater efforts will now be required for taking decisions in

pursuance of those principles. Precisely, for this reason I believe the

Conference to be held in Kuala Lumpur will be of great significance. Besides,

as you must have read in the newspaper, a special session of UN General

Assembly is being held at New york on April,9. I give great important this

session also and have even pledge my Government‘s supports to it because I

see no conflict in this conference and that of ours. There is the same, Rather I

believe if we can muster enough support in the Kuala Lumpur Conference and

the cooperate assembly session and cooperate with each other, we can gain

tremendous achievements.

 Question: Sir, in the light of the results achieved at the Islamic Summit

Conference, what types of cooperation, do you predict between the Muslim

countries in the political and defence fields. Prime Minister: To my mind,

political cooperation is fundamental to cooperation in economic, cultural and

defence fields. Our first and foremost should therefore be direct towards the

establishment of the genuine political understanding. If we succeed in this,

223

cooperation the defence can also be possible. But our policy should be based

on self-defence and non-aggression. This is the policy of the Pakistan

Government and it should be it should become the policy of entire Third world.

If we adopt such a policy on defence and then cooperate each other in this

field, fully recognising each other‘s sovereignty, we would rather be fulfilling

an important objective of the United Nation‘s Charter. So, our primary should

be directed at political cooperation, political understanding and political

support.

 Question: Does it mean that the Islamic Summit Conference has brightened

the prospects for cooperation?

 Prime Minister: Have I said it hasn‘t? Prospects for cooperation have

certainly increased. But I do not want to give some such hope to the nation as

if something is in the offing. Such things take time and require efforts. But if

we are on the right path, happy result should be expected.

[Source: Daily Dawn Karachi, April 3, 1974.]

224

Appendix: B

Administrative Structure at District Level 2002.

[Source: NRB]

225

Appendix: C

226

Appendix: D

227

228

Appendix: E

229

230

231

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Gohar, Altaf, Ayoob Khan, Foji Raj Ki Pehlee Des Saal, Lahore: sanag-emeel publication, 1997.

Gohar, Hafeez, Pakistan Ki Hukumran, Lahore: Gohar publications, nd.

Hussain, Agah Ameen, Darvash, Lahore: Classic Reegal chowk, 2004.

Hussain Mujahid, Pakistan Ki Mutnaza Saysat Dan, Lahore: Taqliqat, 1997.

Haqani, Irshad Ahmed, Ana – Ayam Pakistan Ke Syasi Aur Adlati Bhuran Anderooni

Khaniya, Toyzee Aur al Ankashafat, Lahore: Taqleqat, 1998.

Khan, Jahandad, lieutenant General Pakistan Qydat Ka Bohran, Lahore: Jung publishers, 1998.

Khan, Muhammad Asghar, Air Marishall, Pakistan Ka mustaqbal, Lahore, Taqliqat,

1994.

Rahmani, Ashrat, Pakistan Se Pakistan Tak, Lahore: Maghool Academic, 1988.

Rana, Zubair, Pakistan Tahzeeb Ka Bohran, Lahore: Taghliqat, 1992.

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Saalak, Sadiq; Mee Nee Dhaka Bobtee Dekha, Alfessel, Lahore: Seng-e-Meel publishers 1999.

Saleem, Ahmad, Pakistan Saysat Ki Pachas Kardar, Lahore: Taqliqat, 1997.

Taseer, Sulman, Zulaqar Ali Bhutto, Lahore: Imam, printers 1988.

Waheed Ashrat, Jumoriat Pakistan Me, Lahore: universal box, 1987.

Yazdani, Khalid, Zulfaqar Ali Bhutto Se Benazir Tak, Lahore: Mavra publishers, nd.

English Newspapers

Daily Down, January 1976, Karachi.

Daily Pakistan Times, March 1985, Lahore.

Daily Pakistan Observe, Islamabad. Karachi, Lahore. April 2000.

Daily Patriot, Islamabad, October 2008,

Daily The Nation, Lahore, June 2003, Islamabad.

Daily The News, April 2001 Lahore.

Daily Times, March 2009, Lahore

Urdu Newspapers

Roznama Mushriq, November 1974, Lahore.

