.,,,*" t"1S' *" r", "

scbolastica(E.r7: SSr.3z3a, wirh Richard of saint-Victor, no donor, aird erasedat E.5z: SSz.9r); Heinrich suso, ororogirm sapientiae(o.3: ssr.945f, givenbyJohn Bracebridge); Nicholas of Lyra,pastilla lineraris(E.zg-g: SSr.334-5, no clonor, and erased copies in SSz); Jacobus de voragine , LegendaAztrea (M.g: sS r.742, given by william Fitzthomas, at Syon by r4z});John of Hildesheim , Historia trium regum Kings [TheThree of cohgne] (Mt5: ssr.748m-n, no donorl M.r7: ssr.75og, in En- glish, no donor; this volume interestingly also contains a "Declaracio Regule Car- rusie" perfeaion(M.24:ssr.757b-c, [sSr'7Sof]);walterHilton, Tbe scaleof in En- glish, given by Fishbournl erased at M.z6: SSz.rz7a, no donor, and at M.rro: ssz.r47, no donor; the Latin translation by Thomas Fishlake is at M.z5: SSr.75g, no donor); The Gospelof Nicodemus(M.83: SSr.gr6a, given by Fishbourn; o.35: SS r.9771, given The Visual Environment of by Bracebridg e); Miracles of tbe Virgin, though rhe conrents of these collections varied widely (o.lg' SSr.98rd, given by Bracebridge). All the writings of CarthusianTexts the "approued women" included in the Mirrorwere demonstrably presen, syorr, Bridget's ", Decoration and Illustration in Notre Dame 67 revelations(M.64: SSr.797,now London, British Library MS Harley6rz, s.xv'; M.65: sSr.798, M.66: SSr.799, both were the gift of rhe first confessor- General, Thomas Fishbourn [d. r4z8]);Mechtild's Booke(M.47: SSr.7go, no donor, perhaps in English, andM.g4: ssr.8z7g, no donor); Elizabeth of rciss (in English BRANTLEY and erased JESSICA from the main catalogue at M.zo: SSz.rz5); catherine of Siena (M.7r: SSr.8o4g, no donor, and of course through Tbe orcberd of syon).There is even a copy of Mandeaille'sTraaels ar syon (M.zz, SSr.grog), but this appears to be a later, printed texr given by Confessor-General Falkley, who died in 4g7. 63. without daring ro suggest which is the Tortoise and which the Mock Tirrtle, I am deeply grateful to Dr. A.I. Doyle for his artempts ro save me from ;::n.J ;: ;:,.";ffiiJ, ?Ji, iJ; ;:Jffi; ff ; il.,T#:X heresy and vulgar error, and to ProfessorJill Mann for the care and attention she text:A Mirror to Deaotfi People(ff. r-ro8).2 We know thaJthe Mirror was has lavished on this essay. Being very dull, f of course remain solely responsible for composed by a Carthusian monk, for its preface refers to Nicholas Love's rhe remaining errors. translation of the Pseudo-Bonaventuran Meditntiones Vitne Christi as the work of "a man of our ordoure." But-just as important-this vernacular Mirvor is addressedto the writer's "gostely sustre in Ihesu criste."r What is more, the Notre Dame copy seemsto have been commercially produced for aristocratic readers.aSo although the origins of the Mirror can be traced to the environment of the charterhouse, its later life and readership can be definitively located elsewhere.This sort of diffirsion is not unusual for Car- thusian texts, which circulated widely in late medieval England and were often read outside the charterhouse,indeed outside of any monastic com- munity.s Notre Dame 67 thus represents in particular terms the general tangle of lay and monastic interests characteristic of vernacular devotional texts associatedwith the Carthusian Order. I will addressone aspectof that

+$ar73 oF +Ia r 74 ot+ JESSICA BRANTLEY Thevisua, * crr,h,,rianTexts """,roT,riJ,i tangle here: the illustration and decoration of a Carthusian text in a manu- (or even looked at), nor can one even draw definitive negative conclusions script made for the laity. Although this secular book might initially seem from negative evidence.Moreover, even on the Continent most extant Car- far removed from the austere surroundings of the charterhouse, the im- thusian art is postmedieval; the canonization in :164 of St. Bruno-the agesin Notre Dame 67 work to negotiate the distance between the text's founder of the order-produced a great flourishing of baroque art and ar- Carthusian exemplars and its new lay readership. chitecnrre in charterhouses,where relatively little had been produced be- For a vernacular English book, this manuscript offers an unusual quan_ fore.7 Accordingly, most scholarly attention to Carthusian art has focused tity of decoration. In addition to pen-flourishes and an accomplished full on European rather than British examples, and those generally later than bar-frame border, there are rhree illuminated initials: a coar of arms (f. rr; the fifteenth century.8But the most significant difficultyin investigating any plate r), the virgin M^ry andJohn the Evangelist (f. rogr; plate z), anda kind of Carthusian art is more fundamental still: the Carthusian Order dying man, wirh a bishop in a separatepicrure-space below (f. rogv; plate 3). sought at its foundation to institute an exffeme monastic asceticism,avoid- Although the figural paintings are simple, their inclusion demonstrates that ing decoration of its churches and any sort of art object that could be con- images are important to the environment of the devotional text. one way of sidered de lztxe.The earliest documents forbid precious ornamenr explicitly, measuring the rarity of these picrures is to compare Norre Dame 67 to the and almost absolutely: for example, in his Conru.etudines(uz7) Prior Guigo one other witness to the Miryor to Deaout people: cambridge, IJniversity Li_ I affirms: "We do not have any ornaments of gold or silver in the church, brary MS Gg. r. 6. The cambridge copy of the Mirroris known to have with the exception of the chalice and the reed by which the blood of the come from the charterhouse at sheen, for it was written by sheen scribe Savior is taken, nor do we have hangings or carpetsl'eThe Consuetudinesare william Mede, and its inscription identifies it ,,liber as: dominus Ihesu de the oldest codification of Carthusian life, but their prohibition of decora- Willielmus ordinis cartusiensisde Shene."6 The Carthusian manuscript is tion is repeated, in varying forms, in the subsequent StntutnAnti(lua (tr1g), a far lessluxurious object, written on paper and boasting only occasional Statata Noua (1368), and Tbrtia Compilatio (t5o9).'n It is difficult, given the rubrication, with no figural illustration at all. It would be easy to conclude strength of this early asceticism,to imagine that visual experience could that the monastic manuscript contrasts with the lay manuscript in precisely have been very important for Carthusians of any time or place. the ways one would expecr: one is humbly devour, while the other is showily Yet even these early testaments from the charterhouses do not eschew aristocratic. But the reality is more complicated, for the Carthusian visual the material world altogether; it is possible to detect in them a certain am- environment was not as barren as one might assume, nor was the aristocratic bivalence towards the use of luxury materials. Guigo himself recognizes world entirely untouched by charterhouse piety. were the pictures added to that gold and silver, in moderation, do honor to the furnishings of the Mass, Notre Dame 67 only when the text was copied for lay readers?or is it pos- and thus to the Lord whose sacrifice the Mass celebrates.The StanrtaAnti- sible that the original Carthusian exemplar of people, the Mirvor to Deaout qrtaloosenGuigo's strictures further to allow for some gold or silver, nor ex- written for a "gostely sustre,"included illustration of some kind? clusively on chalice and reed, but also on the priest's stole and maniple, and unfortunately, we can ask more questions than we can answer abo't on bookmarkers.rr In spite of the Order's basic asceticism,decorative ex- this lost exemplar, and about its images. For the visual environment of late travaganceseems to be admissible where it can be seen to do honor to God, medieval carthusians in England is not easy ro imagine or to reproduce. rather than to reinforce the pride of man.r2The pragmatic distinction im- The first difficulty, of course,is the iconoclasm of the English Reformation, plied here between acceptableand unacceptableforms of embellishment which resulted in the destruction of most devotional art apart from manu- suggeststhat images can be used in this visually austere environment ro script painting. v.ry little remains of what was cerrainly a lively and rich further devotional purposes,and that, in practice, devotional art played a national artistic culrure; consequently, one can never know with certainty role in medieval Carthusian spirinrality. As we explore the place of figural what buildings, sculptures, or paintings English monks might have made art in the charterhouse, it is worth remembering that the primary vocation +$a176 oF JESSICA BRANTLEY The\4suat u"",.oT"]J,L 5 crrrh,rrianTexts

