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Stereotype Threat Effects in Afro-Caribbean Immigrant Groups #3247—Social Psychology Quarterly—VOL. 70 NO. 4—70408-Deaux Social Psychology Quarterly 2007, Vol. 70, No. 4, 384–404 Becoming American: Stereotype Threat Effects in Afro-Caribbean Immigrant Groups* KAY DEAUX Graduate Center, City University of New York NIDA BIKMEN Denison University ALWYN GILKES Medgar Evers College, City University of New York ANA VENTUNEAC YVANNE JOSEPH Graduate Center, City University of New York YASSER PAYNE University of Delaware CLAUDE STEELE Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences Educational and occupational data suggest that second-generation West Indian immigrants have less favorable outcomes than their first-generation counterparts, who are typically shown to outperform comparison groups of African Americans. In two studies, we explore the social psychological process of stereotype threat as it differentially affects the performance of first- and second-generation West Indian students. An initial questionnaire study of 270 West Indian students provided data on perceived favorability of African American and West Indian stereotypes, ethnic identification, and perceptions of discrimination. An experimental study of stereotype threat showed a significant interaction between generation and stereotype threat condition: first- and second- generation West Indian students performed equally in neutral conditions, but differed significantly when stereotype threat was present. While first- generation students increased their performance in the threat condition, second-generation students showed the performance decrements characteristic of African American students. Effects due to the race of the experimenter were also found, suggesting the importance of context in testing situations. Overall, the findings argue for the relevance of psychological processes in understanding broader demographic patterns of immigration and change. lack immigration to the United States of the 2000 census, foreign-born blacks con- has increased markedly since the post- stituted 12% of all first-generation immi- B1965 changes in immigration policy. As grants in the United States and accounted for approximately 6% of the total U.S. black pop- * This research was funded by the Russell Sage ulation (Logan and Deane 2003). Although Foundation. We are also grateful to Jennifer Eberhardt, Ewart Thomas, and Mary Waters for their early discus- there is some immigration from Africa, the sions that contributed to this research. We thank Desiree primary source of black immigration to the Cassar for her assistance in data collection; we also United States is from the Caribbean nations. extend thanks to Taryn Tang, Teceta Thomas Tormala, Shaun Wiley, members of the Identity Research Group Among Afro-Caribbean immigrants, West and the Immigration Research Group at the CUNY Indians (defined as those countries originally Graduate Center, and Joshua Aronson and his lab group at colonized by the British1) have been of partic- New York University for their helpful comments on earli- er versions of this manuscript. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Kay Deaux, CUNY Graduate Center, 365 1 We use the term West Indian, consistent with the Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10016; [email protected] usage adopted by Foner (2001), to refer to people from 384 #3247—Social Psychology Quarterly—VOL. 70 NO. 4—70408-Deaux BECOMING AMERICAN 385 ular interest to social scientists because of two fared quite well by traditional educational and competing factors. On the one hand, they are occupational markers. Typically these assess- an immigrant group whose first language is ments are made in comparison to native-born English, thus giving them some advantage African Americans. Model (1991, 1995), over other immigrants who must learn a new using census data from 1970, 1980, and 1990, language before having ready access to educa- found that West Indian men and women have tional and occupational opportunities in the higher labor force participation rates than United States. On the other hand, because the native-born African Americans. She also majority of these immigrants are black, they reported that first- generation West Indian enter a country in which their skin color immigrants show higher educational aspira- becomes the basis for discriminatory treat- tions and greater educational attainment than ment. native-born African Americans. Similarly, To the extent that the first of these fac- Kalmijn (1996) found that black immigrants tors—facility with English—is dominant, one were more educated, had higher prestige occu- would predict that West Indian immigrants pations, and earned more than black would do well in educational and occupation- Americans. Although there continues to be al domains, making progress more rapidly some debate as to whether West Indians have than immigrants from non-Anglophone coun- an earnings advantage over native-born tries. On the other hand, to the extent that West African Americans, the employment and Indian immigrants are subject to color-based occupational advantage of first-generation discrimination, they should be impeded rela- West Indians appears to be reliable (Waters tive to white immigrants. Indeed, one might 1999b). expect that being subjected to some of the Whereas first-generation West Indian same discriminatory conditions that confront immigrants systematically outperform native- native-born African Americans, West Indians born African Americans, their advantage is would become similar to these groups in a not as clear in the second generation. Waters et variety of psychological ways. Of particular al. (1998) found that second-generation West interest here is the degree to which West Indian respondents typically report many Indian immigrants are susceptible to the spells of short employment. Additionally, the effects of stereotype threat, in which an aware- educational achievement of second-generation ness of negative group stereotypes about the West Indians often declines from elementary capability of African Americans results in per- school to high school. .It should be noted that formance decrements for members of this this decline from first to second generation is group (Steele 1997; Steele and Aronson 1995; in contrast to the linear process of assimilation Steele, Spencer, and Aronson 2002). that characterized earlier generations of white immigrant groups (Portes 1995). Indeed, con- BACKGROUND AND THEORY temporary analyses of immigrant pathways from first to second generation (often referred Occupational and Educational Outcomes of to as models of segmented assimilation) point West Indian Immigrants to downward assimilation as one possible out- Despite the potential for negative treat- come, most likely to be experienced by groups ment, West Indian immigrants have often who are most subject to societal discrimina- tion (Portes 1995; Portes and Rumbaut 2001). Sociological theories that attempt to English-speaking islands of the Caribbean, including the explain West Indian success focus on factors mainland nations of Belize and Guyana. For our purpos- es, it was important to restrict participation to those for such as: the selectivity effects of immigration whom English was their first language so that first- and (Portes and Rumbaut 1992), the development second-generation participants could be assumed to be of social and community networks (Portes equivalent in English proficiency. The more general term 1995; Tilly 1990), a preference by whites for Afro-Caribbean would include people from countries in which another language, such as French or Spanish, foreign-born blacks (Kasinitz and Rosenberg would typically be the first language. 1996; Waters 1999b), and cultural differences #3247—Social Psychology Quarterly—VOL. 70 NO. 4—70408-Deaux 386 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY between West Indians and black Americans whites. In contrast, when ethnicity is not (Reid 1939). Although supportive data are salient, the two groups perform at equivalent available for some of these explanations, more levels (after adjusting for SAT scores). These often these factors have been suggested as experimental data are important in arguing possible causes but not tested empirically. against explanations that rely primarily on More importantly for the present purposes, assumed differences in cultural dispositions. although some of these theories work reason- African Americans and whites can differ in ably well in explaining first-generation pat- their academic performance, but whether they terns, they typically do not speak to possible do or do not in this particular task setting differences between the generations. Would depends on characteristics of the situation to we expect, for example, that immigrants who which they were randomly assigned, not to arrive as early teenagers with their parents inherent differences in their capabilities or to would be any more or less highly selected than the cultural context and social structure that children born in the United States to parents frame their lives. who also chose to come to the United States? In addition to the experimental demon- Or would one predict that first- and second- strations of stereotype threat provided by generation black immigrants would have dif- Steele and his colleagues, Massey and his col- ferent experiences with race discrimination in leagues (Massey et al. 2003; Massey and the United States? What is needed, we argue, Fischer 2005) have shown evidence of the is the introduction of a psychological perspec- phenomenon in a large-scale survey
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