Roznama Amrooz, 1990, Lahore.

Roznama Jung, February 1989, Lahore.

Roznama Nawa-i-Waqat, November 1973, Lahore.

Roznama Pakistan, January 1998, Lahore.

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Roznama Khbreen, June 2003, Lahore,

Roznama Din, Lahore, 1995.

Interviews

Asif Ali Zardari, Interview with Hamid Mir on Capital Talk, Geo TV. January 7, 2007.

Asif Ali Zardari, Interview with Najam Sethi on Dunia News, April, 18, 2009.

Atizaz Ihsan, Interview with Express TV. May 16, 2008.

Atizaz Ahsan, Interview with BBC TV. October 12, 2008.

Imran khan Interview with Shahid Masood on Geo TV. July 8, 2004.

Main Nawaz Sharif Interview with Hamid Mir on Capital Talk, November 17, 2009.

Shukat Aziz Interview with Mehreen Khan on Aja Tv. August 21, 2009.

Journals in English

. Ipri Journal, Summer Islamabad: Policy Research Institute, Islamabad. 2007.

Contemporary Affairs, Book Fifty-Eight, Caravan Enterprises, Lahore, 2008.

Contemporary Affairs, Book Twenty-Four, Contemporary Affairs, Caravan Enterprises,

Lahore 2000.

Current Affairs, Caravan Book, Lahore, 2008.

Herlad, Karachi. May 2002.

Journal of Democracy, Pakistan, February, 2008.

Newsline, Karachi. April 2005.

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Journals in Urdu

Monthly Biniyaat, January 1971, Karachi.

Monthly Spootanik, June 2004, Lahore.

Weekly Khbreen. June 2003. Lahore.

Weekly Family, 2003, Lahore.

Weekly Mushriq 1972, Lahore.

Weekly Naw-i-Waqat 2003, Lahore.

Weekly Jung, 2000, Lahore.

English Encyclopaedias

Collier‟s Encyclopedia, Vol, 8, Macmillan Education Company, New York, 1981.

Grolier‟s international Encyclopaedia, Macmillan New York, 1982.

International Encyclopaedia, Macmillan, New York, 1982.

New Encyclopaedia, Volume, 8, Junk & Wagnall Corporation, USA, 1876.

The Cambridge Concise Encyclopaedia, Cambridge University Press, London, 1992

The New Webster International Encyclopaedia, The New Illustration guide, Trident press international, USA, 1998.

The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol. 4, Chicago, 1768.

The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol. 4, Pan American and universal copyright, Chicago,

1991.

The Columbia Encyclopaedia, Third Edition, 1963.

The Encyclopaedia of Democracy, Vol. I , London Rutledge, 1995.

World Encyclopaedia of Political Systems And Parties, Third Edition, Volume III, USA: 1999.

243

Urdu Encyclopaedias

Encyclopaedia of Pakistanica, Shakhar book Foundation, Karachi.

Encyclopaedia Quaid-i-Azam Muqbool Academy, Lahore.

Feroz Sons Urdu Jammia Encyclopaedia Feroz sons, Lahore.

Shkhsyaat Ka Encyclopaedia, Shueea Adab, Lahore.

Urdu Jamia Encyclopaedia, Sheikh Gulam Ali and sons, Lahore.

SPEECHES

Benazir Bhutto, “Democratization in Pakistan”, The Middle East Institute

Washington, DC - September 25, 2007.

Benazir Bhutto, ―Battle for Democracy Not Easy‖, Dubai, May 03, 2007.

Benazir Bhutto, ―Democratic Nations Must Unite‖, Commencement Address of to the

Harvard University, June 8, 1989.

General Pervaiz Musharraf Chief Executive Islamic republic of Pakistan, Address To

The Nation, October 17, 1999.

Main Nawaz Shreif Speech in constituent Assembly, 1998

Zia-ul-Haq, Speech in 35th Session of UNO on October 1st, 1980.

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Speech on June 12, 1972, on Simala Accord.

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Speech in Security Council (UNO) in December 1971.

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Speech in Constituent Assembly on August 10, 1973.

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