of the Carthusians is not poverty, as for the followers of Francis, but soli- lay life outside the charterhouse. Secular coatsof arms and images of women tude within monastic community.tr The contradiction between the severity are a far cry from Guigo's golden chalice. of their rule and their patronage of arr is accordingly less stark, but the fu the anxieties of the statutes suggest,it was often secular influences implications for their visual environmenr-both in the church and in the that led in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries to increased luxury-and cell-are perhaps more surprising. more art-in the austere environment of the charterhouse. Monks in- The artistic practices of late medieval charterhouses generally drew creasingly prayed for the souls of wealthy benefactors, and also accepted on the ambivalence of the early statutes towards visual display rather than those benefactors within the charterhouse walls, against all expectation of on their stricter forms of asceticism. We can learn what was commonly the Order's founders. In monasteries such as Champmol, Pavia, and Sheen, done not so much from the measured idealism of the foundational docu- aristocratic (or even royal) founders demonstrated their piety, their wealth, ments as from what the later rules felt the need to forbid. By the time of and their power through their patronage of Carthusian art and architec- the Stnnfia Noua in the mid-fourteenth century picrures in charterhouses ture. At Champmol, in Dijon-perhaps the clearestexample of the opulent appearto have become so commonplace that they had to be explicitly pro- effects of aristocratic patronage-Philippe de Bourgogne designed an elab- hibited, and their removal ordered. The staruteslegislate gently against orate artistic program to proclaim his associations with the fashionably what was obviously a frequent transgression: "Let us not use any kind of eremitic order and to enhance the grandeur of his own burial-place.r8The tapestry or cushions decorated with picrures or other extravagances;but Charterhouse at Champmol was filled with art: from the High Altar retable decorative pictures, too, should be scraped away from our churches and carved by Jacquesde Baerze and painted by Melchior Broederlam, to the houses,if it can be done without giving scandal;and new ones should not Martyrdom of St. Denis painted byJean Malouel and Henri Bellechose, to be allowed to be made."taThe general chapter of t4z4specified more pre- Claus Sluter's magnificentWell of Mosu in the cloister, and finally Philippe's cisely the removal of the "curiously" painted picrures that had appeared tomb itself, with its Carthusian mourners (see, for example, figure 6.r). on some charterhouse altars, and of other paintings that contained coats Against the explicit direction of Guigo,te late medieval Carthusians allowed of arms and figures of women.ts This concern for the abuse of imagery is the tombs of their benefactors to be built in the monastic church, and the echoed in the early sixteenth-century Tbrtia Compilatio, where visitators are Duke of Burgundy ry.rnbolized his radical incorporation into the Charter- particularly advised to watch for decorative indiscretion in churches and house community by choosing to be buried in the habit of a Carthusian housesof the Order.r6 monk. Even (or especially)in death, the influence of aristocratic patrons on These admonitions are revealing, for they indicate that a surprising monastic churches was powerfully felt. variety of imagery indeed found its way into the asceric charterhouse. Less princely foundations responded to secular influences as well. The They also record qualified objections to picnrres-only those that might thirty-nine lay gravesin the Coventry church, for exarnple,contained men, be taken away "without scandal" are to be removed. But the statutes illumi- women, children, and one executed felon.Z0As the Carthusians forsook nate too the ultimate source of some of the Carthusian concern about im- their original remote "wildernesses," more numerolrs foundations in urban agery, for they record, more precisely, objections to "curious" pictures of areas brought the monks into frequent contact with devout people of all life outside the charterhouse. The repeated admonition against "curiosity" kinds, and this contact, not surprisingly, had material consequences.2rIt is implies a discomfort with the level of ornamentation in particular artworks; clear from the precision of the architectural wishes expressedin wills that a "curious" image is one too elaborately wrought, to no purpose other than lay people - even women-were inside Carthusian churches frequently.22 aestheticand formal pleasure.rTSimplicity is a hallmark of art meant to serve As the laity worshipped in Carthusian churches, they exerted pressureon the ends of prayer. Bur of course the objection here goes beyond excessive the form those churches took, instituting oratories and side-chapelsthat luxury to encompass also the particular subjects of these figurative images: would serve their own devotional needs.Joseph A. Gribbin has explored The \4suat * cr.rhorian Texts """,r.T."'J,?,

the wayi in which the lirurgy in London was affected by such contacts, and has claimed that outsiders turned the Charterhouse there into a "lirurgi- cal workshop!'zt Reformation accounts of the furnishings of the London church indeed show it to be indistinguishable from parish churches, the vi- sual environment of the Carthusians impossible to differentiate from that of any late medieval worshipper.24Carthusian spiritual practice in the late Middle Ages was deeply influenced by the needs of the pious laity; and, as a result, the visual environment of monastic devotion-at least in such venues as the charterhouse church-was to some degree directed by the designs of the surrounding community. It is easiestto see the effects of lay involvement with Carthusian life in the public buildings of the charterhouse, such as the church. The ceno- bitic buildings welcomed the world in the form of visitors from outside, as well as in the form of public displays of imagery: architecnrre, sculpture, and even less monumental artworks, such as rich altarpieces, announced the close relations of the charterhouse to temporal wealth and power.25But the increased influence on Carthusian life from the world outside was not only seen in the relatively public buildings of the charterhouse-it was felt also within the privacy of the monks' cells.26Luxurious donations from aristocratic patrons served not only for the construction of tombs and ora- tories. Smaller donations were sometimes domestic objects, sometimes luxurious clothes,2Tbut they also occasionally comprised figurative images, whether in manuscript or panel paintings. At Champmol, for example, Philippe de Bourgogne arranged for each cell to have a saint's image in a stained glasswindow, and a devotional painting for the oratorium, such panels perhaps including the Crucifixion images byJean de Beaumetz now in the Cleveland Museum of Art (figure 6.2) and the Louvre.z8Benefac- tions to Mount Grace included this from SirJohn Depeden to the prior in r4oz: "a picture of the crucifixion."2eThe questions sent by the English province to the general convocations at the Grande Chartreuse record in- creasing anxiety abroutthe propriety of patrons' gifts. The general chapter Fr c . 6. r. A carthusian mourner from the tomb of Philip the Bold, made for consistently returns the answer- based on Guigo's Consu.entdines3a - that the Charterhouse of Champmol, Dijon (France). Detail from Claus Slurer, such gifts are not allowed, certainly not if glven to particular monks for their claus de werve, and Jean de Marville , Tbmbeaude Pbittippe le Hardi. Mus6e des individual ownership, but the continual questions suggest that the problem Beaux-Arts, Dijon (France). Photograph @ Mus6e des Beaux-Arts de Dijon. arose repeatedly.rt The tolerance of some luxurious objects within the The Msual n,rrri.*-tirt, * carthusian Texts

charterhouse for the purposes of individual consumption seemsto have encourageclthe temptations of private ownership. But in spite of the opposition of the general chapter,indiviclual use of some kir-rdsof art objects served to clarify their purely devout purposes. Archaeologicalexacavafions at Mount Grace haveuncovered the most utili- tarian of devotional images: an ivory head of Christ from the prior's cell and an indulgence with a picture of Christ as the Man of Sorrows from another.32Even Carthusian iconoclasts,defending their asceticpractice againstthe criticism of the orthodox,ssmake a placefor devotional imagery in the cells while outlining their objectionsto art in public places.Guil- laume d'fvr6e, author of the apologia De origine et ueritntepertctne religio- nis (ca. r313),rocomplicates our understandingof the visual asceticismof Carthusian life. FIe respondsin this way to objections that the Carthusians have no painted images or sculptures.

The Carthusians have in all their churches (and are bound to have, according to the institutions of their Order) one image of the Crucifixion in a solemn and eminent place, as well as many crosses over each altar. In the oratory of their cells they have generally had a crucifix and an image of the Virgin M^ry, and also sometimes of other saints,according to the possibility and means that offer them- selves.Their honest and poor religion mandatesthat they avoid expensivecuriosities in painting and in sculpture and in varieties of grand and extravagant buildings, not consonant with the roughness of the solitary life. St. John Damascenetaught that the images and picrures on the walls were as scriptures to the laity, and that those who did not know how to read in books, could understand through murals, as if through rough letters, what they could not understand in writing. And therefore it is commendable that such pictures should be made for churches where people frequently go, but would be use- lessand superfluousin Carthusian desertswhere crowds (except for a few men) do not congregate. . . . Yet, aswas said before, the Carthu- siansin their cells do not refuse nor reject devotional pictures, but ac- Frc. 6.2. Jean de Beautnetz,French, active r36r-died t3g6'The Cntcifxion cept and seek them freely and eagerly becausethey excite devotion zuithn Ctrthusian Monk, r39o-r395. Ternpera and gold on wood, 56.6 x 45.7 crr:'. and imagination, and augment devotional ideas.ss O The Cleveland Museum of Art, zoo4. Leonard C. Hanna' Jr., Fund, 1964.454. *$ar 8z o#

Guilla'me cites John of Damascene as a defender of picrures for the in- struction of the laity, but (as one might expect) he points out that such an argumenr does not apply so well ro the devotion of learned, solitary monks" Pictures have a public life in "churches where people frequently go,', bur they should have no place in the Carthusian solitude. However, even Guil- laume concedesthe value of images in the monks' private meditations. A crucifix, an image of the virgin, and images of particular saints are usefu^ in individual devotion, not becauseof their didactic, but becauseof their affective, power. A photograph of a modern carthusian monk ^t prayer, though clearly anachronisric, can give some idea of the ways in which art- workwas used in the medieval cell to enhance private devotional experience (figure 6.3).tu The individual devotional experience picnrred here is the subject, as well as the goal, of a surprising number of Carthusian medieval images, for the monks' representation of themselves in their art is both frequent and conspicuous.One might imagine that the monks were performing devo- tional actsby representing themselvesat prayer, increasing their accessto the divine by figuring it repeatedly in their picrures. As yvette carbonell- Lamothe has observed:

No other order seemsto have imposed its own image so confidently, to have been so insistent upon the represenration of itself and upon its artistic translation.sT

Her primary example is the altarpiece painted by Enguerrand de euarton in the mid-fifteenth century for the Carthusians of Villeneuve-lds-Avignon. It is probably the mosr celebratedexample of Carthusian panel-painting, both for its beauty and for the detailed copy of the artisr,s commission that has been preserved. That commissioning document calls clearly for a depiction of "the cross of our Savior, and at the foot a praying Carthu- sian," and indeed Quarton has painted a tiny monk in prayer beneath the splendid Coronation of the Virgin (figure 6.4).t, But the imposing retable with its memorable carthusian figure is only one manifestation of the tradition of self-representation, for the depiction of the monks them- r I c . 6.3 . Dom Benedict Lambres praying at the oratory in his cell in the second selvesin connection with their divine visions is widespread. Not only pub- Great cloister of the Charterhouse of Farneta, in r94g. Printed by permission of lic paintings such as Quarton's altarpiece,but more private artworks, as well, Jan de Grauwe. The visual nr,r,ir**t:j. * carthusian Texts

included'imagesof Carthusians at prayer before divine figures.As we have seen,the panel paintings in the cells at Champmol included a picture of a Carthusian monk praying before the cross, joining supplicant with Savior in a personalized devotional aid.3eAnd the Carthusian monkJan Vos seems to have commissioned two paintings featuring his own image in similar scenes,one for public display and the other for private devotions. An altar- piece for the charterhouseswhere Vos was prior (Genadedal, r44t-5o, and Nieuwlicht, r45o-58) shows the monk praying to the Virgin and Child, flanked by Saints Barbara and Elizabeth; a smaller panel ostensibly for the prior's personal use shows substantially the same scene,omitting only St. Elizabeth.40Justas Philippe de Bourgogne imagined himself in mo- nastic community by wearing a Carthusian habit to his gr^ve, individual Carthusians imagined themselves in divine community through images such as these. The ways in which private images could construct community within Carthusian solitude brings us to the manifestation of visual art in the cell most important for our purposes: images in books. Books constituted an exception to, or an acceptable way around, the isolation of the cell, as in Guigo's famous pronouncement that, in lieu of preaching with their mouths, the silent Carthusians would "preach with their hands"-that is, they would write and copy devotional texts.4rSimilarly, Carthusian book- making could require exceptions to strict poverty, and we might deduce that if any trace of material wealth is to be found in medieval charterhouses, it is to be found in the library. An early anecdote well illustrates both the material demandsaristocratic patrons put on the monks'simplicity and the bibliographical resolution that was sometimes found. Guibert de No- gent relates the story of a gift to the Grande Chartreuse from the Count of Nevers: FI G. 6.4. Detail of the Couronnementde la Viirge. EnguerrandQuarton. Retable paintedfor the Charterhouseof Villeneuve-lEs-Avignon. Mus6e de I'Hospice, Let me show you how jealously they guard their poverty. This very Villeneuve-les-Avignon,France. year the Count of Nevers, a man whose piety is equal to his power, paid them a visit, driven by his own devoutness and their excellent reputation. Ffe warned them repeatedly to guard against the accumu- lation of worldly goods. Once he returned home he thought anew about their poverty, which he had observed; but he did not heed his own warnings and sent them some silver vessels,such as cups and fit r87 +*" r 86 ol+ o& The Visual Environment of CarthusianTexts JESSICA BRANTLEY

manuscript donation recorded in a will. dishes of very great value. But they did not forget what he had told thusian'book-ownership, such as a by Carthusians,and so show the stamp them; for once he made his intentions known he found himself fully Some "Carthusian books" were made of their creation. Some were made for or refuted with his own words. "We have decided," they said, "to keep of monastic piety as a reflection interests either of Carthusians as readers no riches that might come to us from outside, whether for our own given to them, and so reflect the world. These complications are important upkeep or for furnishing our church; and if we are not to use them or of their patrons in the secular few examples of manuscript illustration for either of these two purposes, what would it avail us to accept to keep in mind as we examine a be called "Carthusian." them?" Ashamed to have made a proposal that contradicted his own that-for one reason or another-can the late-medieval vogue for the Order words, the count pretended not to have heard their refusal and in- We have already seen that production of remarkably luxurious objects stead sent a new offering of oxhides and parchments in abundance, among aristocrats led to the illuminated books are no ex- for he knew that they would inevitably make use of these.aZ meant to celebrate monastic austerity-and ception to this tendenry. The most remarkable example is probably the a sumptuous book made ca. r4o8-9. This revealing episode demonstrates both the appeal of Carthusian asceti- BellesHeures of Jean, Duke of Berry of beautiful paintings by the Limbourg cism to pious lalpeople, as we have already seen, and the temptations to The manuscript contains a series of St. Bruno's foundation of La Grande decorative extravagance offered by even the most well-meaning benefac- brothers, which relate the story with the miraculous warnings of the theo- tors. But the story shows, too, that such external pressureswere relieved- Chartreuse.a5The seriesbegins grave and continues with the prophetic in this one case,at least-through the monks' determined bookishness. logian Diocres from beyond the finally illustrating Bruno's responseto The gift of rich vesselsfrom a wealthy outsider was accepted only when it dream of Bishop Hugh of Grenoble, of a monastic community in the wilder- was changed into oxhides and parchments, precious materials properly di- these marvels: his establishment the Carthusian foundation-narrative, but verted towards devotional-and specifically literary-uses. ness.a6These images represent of the Order's vocation' as well. For ex- But if books themselves were acceptable luxury objects, the narure they suggest important aspects and his companions leaving the city (figure 6'5) of Carthusian manuscript-painting remains as difficult to assessas other ample, the scene of Bruno written testament the double commitment kinds of Carthusian art. Evidence of actual charterhouse illumination is balances as eloquently as any within monastic community and to more plentiful than other signs of artistic practice; we know that the monks of the Carthusian monk to solitude the solirude of wilderness. A hermit in his sometimes decorated books, as well as wrote them, but it is difficult to monastic community within the hillside represent the death to life in this attribute particular images securely to Carthusian illuminators, and their cave and a lonely sepulchre on the ecclesiasticaledifice in the distance efforts did not usually go far beyond ornamented initials and rubrication.al world that is the eremitic life, but way-the monastic community that Of course, illustrators who were not Carthusians also influenced Carthu- symbolizes-in an oddly proleptic So although this series was com- sian devotional experience. But the range of criteria by which books are would become the Grande Chartreuse. and therefore gives litde impression of linked to the Order is broad; simply identifting the volumes that reflect the missioned by and for an aristocrat, might have pictured their calling, it offers, none- imaginative life of the cell can be as difficult as understanding how they how the monks themselves on Carthusian life' do so. Becausebooks-as opposed to monumental sculpture-are easy to theless, an important perspective walls of late medieval charterhouse churches, transport, it is particularly difficult to pin down their place of origin. It is Similar rycles adorned the occasionally appear in books that can be more unclear what kinds of internal evidence are significant, whether a marginal refectories, and cloisters,aTand milieux. Aversion of the foundational nar- note recording the ownership of a charterhouse, for example, signifies more confidently located in monastic form of a woodblock print, into a Car- than, for example, pictures of Carthusian monks or the inclusion of Guigo's rative made its way, in the humbler disseminatedas the 15ro Bile edition Consuetudizes.aaNor is it obvious what to make of external signs of Car- thusian book as practical and as widely The visuatnr,r,i.J-'i3, $ carthusianTexts

of the Ststzt'tes(figure 6.6).otThe same narrarive stanclsbehind the illustra- tions of London, British Library MS Addiri onal z5o4z,a fifteenth-cenrury Middle Dutch volume that describesand illusffares Carthusian ways of life, seemingly for the monks themselves.aerhe D'tch picLures are rougher and lessaccomplished than those of the Limbourgs, bur they offer. ,.'or. clearly carthusian vision of their own history. The prophetic stars of the bishop's dream are pictured, for example, but they are juxtaposed widr what must be a group of contemporary Carthusian monks (figure 6.).tu From this conflation of the Order's history and its present ro the architecnrral spe- cificity with which the cloister and the cells of the charterhouseblildings are depicted,these pictures do seemto reflect a Carthusian,rather than aris- tocratic, perspective. They offer not so much a fantastic m).th of origins_ although allusionsare made to that compelling srory-as a pramical visiol of what late medieval charterhouse life was like. Although this second set of Carthusian manuscript images seems much more likely to have been seen by monks than Jean de Berry's Belles Heures,neither of these series was necessarilyused in that way. A more (though certain less tangible) kind of evidence for Carthusian lse of par- ticular manuscripts derives from booklisrs.5rThere is definitive eviclence of a close connection between a set of illustrated manuscripts and a spe_ cific carthusian reader,for example,recorded in the list of irems takenby the English chartermonk Thomas Golwlmne from London ro Mounr Grace in ,,fayer,, 1519.This list includesa number of codices,sorne boasting rl- luminations:

Irem a fayer wrytten yornale made by the cost of Master Saxby har,ynge a claspe of sylver and an ymage of seyntJerome gravyn tlreryn: the second lef. of Advent. begynnetl..Jersnletn Allehri.r; this boke standyth in mahynge lij ti. Item a fayer wrytten sawter with a fayer ymage of seynt-|erome thery' in the begynnynge; the ijde lef of the sawrer begynnyth re erudimini. Fr c . 6.5. St. Bruno leavingthe city for the wilderness.Belles H,ures of Jean, Item a boke wrytten conte)mynge cerrelm masseswith the canon Drke of Bercy,f.gsu. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, The of the masseand a kalender in the begynnynge of the boke CloistersCollection, r954. with a fayer ymage of Jhesu standynge be for. *h r9r ol+ The Visual Environment of CarthusianTexts

{bnroo oRDrNrscARwsrErysn$. lcorllrFfum. tuttoodiudido iudietusfum fuf

fcptEltdlrc&_uno

rte .6.7. Carthusiansand thevision of the SevenSrars. London, BritishLibrary MS Additional z5o4z,ff. rov and rrr. Reproducedby permissionof rhe British Library.

'33- '

Item a wryrten boke of prayers of diuerse se)mteswith irmagys ril-'x * lymyd, and dirige wryrten J.r * therlm. Item a wryten boke of papyr with diuers sroryes, ancr of Ars moriendi therlm.52

It is not remarkable, of course, to find a fair image of Jesus among Gol- wynne's books' Nor is it especiallysurprising that his collection contains fwo manuscript images of st. Jerome, who was the patron saint of her_ mits, and so perhaps especiallybeloved by the eremitic carthusians. ,,rtem But the last item on the list is parricularry suggestive: a wry6en boke of papyr with diuers sroryes, and of Ars moriendi therynl,Nthough the identity of Golwynnet book could never be undisputed, the book as FI G' 6'6' Frontispiecenarrating the fotrndationof the briefly Carthusianorder. Stantta described is similar to a carthusian miscellany we know, if it is ordinis carfirciensis(Bdle, 15ro).British Library shelfrnark To4.h.zr.Reproduced not the veryvolume. This book is London, British Library,MS by permission Additional of The British Library. ,,of 37o4gta miscellaneousMiddle English manuscripr written papyr,, that +$ar 9z oF JESSICA BRANTI,EY certair-rlycontains a multinrde of "diuers storyes."srIt also contirins a nlrm- ber of texts that cou]d be styled Aftes rnoriendi,with memorable picnrres of grinning skeletons.One exampleis the "Disputation between the Body and Worms," in which the dead body, still wearing its fashionable headdress from life, now debateswith worms.saAnd tl'rereare severalexamples here of tlre late medieval transi tomb: a beautiful effigy above and a decompos- ing body below.55Finally, severaldeathbed-scenes offer tableauxin which a host of angelic and devilish figures vie for a human soul (figure 6.8).s6The connection is weak, the identity unlikely, not least becauseGolw)'nne's de- scription of this "wryten boke" makes no mention of illustrations.sTBut if Additional 37049is not Golwynne's book, his booklist demonstratesthat such a volume is not absolutelysingular. This richly illustrated rniscellany is probably our most certain testi- mony to the activity of a Carthusian illustrator. It does not offer the cer- tainty of a charterhouse colophon, but internal evidenceboth texrual and visual points strongly to Carthusian use, and even to Carthusian produc- tion. A poem on the founding of the Carthusian Order praisesit to the det- riment of all others and is illustrated with a pictorial narrative-including the bisl-rop'sdream, his meeting with Bruno et alios,the movement into the wilderness,and the occupation of the completed charterhouse-related to the kind of series we saw earlier, in the BellesHeures.s8 The second image accompanying this poem depicts a Carthusian monk holding a book-a ref- erence,it seems,to the bookmaking activitiesof the scribeand artist of this manuscript.seAnd the book is littered with numerous pictures of Carthu- sian monks at prayer: among them, a tiny monk gazing up at an enormous Crucifixion (f. 45r), a slightly larger monk meditating on Christ and his bleeding heart (f.67v), and a remarkable image in which a monk prays be- fore a Crucifixion-tableau growing quite literally out of the Holy Name (f. 36v).Like the small figure in Quarton's altarpiece,these images of read- ers respond meditatively to the devotional material they are reading, mir- roring the activities of the monastic readers and viewers of the manuscript as they perforrn devotional acts. But-remarkably-even the strong evi- dence here for Carthusian production and use has not gone entirely un- questioned; other monastic orders and secular figures are also picrured in rrc. 6.8. "Debatefor the Soul."London, BritishLibrary MS Additional Additional 37o4g.In fact, the manuscript confuses the issue quite pointedly 37o49,f. r9r. Reproducedby permissionof The British Library. 1i}:a;1 +*a 'FfilE&J,c! (i{1r"'\ n..''n *i-" r 94 oi+ ; JESSICA BRANTI,EY by representing monks ancllaypeople in precisely the same roles, as when the praying layman illustrating the lyric "O rnan vnlqrnde" on f. zor is re- placedby a praying Carthusian in the illustration of the sametext, repeated on f " z4r (ligLrres6.9-6.ro). The difficulty of clearly distinguishing Carthusian from lay artifacts, evenin this extreme case,brings us at last back to the imagesin Notre Darne 67. For, even though I have been describing visual culture in the late me- dieval charterhouse, it must be reiterated tl'rat the particular images that concern us here are "Carthusian" in only the most clistantway. That is, Notre l)ame 67 contains a Carthusian text, decorated and illustrated for lay readership.This is not a book that was read ir-rthe SheenCharterhouse, \lr'- i, where the text was probably composecl,nor was this volume seen by the '19 *f- i ir:' :: -+- text's first auclience,probably nuns in the Bridgettine monastery at Syon. Is there any reason then to think that the visual environment of tl-recl-rarter- house, or of Carthusian books, was translated into this manuscript? r$ It would seemunlikely, at first glance, since in adclition to the Carthu- sian h4irror to Deuout People,the manuscript contains other texts that have no explicit connection to monastic devotion: the Latin prayer O intern.ernta (ff. ro8r-ro9r) and The Anft of Dying (ff. rogv-rz6), the latter a popular didactic work on the proper manner of embracing death, sun iving in this version in fourteen other copies.60Even though The Craft of Dying is ap- parently not elsewhereconnected to the Order, it nonethelessreveals solne connections with known Carthusian interests. Becausemedieval Carthu- sians spent most of their time in solitude, they, even more than other monks, thought of the professionof their vows as a kind of "death" to the world. We saw an emblem of this in the mountainside tomb towards which Bruno and his followers move in the illustration from dre BellesHeures. And we have also seen a decided rnorbidity in the assortment of texts and in-r- agesfi lling Additional 37o49 threatening skeletons, decomposing bodies, deathbed struggies.6tBut if this text's interest in cleathis not inconsonant with Carthusian spirinrality, similar interestsare too widespreadin late me- dieval England to provide a strong connection with charterhouselife. Two other manuscript copies of The Crnji of Dyittg reflectits mortal preoccupa- tions in pictorial terms, including a threatening figure of Death holding a rrc. 6.9. Querelndiuinn-Resltonsio hurnann;with Christ,'r.l,oundeclheart, anclpray- spearand a bell, the ominous word "dethe" written repeatedlyin the space ing la1'nran.London, British Library MS Additional 37o49, F.zor. Reprocluced by around him (seeFigure 6.rr).62 permission of The British Library. neff#&p$,y s"EtrfldFff8,rw g&$g€ry,frs FrruF ry ri{s 11q$ $.t}$-e+ .$€rsls pg d''$o #ifo,ffis uf d***

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r r c . 6.ro. Qu.ereladiuina; with Christ, woundedheart, and praying Carthusian monk. London, British Library MS Additional37o49,f. z4t- Reproducedby permissionof The British Library. rrc.6.rr.Death with bell and spear. Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Douce 3zz,f. rgv.Reproduced by permission of the Bodleian Library University of Oxford. +fur98 oB+

JESSICA BRANTLEY

In Notre Dame 67, this common fascinationwith envisioning death is manifested in two small illustrations drat preface the Craji of Dymg (Plate 3): in the first, a dF.g man lies peaceftillyin bed, hands claspedin prayer. One lio:+aifr'r o,o"r'lit lkrffr'+o &.u, e fr'$ttr.S,r.oort, i.,'b it'r.l)".-&r'$. t can almost make out a beatific smile crossing over his face. The focus of 1,i.,',x, ' t4lfu );'h*.,fiitf-r*;.f ,rr...rtrttrie.,\.o,,,rrh -\:a\ plttc, -.{ this historiated initial is entirely on the conduct ("the craft") of the dying fo' S"ir"* t/"i ftt, 1'e o.$ 'n @ p:off't r$fc .1"r$ri'r'*p, , " person, and he seemsto have absorbedwell the instruction of the text at*"...r9 i-\r/o -il,ti,;. -,o;; ; I)-'A t that follows. Although the text mentions the terrible torments that will ar- rive in a person's last moments,6rthe deathbed scenefrom Additional 37o4g comes far closer to representing that struggle (cf. figure 6.8). The Notre Dane image-in which death is entirely indistinguishable from sleep- reassuresits readers of the text's primary emphasis:that one can die well, and peacefully,in perfect spiritual health. Below this initial is another small image: a bishop redirects our attention to the upper picture-space,in a vi- sual demonstration of the way in which spiritual directors can guide the at- tention of a dying person towards his salvation. Although the majority of this treatise is concerned with preparing the dying person himself for the event, several chapters are devoted to the right conduct of friends, family, and religious advisors.6aAn historiated initial illustrating the text in Bod- leian Library, MS Douce 3zz alsoseems to represent this community (f. z7r; seefigure 6.n).6s If these pictures,simple as they are, do not establisha strong pictorial tradition surroundin g The Crnft of Dying, they do, never- theless,reflect and interpret some of the crucial emphasesof the text. The prayer dividing the Mirror to Deuoat PeoplefromThe Craft of Dying also opens with an historiated initial (plate z). The text celebratesthe inter- cessorypowers of the Virgin M"ry and St. John the Evangelist, and most often appearsas an accessoryprayer in books of hours.66In Notre Dame 67, it is added to the end of the Mirro7 as the culmination of the author's Marian interests, and his "specialecommendacioun of the worshipftill apos- tell SeynteJohn euangeliste" (f. 96v).67The historiated initial depicts a Vir- gin and Child with St.John, who holds a chalice and what appearsto be the palm of martyrdom. Although the Virgin andJohn are particularly impor- tant in the text of this prayer (and in the text of the Mirror), their depiction here is nonetheless relatively unusual. O intemerata rsrtally addressesboth the Virgin and John, but it is almost always illustrated by images repre- senting the Virgin alone or the Virgin with her son-most often, a piet).68 prc. 6.12. Deathbed scene.Oxford, Bodleian Library MS f)ouce 3zz,f. z7r. The inclusion of John here, and the iconography that represenrshim, Reproduced by permission of the Bodleian Library University of Oxford. ,",,,T^'iiof;,""" The visuar Bn"irffrtt""nt, * c"r,nosian Texts

require further explanation. His chalice, though it doesnot contain,the usual ration, for it consists only of an armorial initial and a border of acanthus serpent, probably symbolizes the poisoned cup given to him by priests leaves.But if not truly pictorial, this decoration is nonetheless informative. of Diana at Ephesus (or, in some legends, by Domitian). But the palm is The mere presenceof such an elaborate border indicates something a greater mystery forJohn was not strictly a marryr. According to legend, about the prestige both of the book and of the text, for it dignifies a he escapeddeath twice: once when he drank unharmed from the poisoned vernacular "myrrour" with ornamental loveliness that might have been chalice, and once when he was merely refreshed by a bath in a cauldron of reserved for other, Latinate uses. And the style of the border can help in boiling oil outside the Latin Gate in Rome. Even thoughJohn was known dating and localizing the book, for it resemblesthose made in London in to have died peacefully in his old age, these miraculous events transformed the mid-fifteenth century. Of the dated and datable borders surveyed by him into a martyr in popular imagination. Kathleen Scott, the Notre Dame example most resembles a London copy The Mit"rorreflects this belief inJohn's figurative martyrdom, explain- of the Noua statuta Angliae, from 445/6 (figure 6.ry)." Both manuscripts ing that he is praised "for pe redynes of soule pat was in hym to suffre show full bar-frame borders intertwined with pink and blue acanthus clus- martyrdome when he was caste in to pe forseide tonne [barrel]," and con- ters, which are shaded with white striations. The spral'work between acan- cluding "perfore it is approuede and worshepede of holy chirche for a thus clusters is slightly more ornate in the Noaa sta.tuta,where floral motifs martyrdome" (f. ro4v).6eBut one would expect an image of John in boil- are organizedby sections,and pinecones appear among the gold, green- ing oil to suggest this aspect of his legend, and indeed such pictures do lobed balls. Scott calls it "at the same time conventional and representative appear in the iconographic tradition surrounding him.70An alternative ex- of first-rate London work in the favoured style at this periodl' If the Notre planation for the palm in the Notre Dame illustration derives fromJohn's Dame border is lessdetailed, it seemsto come from the sameaesthetic en- role as Virginis custos-the appoinred guardian of Christ's mothet who was vironment. The figural style corroborates this provenance, for, though the entrusted to him from the cross. In Christ's words, as reported by the Mir- figures are simple, they show similarities with contemporary metropoli- ror, "Lette a virgyne take tente to a vyrryne, John to Mary and Mary to tan work. A comparison of the Marian initial with illustrations in a Brzrl John" (f. rozr). fu the virgin's surrogare son, John was often represented chronicle now in private hands, for example,shows analogous figures seated with the palm of paradise given to him by angels at her death, which he car- in initials, and comparably plain lines in the facial feanrres.T3These com- ried in her funeral procession.TrSo, rather than suggesting his own martyr- parisons indicate that Notre Dame 67 was decorated most probably by dom, it is possible that the palm points towards his specialrelationship with commercial artists working in London in the second quartef of the fif- her, a relationship that structures the text of the prayer O internerata.Where teenth century. one might have expected a conventional copy of a familiar exemplar- The decoration and illustration of Notre Dame 67 points to a London a standard pieti illustraring this standard prayer-one finds instead what origin for the book, but a less accomplished volume in Scott's survey of Iooks like artistic innovation dependent on interpretation of the text. borders provides an equally revealing comparison: a Sheen copy of Nicho- Whether it is the text of the Mirror that suggests John's martyrdom, or las Love's Mirror of the BlessedLife of JesusChrist (figure 6.t4).'o This book the text of O intemerata thatsuggesrs his role as guardian of the Virgin, the was written by the Carthusian scribe Stephen Dodesham in "the yer of image seems to have developed from this artist's attention to the particu- Kyrg" Edwarde the iiij'h'xiil'n'," i.e.,,r475, and although there is no cer- lar context of Notre Dame 67. tainty that the artist was also a Carthusian of Sheen, it seemslikely that he The final illustration to consider in Notre Dame 67 is the first, the il- was. The full border on f. 3v shows some of the standard features of En- lustration of the Carthusian Mir"ror to Deuoat People(plate r). This "Car- glish work: a bar-frame wrapped in acanthus leaves, spraywork with gold thusian" picrure accompanying a Carthusian text is not illustrative, in the balls and green lobes. But this Sheen border has an archaic look, and if sensethat the historiated initials are.It could more properly be called deco- one didn't know the date of the manuscript one might have placed it three .';,i;r,.t',t'.ta

n r e . 6t4. Nicholas Love, Mirror of the BlessedLife of JesusChrist" Glasgow, Frc. 6.r3. Nlaa stntutaAngliae.London, Public Record Office E 164/rc,f.44t. University Library MS Hunter lZ (T.1.ry), f. 3v.Reproduced from Glasgow Reproduced by permission of the National Archives, Kew. University Library Departmentof SpecialCollections 1$a zo4 .la The visuat * carthusian Texts JESSICA BRANTLEY """,r*rri:i. decadesearlier. This example alerts us that Carthusian manuscripts might partial ownership of this book is an interesting sign of things to come: the follow London bookshop fashions, albeit many decadeslate. I will not sug- rise of female reading of vernacular devotional books.76Her ownership gest that Notre Dame 67 is also a late Sheen manuscript following London might be taken as a sign, too, of how far this manuscript has come from the fashions,but the possibility of such imitation reminds us, once again, that text's Carthusian origins. Elizabeth Scrope'sarms represent an intrusion not all monastic manuscripts are clearly segregated from secular ones. inverted from the one that worried the general chapter, for instead of lay The arms accompanying the Notre Dame Mirror to Deaou.tPeople are images threatening to trouble a monastic environment, here a Carthusian even more informative than the border, for they indicate, in all likelihood, text seems anomalous in its secular setting. But even the monastic Min'or for whom and by whom the book was commissioned. It seems probable was originally designed for a "gostely sustre," and lay women occasion- thatJohn, fourth Baron Scrope of Masham (d. r+SS)had the book made ally entered the charterhouse church, an interaction of communities not so for his wife, Elizabeth: their arrns (Scrope impaling Chawordr) are the two different from dre interaction syrnbolized by Elizabeth Scrope'sarms deco- shown on the manuscript's opening page.TsThat these seculararms in this rating this manuscript. urbane book are connected with a Carthusian text may show simply that- The visual associationof the Scrope/Chaworth family with the Mirror as we have already repeatedly seen-late medieval aristocratic interest in to DeaoutPeople demonstrates in emblematic fashion the strong connection Carthusian spirituality was often reflected in art objects. Notre Dame 67 of Carthusian texts with lay reading that is crucial to understanding devo- confirms the multiple audiences that the Mirror itself expects, and its pic- donal Middle English literature. This illustrated book bears out in one par- tures, rather than replicating the visual environment of the charterhouse, ticular instance what is crucial to the late medieval Carthusian visual ex- represent the new lay environment in which the Carthusian text finds itself. perience in general: the continual oscillation between monastic meditation But they have some relevance, too, to ways in which Carthusian devotion and lay piety. In spite of the monks' dedication to the solitary religious life, typically imagined itself in visual terms. The Scrope/Chaworth arms show Carthusian spirinrality also included a surprisingly public face. Connections an incorporation of the readerwithin the book not so different in kind-if between Carthusians and the laity in the late medieval period were cntcial, very different in form-from the small figures of the pra)4ng monk that we both for the monks themselves and in very important ways for the aristo- have seen populating a more properly "Carthusian" manuscript. If the cratic world. Notre Dame 67-ahhough it was in all likelihood neither made small monks at prayer in Additional37o49 bring the Carthusian reader into nor used by Carthusian monks-fortns a part, nonetheless,of the broad his book, making a visual emblem of the connection between text and audi- bibliographic and visual culture of the charterhouses.In spite of the monks' ence, the irnages in Notre Dame 67 do precisely the same. Of course, secu- ascetic,eremitic goals, one cannot isolate Carthusian visual experiencefrom lar arms do not replicate the meditative mechanisms of the monks at prayer; the world around it, and that is what this manuscript finally shows.ii instead, they proclaim the importance of the owners, and only incidentally the piety of the readers. But both represent the self materially in the envi- ronment of a devotional text. This representation of the lay self in the context of the charterhouse

is not unique: one might think of Philippe de Bourgogne dressing his corpse r. For a summary description of the manuscript, see the auction catalogte: in a Carthusian habit, or the "curious" pictures of women or coats of arms Christie's, London, Tbe Libraryt of William Foyle, Pan I: Medieual and Rennissnnce that the Carthusian general chapter objected to in :.424.Notre Dame 67 Mnnmcripts,Titesday r r fufu zooo (London, zooo), 22r_23; see also the appendix to recalls that particular prohibition, for it incorporates the coats of arms A. S. G. Edwards's essayin this volume. of both a la1'rnanand a laywoman-Elizabeth Scrope-who was probably z. Tlte Speculum Deuotoram of anAnonymous Carthusian of Sheen, ed'James among the book's first readers.A. S. G. Edwards has noted that Elizabeth's Flogg, z vols., Analecta Cartusiana 12-r3 (Salzburg, rg73-7d. *$e zo6 al+ t1a zo7 ol+

JESSICA BRANTLEY The \4sual Environment of Carthusian Texts

3. Since there were no Carthusian nuns in medieval England, the female Chartreux, i{nalecta Cartusiana r46 (S6lignac, r998), rr9-4r; and the short section addresseemust have been either a nun of another order or a pious laywoman. For concerning "Beaux Arts" in Albert Gruys, Cartusiann: Un instrument heuristiqu.e, 3 an argument that the ffeatise was written for a nun of Syon, see rhe essay by Vin- vols., (Paris, 1976),r:34. In addition, severalessay-collections devoted to Carthu- cent Gillespie in this volume. sian art show a decided Continental focus: Danel Le Bldvec and Alain Girard, eds., 4. For a consideration of the people and books connected ro the manu- Les Cbartreux et l'art: XIW-XVIIIe siicles; Actes du Xe colloque intetuntionale d'histoire script's lay readership, see the essayby A. S. G. Edwards in this volume. et de spiritualitd cartusiennes(Villeneuae-lis-Aaignon, ry-18 septernbrer988) (Paris, 5. A.I. Doyle was among the first to call attention to the movement of rq89); James Hogg, ed., Tlte MysticalTradition and the Carthusians, A,nalecta Carnr- (A Carthusian books, in his much consulted Ph.D. thesis; see Survey of the Origins siana r3o:r3 (Salzburg, :99:); and (though not strictly devoted to the visual arts) and Circulation of Theological Writings in English in the r4th, r5th, and Early r6th James Hogg, Alain Girard, and Daniel Bl6vec, eds., Die Knrtliu.ser u.nddie Riinste Centuries with Special Consideration of the Part of the Clergy Therein," z vols. ihrer Zeit,3 vols., Analecta Cartusiana 157 (Salzburg, 2oor). (PhD diss., Cambridge, r953). Seealso such foundational studies as Elizabeth Salter, 9. "Ornamenta aurea vel argentea, preter calicem et calamum quo sanguis Nicholas Loue's"Myrrou.r of the blessedlyf of Jenr. Christ," Analecta Cartusiana ro (Salz- domini sumituq in ecclesianon habemus, pallia tapetiaque reliquimusl' See Guigues bwg, tg74); Michael Sargent, "The tansmission by the English Carthusians of rer,Coutumesde Chartrezzse,Sources Chr6tiennes 313(Paris, r9B4), XL.r. Alltransla- sonre Late Medieval Spiritual Writings," Journnl of EcclesinsticnlHistory z7 Q976): tions, unless otherwise noted, are my own. zz5-4c.; and Vincent Gillespie, "Cura pnstornlisin deserto,"in De Cella in Sentlum: ro. For a facsimile reprint of the Carthusian statutes (BAle, 15ro) seeJames Religiousand Secu.larLife and Deaotion in Late Medieunl England, ed. Michael Sargent Hogg, The Eaohrtion of the Cartbusian Stntutesfrom the Consu.etudinesGu.igonis to the (Cambridge, r98g), 16r-8r. Doyle and others have in more recent years caurioned Tertin Compilatio, Analecta Cartusiar.a gg r- 4 (Salzburg, ry8g). There is no mod- against assuming too great a Carthusian influence on vernacular devotional read- ern critical edition, but a useful consideration of the editorial history of the Stanrtes ing; see,e.9., A. I. Doyle, "Carthusian Participation in the Movement of Works of can be found in Hubert Elie. Ies 1ditions des Stants de l'Ordre des Cbrtrtreux (Lar- Richard Rolle between England and other Parus of Europe in the r4th and r5th sanne, r9+r. -mystiker, by E. Margaret Thompson, The Centuries," in Knrttiu.serwxystikund vol. z, Analecta Cartusiana 55 (Salz- rr. Statu.taAntiqua., Part z, XXXII. Cited burg, r98r) , rog-zo. But although the mechanisms of transmission resist generali- Car-tbusianOrder in England (London, r93o), r84. zation, it remains true that late medieval Carthusian texts were widelv read outside rz. An emphasis upon the devotional utility of Carthusian art underscores of charterhouses. most apologetic treatments of the subject; se€,€.g.: Alain Girard, "De I'image en 6. For a discussion of Mede and other Carthusian scribes, see A. L Doyle, Chartreuse l' in The Mysticnl Tiadition and the Cartbusians,ed. Hogg, Analecta Car- "Book Production by the Monastic Orders in England (c. ry75-r53o)," in Medieanl tusiana r3o:3 (Salzburg, 1995), r45-55.For a consideration of general monastic Book Production:Assessing tbe Euidence,ed. L. L. Browning (Los Altos Hills, r99o), attitudes to art, see Conrad Rudolph, The'Tbings of Greater Importnnce': Bernard of r-r9, esp.r3-r5. Clair-uaux'sApologiaandthe MedieualAttitadeTbwardArt (Philadelphia, ry9o). 7. Seventeenth-cenrury Carthusian painting includes worls by Zurbar)n and 13. See Bernard Bligny, "Les premiers chartreux et la pauvret6,l' Le moyenkge - Carducho in Spain, and-most famously-Le Sueur's seriesof the life of St. Bruno 57 $g5r): z7 6o. Yvette Carbonell-Lamothe points out that the Carthusians had as painted for the Carthusians of Paris Q645-48). For an overview, seeJoan Evans, great an influence on later art as the Franciscans did in the thirteenth and four- Monastic Iconlgraphy in Francefi'om tbe Renaissanceto tbe Reuolution(Cambridge , r97o), teenth centuries, but that such influence remains largely unexplored; see her "Con- - 32-34. For a more specialized study of post-medieval imagery in a particular clusions," in Les Chartreux et l'art, ed. Le Bl6vec and Girard, 395 4o2, ^t 4oz. Charterhouse, see Sabine Fischer, Dns barocke Bibliotheksprogrflrn?nder ebemaligen t4. Statuta Noua, Part 2, r.7."Thpetia universa et cussini picturati vel alias cu- fieri KnrtauseMarienthron in Gaming, Analecta Cartusiana 58:3 (Salzburg, 1986). riosi in usu apud nos non habeant: sed et picture curiose ubi sine scandalo poterit 8. For a short introduction to medieval Carthusian art in France, seeJoan de nostris ecclesiiset domibus eradantur: et nove de cetero fieri non permittantl' Cf. Evans,Art in Medieaal France,g87- ry98 (Oxford, 1948), r5o-57. See also Augustin Thompson, CarthusianOrdet; n9; I differ somewhat in myunderstanding of this pas- Devaux, "La d6coration des chartreusesm6dievales," inL'architecture dnnsl'Ordre du sage.I am grateful to Tiaugott Lawler for advice concerning this translation. +fa zo8 o# +5azog # JESSICA BRANTLEY The Msual Environment of Carthusian Texts

15. See Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Rawlinson D.3r8, transclibed in Mi- mns, sed feminarum introitum denegamusJ'See Flogg and Sargent, Chaftae,3:27. chael Sargent and James Hogg, eds., Tlte Chanae of the Carthusian Genernl Chapter, See also Sherry C. M. Lindquist, "Women in the Charterhouse: The Liminality Analecta Carnrsiana roo (r983), zt77-223. RawlinsonMS D.3r8 and London, Lam- of Cloistered Spacesat the Chartreuse de Champmol in Dijon," in Architecture beth Palace Library MS 4r3 are cited by Thompson, Carthusinn Order; 266. and the Politics of Gender in Early Modern Europe, ed. Helen Hills (Aldershot, fi . Terria Compilatio, III. 5. zoo3),177-92. r7. Rudolph 'Things translates "curiosus" as "unusually distractive," of Greater 23. Joseph A. Gribbin, "'Ex Oblatione Fidelium': The Liturgy of the Lor.rdon Importnnce', r76n.473. For an interesting discussion of the insistent use of the adjec- Charterhouse and the Laity," inThe MysticnlTiadition andthe Canlntsians,ed.James 'Appendice: tive, see Elie, le sensecartusien de I'adjectif curiosLts,"in his les lditions, Hogg, Analecta Cartusiana ryo5 ft996), 83-ro4, at 85. SeealsoJoseph A. Gribbin, - r93 2oo. Aspectsof Cartbusinn Lintrgicnl Prnctice in Lnter Medieual England (Salzbvg, r99). 18. The involvement of so many known and accomplished artists in the 24. The description of decoration and furnishings at London, made by decoration of Champmol makes it a particularly interesting-if not exactly Dr. Thomas Legh and Dr. Francis Cave in 1539,includes a number of paintings, as representative-case in which to examine the visual environment of Carthusian well as carvings in ivory and alabaster; see Coppack and Aston, Christ\ PoorMnn, 'Accounting spiriruality. See Sherry C. M. Lindquist, for the Status of Artists at esp. 5j-55. See also Thompson, Carthusian Orderi r9z-84, and W H. St. John the Chartreuse de Champmol," Gesta (zooz): 15-28. The standard study of 4rt Ffope, The History of tbe London Cbarterhou.sefrom its Fou.ndntionuntil the Su.ppression Champmol is Cypren Monget, La Cbam'eotsede Dijon,3 vols. (Tournai, r898-r9o5); of tbe Monastery (London, r9z5). ((Patronage, see also Sherry C. M. Lindquist, Piety, and Politics in the Art and 25. MarcVenard suggeststhat the common spacesof the charterhouses were Architecnrral Programs at the Charterhouse de Champmol in Dijon (France)" the spacesdeliberately given over to things of this world, and so were more likely (PhD diss., Northwestern University, rgg;), and Renate Prochno, Die Ko.rtause spacesin which to display art objects; he even suggeststhat the Carthusians thought uon Chnmpmol: Grablege der burgmdischen Herziige, r364-t477 (Munich, zooz). of their communal spacesas "sacrificed" to the world, a sacrifice made to preserve For a study of Champmol's most significant sculptor, S€€1€.g., Kathleen Morand, the privary of their cells. Seehis "Conclusions," in Lescbnr-rreux et l'ott, ed. Le Bl6vec Claus Shrter: Artist nt the Coart of Burgtndy, photographs by David Finn (Austin, and Girard, 4o3-ro, at 4og. Tex., r99r). 26. Observers, both medieval and modern,. disagreeon this point; cf. Daniel 19. A single chapter of the Consuetudines(XLf contains the prohibition Le Bl6vec, "Les chartreux et l'art," in Les cbnttreax et l'nrt, ed. Le Bl6vec and Girard: against incorporating the "tombs of strangers" and the prohibitions against ac- "Alors que les murs de l'6glise et des chapelles, ceux de la salle capinrlaire, cle r6fec- cepting gifts from and saying prayers for outsiders-multiple manifestations of toire, de I'h6tellerie se couvraient de tableaux, les ermitages des pdres restaient, the single problem of external influence on Carthusian life. quant i eux, le reftige de I'austerit6 primitive" (r4).An eighteenth-cenrury monk zo. For a survey of burials in all English houses, see Glyn Coppack and Mick upheld the distinction between what is appropriate in the church and what in the Aston, Cbrist\ Poor Men: Tbe Cartbusiansin England (Stroud, zooz),65- 68. cell, warning his brothers: "We should avoid the childish weakness of those who zr. Guigo himself drew an analogy between cities and wealth: "Considera decorate their cells like chapels."("On doit 6viter la faiblessepu6rile de ceux qui or- quomodo paupertas et vilitas in mediis urbibus solitudinem praestent, divitiae nent leur cellule comme des chappelles,"quoted in Venard, "Conclusions," 4o8.) turbis heremos impleant." Guigues rcr, Les Mdditations @ecueilde Pensdes),Sources But even this condemnation (pnceYenard and Le Bl6vec) testifies to some monks' Chr6tiennes 3o8 (Paris, r983), 3o7. ["Consider how poverty and squalor create soli- tendencies towards private visual display. tude in the middle of cities, and wealth fills the desert with crowds." Tbe Meditations 27. For example, the inventory made in r5rg by the monk Thomas Golwlmne of Gu.igoI, Prior of tbe Cbarterhoxrse,trans. A. Gordon Mursell, Cistercian Studies of items he took with him on a journey from London to Mount Grace includes: Seriesr55 (Kalamazoo, Mich., ryg1).1 "Item a wyde sloppe furryd to put over all my gere, of the gyfte of my Lady Con- zz. The General Chapter in 1438 reflected a concern about women in Car- way," "Item a newe pylche of the gyft of Mr. Saxby," "Item a newe mantell by the thusian churches, refusing to allow women to enter the church at Mount Grace gyfte of SpJohn Rawson knyght of the Roodes," "Item a lytell brasyn morrer with for the burial of an important benefactor: "Priori domus Assumptionis Beate a pestyl gevlm by the gyfte of a frende of m1.ne," "Itern a new chaf.ngdysshe of Marie in Monte Gratie non fit misericordia. Et sepulturam quam petit concedi- laten ger.1mto vs," "ij new tyne botylles ger1ar by a \msman of owrs," and "ftern a *$a zro oH +{azrr .# JESSICA BRANTLEY The Visual Environment of Carthusian Texts

brassepanne of a galone gev'ryrto vs lyke wyse" (the full list is quoted in Thompson, mirabilium, Quaerusticitati vitae solitariae non concordant. Secundum enim doctri- Canhusinn Orde4 326-zB); see alsoJames Flogg, "Everyday Life in a Contemplative nam Joannis Damasceni, imagines et picturae murorum sunt quasi quaeclam scrip- Order in the Fifteenth Century" Kartduserliturgie und Krtrtriuserscbriftam, Analecta turae et literae laicorum, ut qui in libris legere non noverunt, in murorum picturis -ro9t Carrusiana n64 Qg8g1,95 esp. roo-ror. quasi quibusdarn literis grossis intelligunt, quae ipsi illiterati intelligere nequeunt in 28. For these conjectures,see Charles Sterling, "Oeuwes retrouv6es deJean scripnrris. Et ideo tales picturae laudabiliter fieri possunt in ecclesiis ubi concurrit de Beaumetz, peintre de Philippe Le Hardi," Bulletin MusdesRoyaux desBeaux Ans frequentia populorumr euae frustra et superflue fierent in desertis Cartusiensium + (rgSS), 57-82.I am grateful to Sherry Lindquist for this reference. quo non consueverunt populi, licet aliquando pauci viri, convenire. . . . Ideo et prae- 29. "I tabulam cum crucifixione pictam" (quoted in Thompson, Car-tbusinn dicti Cartusienses in cellis suis, sicut praedictum est, devotas picturas non renuunt Orderi 46). nec recusant, sed ad excitationem devotionis et imaginationis, et augmentum de- 3o. "If clothing or another gift of that kind has been sent to one of us, con- votae conceptionis, easdem libenter et affectuose recipiunt et requiruntl' See C. Le verse or monk, by a friend or relative, it is not given to him, but rather to another, Couteulx, Annales ordinis Cartusiensisab anno to84 ad annum t4z9 (Montreuil-sur- so that he does not seem to have something to himself alone." ("Si alicui nostmm Mer, 1887- r89r), rz76-77. Paraphrasedfrom Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Bod- sive laico sive monacho, ab aliquo vel amico vel propinquo vel vestis vel aliquid l"y S4g(ff. z5-85v) by Thompson, Carthusian Order, rc6. huiusmodi missum fuerit, non ei sed alii potius danrr, ne quasi proprium habere 36. For a Charterhouse museum that reconstructs the artistic environment of videarur," Consu,entdines LIX. l ). the medieval and modern cell, see Michael Koller and Jiirgen Lenssen, Knrtriuser- 3r. For example, this question of individual ownership was addressedfrom ntuseunxTiickelhausen:ein Museum der Diiizese Wilrzbarg (Lindenberg, rggT). 'Aucun London to the Grande Chartreuse in t494: "If anyone wished to give an old 37. autre ordre ne parait avoir aussis0rement impos6 sa propre image, book or other thing to a particular person for life, might a prior license the lat- avoir 6t6 aussi exigeant sur la repr6sentation de lui-m6me et sur sa traduction artis- ter to receive it?" (quoted in Thompson, Cartbusian Orderi z7$.The answer was tique," Carbonell-Lamothe, "Conclusions," 4oo-4ot. no. For other questions of this sort, seeJoseph A. Gribbin, ed., Liturgical and 38. "La croix Nostre Seigneur, et au pi6 d'icelle aura ung priant chartreuxl' Miscellaneous Questions, Dubia, and Supplicatilns t0 La Grande Chartreuse from tbe See Charles Sterling, Enguerrand Quarton: le peintre de la Pieth d'Auignon (Paris, Englisb Cartbusian Proaince in the Later Middle Ages, Analecta Carrusiana roo:32 rq8l). Quarton was also a sometime painter of manuscripts, for example, New (Salzburg, r99il. York, Pierpont Morgan Library MS 358 (Heures); and Paris, BibliothEque Na- 32. See Coppack and Aston, Cbrist's Poor Men, 93. It is not known whether tionale de France, Nouv. acq. lat. z66t (Missel deJean desMnnins). these items were gifts, but they do confirm the presence of private devotional im- 39. Hans Belting claims that the cell paintings at Champmol "always de- agery in the Carthusian cell. picted the Crucifixion but also included a portrait of the cell's occupant"l see his 33. There were other objections to the extremities of Carthusian asceticism: Likenessand Presence:A History of tbe Image Before tbe Era of Art, trans. Edmund Jeph- the monks'vegetarianism, for example,was feared to impede the treatment of the cott (ChicaEo, 1994),417. While this claim may seem unduly sweeping,it testifies sick. See Thompson, Car-thusianOrder, rc4. to the regularity with which Carthusians depicted themselves at prayer. s 34. For a thorough discussion of this tract, and questions surrounding its au- 4o. The larger panel is rg x z4t/z in., while the smaller one is 7 /e x 5t /z in. thorship, seeJames Hogg, "Guillelmus de Yporegia: De Origine et Writate Perfecte See Marian W. Ainsworth, with contributions by Maximilian P. J. Martens, Petrus Religionis,"Analecta Carnrsiana 8z:z (Salzburg, r98o), 84-rr8. Cbristus: RenaissanceMaster of Bruges (New York, 1994); andJoel M. IJpton, Petus 35. "Certum est enim quod Cartusienses in omnibus ecclesiis suis habent, et Cbristr.rs: His Place in Fifteenth-century Flemish Painting (University Park, r99o). habere debent ex Ordinis sui institutis, imaginem Crucifixi in loco solemni et emi- 4r. "Libros quippe tamquam sempiternum animarum nostrarum cibum nenti, et super pluria altaria plures cruces; in oratoriis quoque cellarum suarum gen- cautissime custodiri et studiosissime volumus fieri, ut quia ore non possumus, dei eraliter consueverunt habere Crucifixum et imaginem Mariae Virginis, et etiam verbum manibus predicemus," Consuetudines)O(VIII.3 ["We desire that the books aliquando aliorum Sanctorum secundum quod se offert possibilitas et facultas. be made with the greatest attention and kept very carefirlly, like perperual food for Honestati vero et paupertati Religionis attestatur ipsorum, si refugiunt curiositates our souls, so becausewe are not able to preach the word of God with our mouths, sumptuosas in picturis et sculpturis et varietatibus aedificiorum solemnium et we may do so with our hands"]. +ft' zr3 {a zrz o# "# JESSICA BRANTLEY The Visual Environment of Carthusian Texts

now in the Cloisters Collection of the 42. "Intantum, inquam, suae sunt custodes inopiae ut, hoc ipso Quo agimus 45. For a facsimile of the BellesHeu.re.r, anno, Nevernensis comes, vir omnino religiosus et potens, eos, causa devotionis et Metropolitan Museum of Art, see Tbe BellesHezn'es of Jenn, Du'ke of Ben1, ed. Mil- optimae, quae hinc emanat, opinionis, inviserit multumque super seculari eos cu- lard Meiss and Elizabeth H. Beatson (NewYork, ry74). Previous to this manuscript piditate, ut caverent inde, monuerit, cumque, regressus ad sua, eorum indigentiae, cycle, only four single scenesfrom Bruno's life are known. expounding the Scriptures quarn viderat, meminisset, et monitorum, Quae eis innrlerat, nequaquam memor 46. The cycle consists of eight scenes:Diocres esset,nescio quae argentea, sciphos videlicet et scutras, precii plurimi eis misit. Sed (f.g4r), Diocres crFng out from his bier (f.g+u), the burial of Diocres (f.q.st), eorlrm quae dixerat illis nequaquam obliviosos invenit: cornmunicato namque mox Bruno's departure for the monastic wilderness (f. qSrr),Bishop Hugh of Grenoble 'Nos,'inquiunt, 'neque consilio, quaecumque dixerat ad integrum refutata recepit. drearning prophetically of sevenstars (f. 96r), St. Hugh's audiencewith Bruno and (f'9lr), in expensisnostris neque in ecclesiaeornamentis, exterarum quippiam pecuniarum his six companions (f. 96v), the new monks entering the Grande Chartreuse retinere delegimus. Et si in horum alterutro non expenditur, ut quid a nobis suscipi- and a view of the Grande Chartreuse itself (f. 97v). charterhouse no longer tur?'Puduit itaque praevaricatoriaecontra suum serrnonem oblationis comitem et 47. The fourteenth-century paintings in the Paris tamen, dissimulata aspernatione eorum, boum tergora et pergamena plurima re- survive, having been replaced in the seventeenth century by Le Sueur's grand transmisit, quae pene inevitabiliter ipsis necessaria essecognovit." See Guibert de rwenty-two-parr ser, now in the Mus6e du Louvre. There were fifteenth-cennrry seeMargrit Friih, "Bilderzyklen Nogent, Autoltiogruphie,ed. Edmond-Ren6 Labande (Paris, r98r), 68-7o; A Monk's rycles at Basel and Cologne. For a complete survey, Confession:TbeMem.oirs of Guiben de Nogent, trans. PaulJ. Archambault (University mit dem Leben des Heiligen Bruno," in La nnissnncetles Chanreu;es t6r-78; see also Die Park, Pa., ry96),32. Werner Beutler, "Die beiden Brunozyklen der I(olner Kartause St. Barbara," 6z:3 43. Few srudies and exhibitions have addressed the question of Carthusian Knnliuser und ihre Weh: Kontnkte u.ndGegenseitige Einfiisse, Analecta Cartusiana illunrination directly, but see Dominique Mielle de BecdeliEvre, Pr\cher en si- (Salzburg, rgg3), n8-zrz;and Rudolf Riggenbach, "Die Wandbilder der Kartiiuse," lence: EnqrrAte codicologique su.r les mnnu.scrits du XIIe siicle prouena.nt de la Grnnde in Kunstdenkmriler des Kantlns Basel-Stadt, vol. 3, Die Kirchen, Kloster und Krtpellen, - -z+o; Cbnrtreuse(Saint-Etienne, 2oo4), esp. 48 49, 116_ zr, r34- 42, and r9z ed. Casimir Hermann Baer (Basel, r94r), 577-94. of the Cnnbminn FranEoise de Forbin, "Les manuscrits de la chartreuse de Villeneuve-lds-Avignon," 48. For rhe version in the Basel Statutes,see Hogg, Euohnion - in Les chartreuxet l'art, ed. Le Bldvec and Girard,39-63; Margrit Friih, "Die Statutes,and Elie, Les 1ditions,esp. 5o 58. tell the Carthusian foun- Illustrationen in Guigo Engelherrs Manuskripren," in MysticalTFadition,Hogg, 49. This manuscript contains a series of images that 35-69, Analecta Cartusiana r30:r3; Christian de Merindol, "Les prenidres bibles dation-story but also a series that appears to offer scenes from everyday monastic peintes carrusiennes," in La nnissancedes Chartreuses, ed. Bernard Bligny and G6- life. It contains a version of the Carthusian rule, which, though in Dutch rather than rald Chaix (Grenoble, r986), 69-rc6; Mus6e de Dijon, La Cbnrtreusede Cbamp- in Latin, suggesrsmonastic readership. For a full description, seeWillem de Vreese, See mol: foyer d'art au tempsdes ducs valois (Dijon, ry6o); Pierre Vaillant, Lesenlumin- De Handscbriftenunn Jan uan Ruasbroec'sWerkez (Ghent, rgoo-r9oz), 5rB-24. ures desm,nnuscrits cnrtusiens (Grenoblc, r9S8); and Pierre Vaillant, Les rnanuscrits also British Library, Catnlogue of Additions to the Manascripts in the Britisb Ml6ettm, account. de la Grnnde Cbnrtreuse et leurs enhrm,inzres(Grenoble, ry84). On English Car- r854-75,vol. z (London, r877) for a somewhat lessdetailed Bmno and his companions. thusian illurnination in particular, one will soon be able to consultJulian M. Lux- 5o. The number of monks is too great to represent Cnrthr.tsinnOrder, ford, "Precept and Practice: The Decoration of English Carthusian Books," in 5r. On Carthusian library booklists, seeThompson, 3r3-34; England," li- Srudies in Cnrthusian Motzasticism.in tbe Late Middle Ages, ed. Julian M. Luxford andJ. A. Large, "The Libraries of the Carthusian Order in Medieval "The carthu- (Tirrnhout, forthcoming). I thank Dr. Luxford for allowing me ro see his essayin brary History I Ggl)t rgr-2o3;both now supersededby A.I. Doyle, an early version. sians," in SyonAbbE, edited byVincent Gillespie, wfthThe Libruries of the Carthusians, (London, 44. The difficulties have been eased by A. I. Doyle's useful essay,"English eclited by A.I. Doyle, Corpus of British Medieval Library Catalogles g - recorded in Ox- Carthusian Books Not Yet Linked With a Charterhouse," in A Miracle of Learn- zoor), 6o7 5z.An important single list isJohn Blacman's donation, ing: Studies in Mnnuscripts and Irisb Learning; Essaysin Honour of Wittiam O'Sul- ford, Bodleian Library MSS Laud misc. r5z and r54; see Roger Lovatt, "The Li- of Eccle' liaan, ed. Toby Barnard, Diibhi o Croinin, and I(atharine Simms (Aldershot, brary of John Blacman and Contemporary Carthusian Spirirualityi'Journnl r9g8), rzz-36. sinsricalHistory q $992): rg5-23o. +$oz t4 +xozr5 # "*+ of Carthusian Texts JESSICA BRANTLEY The Msual Environment

Dead," andJames Hogg,'A Morbid Preoccupation 52. Thompson, CnrthusianOrder,3z8. See also n. z7 above. 6r. see Flennesqz,',Royal London British Library MS Additional37o4gl' in 53. BL MS Add. 37049 forms the subject of my book-in-progress, Reading with Mortality? The Carthusian in the Wilde'rness:Deztotional Performancesin a Late-Medieual Cnrthusian Miscellany. Zeit,Tbd, md Ewigkeit in der RenaissanceLiterantr, Analecta Cartusiana u7:z (Salz- Most of the folios in the manuscript have been published inJames Hogg, ed., An burg, 1986), 49-89. IlhtstratedYorkshire Cartbusian Religious Miscellany, Britisb Library London MS Addi- 62. London, British Library MS Harley ryo6 (f . rgv), and oxford, Bodleian (f. tional 37o49: Tbe llfustrntions, vol.3, Analecta Cartusiana 95 (Salzburg, r98r). Library, MS Douce 3zz ryv). chapter z, which concerns "the temptacions of men that 54. BL MS Add. 37049, f. 33r.For editions of this text, see Karl Brunner, 63. See especially text, see C. Horsrmann, ed., YorksbireWriters: Richnrd "Mittelenglische Todesgeschichte," Archiu fiir das Studiam der neueren Spracbenund dyene." For an edition of the (t8q5; Cambridge, Literatu.ren fi7 Qq): 20-35; andJohn W. Conlee, Middle Fnglish DebntePoetry: A Rolleof Hampole and bis Followers repr. ry76, ry99), !06-zo' particularly addressed,not to the dying man, but to CriticalAntholog (East Lansing, Mich., rggr), 5o-62. 64. Chapters 3 and 6 are him." 55. This sort of image appearson ff. 3zv and 87r of Additional37o49. Francis "som man that is abowt Wormald relates the design to sculpnrral transi tombs, such as the tomb in Lincoln 65. See Kathleen L. Scott, ed., An Index of Images in English Manucripts.fi om Cathedral of Bishop Richard Fleming, d. r43r. See Francis Wormald, "Some Pop- the Time of Chaucer to Henry WII, c. r 38o-c. t 5o9. Tbe Bodleian Librnry, Oxford, vol. z ular Miniatures and their Rich Relations," in MiscellanenproA?te: Hervnann Scbninler (London, zoor). The Index describesthe image onf. z7r as "nude woman in bed bed with arms crossed" (39). zurVollerzdungdu6o.Lebensjabresamr3.Janaar1965(Diisseldorf,ry65),279-85,at with arms crossed; man beside 283-84. Furtheq see Kathleen Cohen, Tbe Metamorphosisof a Denth Symbol: The 66. On the complex textual history of O intemeratll, seeA. Wilmart, Autezr.r's Age latin (Paris, rg32), For a translation TiunsiTbmb(Berkeley, Calif., ry7);Marlene Villalobos Flennessy,"The Remains of spirituelset textesdduots du Moyen +74- 5o4. the Royal Dead in an English Carthusian Manuscript, London, British Library, MS of the texr, see Roger S. Wieck, Time Sanctified: The Book of Hotrrs in Medieual Art 'A Additional 37049:' Viator 33 (zooz): 3ro- 54; Klaus P. Jankovsky, View into the andLife (NewYork, 1988), 164. in this volume. Grave: A Dispatncion Beruyx pe Body andWorunes in British Museum Ms. Ad. 37049:' 67. See the essayby Gillespie to mention St. see Wilmart, Auteurs spiri- TexasA dy I Uniuersity StudiesI GqZ$t ry7-Sg and Marjorie Malvern, "An Earnest 68. A.n alternative text omits John; 'Monysryon' 'pinge 'A O interneruta are the and Delectabyll' Realized Verbally and Visually in Discputa- tuels, 493-5. Among the most popular subjects for illustrating cion Betwyx pe Body and Wormes,'AMiddle English Poem Inspired byTomb Art Holy Family; the Vrgin herself, perhaps crowned, holding a book, or weaving; the or a Pieti. See Wieck, Time Sanctifed, and and Northern Spirirualityl' Viator r3 (1982): 4r5- 43. Virgin with saints and angels; 95-96, The Book of Hours in Medieaal and RennissnnceArt 56. Such scenes appear twice in the manuscript: on f. rgr, where the Virgin Roger S. Wieck, Painted Prnyers: and the crucified Christ intercede with God on behalf of the dying soul, and on (New York, 1997),86-9o. f . z8v,where a single monk represents the forces of good. 69. The Mirror does not, however, mention the episode of the poisoned 57. It is possible that "storyes" here could refer to pictorial or sculptural rep- chalice. l'art chrdtien,3 vols. in 6 (Paris, resentations, as well as texts; s.v.MED storie (.t.t), l. The specificity with which 7o. Louis R6au, Iconograpbiede ry55-59), Golwlmne's list describes other manuscript illuminations makes this interpretation 3.2:7o8-zo. unlikely, however. 7r. Ibid., 3.zt7rz. E t64/rc,f.4+r; Kathleen L. Scott, Dated 58. See R. H. Bowers, "Middle English Verses on the Founding of the Car- 72. London, Public Record Office c' r - r4g9 (London, zooz),64, pl' lB' thusian Order," Speculum4z (tg67):7ro-13. and Datable Engtish Mnnuscript Borders, tg5 library of Professor Robert G. Fleyneman, 59. The close physical connection of text and image suggests that in this 73. The Brut mantscript is in the manuscript scribe and artist were probably the same. in Chapel Flill, N.C. For a description of it, see Kathleen L. Scott, A Stt'rueyof 6o. See Boke of Craft of Dying, in Robert R. Raymo, "Works of Religious and Mnnu;cripts llluminated in the British Isles:Later Gothic Mnnuscripts' I390- 149o, sale Philosophical Instructionl' inA Marutal of tbe Writings in Middle Fnglish, roro- r joo, z vols. (London, ryg6), no. 77. The comparison is suggested by the Christie's ed. Albert E. Hartung, vol. 7 (New Flaven, Conn., 1986), )O(.216. catalogue. +&,z16 oF

JESSICA BRANTLEY

74. Glasgow, lJniversity Library MS Hunter 77 (T3.r), f. 3.'; Scott,, Dated nnd Datable Englisb Manuscript Borders,95, pl. 3rb. 75. For a full discussion of the Scropes and their books, see the essayby Ed- wards in this volume. 76. See the essayby Edwards in this volume. 77. I would like to thankJill Mann for her learned and generous assisrance with this essayat all stages.

The Knight and The Rose French Manuscripts in the Notre Dame Library

MAUREEN B OULTON

COMPARED TO SPECIALISTS IN OLD AND MIDDLE ENGLISH' students of medieval French literature are not'nearly as well-served with facsimiles of important manuscripts. The University of Notre Dame is therefore particularly fortunate to have in its possessiontwo actual manu- scripts preserving medieval French literary texts of considerable interest. The two volumes date from the same period-the second half of the fif- teenth cenfury-but otherwise present striking contrasts.One (now des- ignated lJniversity of Notre Dame, MS 5r) contains a version of a verse chronicle in the form of an epic poem composed in the late fourteenth cen- rury and basedon events of the Hundred Years'War. The other (now Uni- versity of Notre Dame, MS l+) contains a copy of the Roman de la. Rose, composed in two different periods of the thirteenth century, and from the time of its appearance until the eariy sixteenth century one of the most influential literary works in any language. In addition to containing signifi- cant texts, both manuscripts are interesting paleographically. I shall exam- ine each of these manuscripts in turn, discussing both their contents and their form.

**" zr7 #