DOCSLIB.ORG

Growing Sustainable Peace: Starting at the Roots?

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Growing Sustainable Peace: Starting at the Roots? Growing Sustainable Peace: Starting at the Roots? A case study on the influence of grassroots leadership and top-down infrastructure interventions on local peacebuilding processes in Medellín THESIS Presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Master of Science at the University of Amsterdam By Johannes Chinchilla Email address: [email protected] Research Master International Development Studies University of Amsterdam July, 2016 Supervisor (first reader): Courtney Vegelin Second reader: Mieke Lopes Cardozo ABSTRACT Medellin has seen a rapid decline in violence over the last 20 years, which is often attributed to large-scale urban interventions that have taken place in some of the most marginalized neighbourhoods. It has been argued that the so-called megaprojects, initiated by the municipality, have not only changed the appearance of the city, but have also contributed to the decline of violence through the improvement of transportation, the promotion of the local economy and the creation of public space. However, this explanation is found to be contested at the neighbourhood level, as it ignores many local peacebuilding efforts, but also because the megaprojects bring with them new forms of conflict. Therefore this study takes into account both bottom-up and top-down initiatives that could influence peace at the local level and particularly questions how grassroots leaders and urban interventions can support sustainable peace in Medellin. Based on interviews with 54 grassroots leaders and key stakeholders, the study finds that the capacity of grassroots leaders to enhance sustainable peace at the community level lies mostly in their ability to: 1) create consciousness and support empowerment; 2) defend rights and satisfy certain needs of the community; and 3) to provide opportunities for the population. Nevertheless, grassroots leaders are found generally defenceless against the armed forces in the territory. The megaprojects, on the other hand, seem to create a form of negative peace, in which physical violence is reduced, while the structures of illegal armed forces are often maintained or even solidified. The study argues that this type of ‘peace’ is not sustainable and needs further attention, if future conflict and violence is to be avoided. Key words: sustainable peace, grassroots leadership, structural violence, urban interventions 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would first like to thank my thesis supervisor, Dr. Courtney Vegelin, who has supported me during both my Bachelor’s and Master’s thesis, even though she has about ten different jobs. I would like to thank her for her genuine involvement with the students and the calming effect she has on many of us, especially in times of academic stress. She has always allowed me to use my creativity and always helped me to find ways to improve my work. I would also like to thank Carlos Velásquez and Tom Greenwood, for their expert’s view on the topic and their comments on my work, that have definitely added to the quality of this study. I would further like to thank Dr. Mieke Lopes Cardozo for reading my work and for her ever enthusiastic and inspiring involvement in a broad variety of activities relating to education and peace. Finally, I would like to thank my mother for her inspiration and guidance, Vanessa Correa for her unconditional support both during and after the fieldwork and my fellow students for keeping me mentally alive during the library sessions. This thesis is dedicated to Jairo Iván Maya, one of the most inspiring persons that I have ever met. Someone that provided hope for the future, even though the circumstances did not necessarily do so. I am grateful to have known him, for his friendship, for his guidance during my fieldwork and for showing me his perspective of the city, which I will always remember. PICTURE: JAIRO MAYA DURING COMMUNITY GATHERING. The banner says: Forum (of) Memory, Megaprojects, and Community Initiatives. 3 Maps Map 1: Multidimensional Indicator of Quality of Live (IMCV) ................................................................... 31 Map 2: Informal settlements .......................................................................................................................... 32 Map 3: Households with acces to drinking water .......................................................................................... 40 Map 4: Metro system and PUI, medellin ....................................................................................................... 62 Tables Table 1: Quality of life in Comuna 8 ............................................................................................................. 43 4 CONTENT I. Introduction ............................................................................................................................................................... 7 I.I Outline of the research ............................................................................................................................................. 9 1. Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................................................................... 11 1.1. Violence ............................................................................................................................................................... 12 1.1.1. Structural violence ...................................................................................................................................... 12 1.2. Peace .................................................................................................................................................................... 14 1.2.1. Sustainable peace ........................................................................................................................................ 15 1.3. The Local Turn in Peace Research ....................................................................................................................... 15 1.3.1. Grassroots Leadership ................................................................................................................................. 16 1.3.2. High-level leadership: the implementation of urban interventions ............................................................ 18 2. Methodology ............................................................................................................................................................. 20 2.1. Ontology and Epistemology ................................................................................................................................ 20 2.2. Operationalizing violence and peace ................................................................................................................... 21 2.3. Research Question ............................................................................................................................................... 23 2.4. Methodological Design...................................................................................................................................... 235 2.4.1. Sampling ..................................................................................................................................................... 26 2.5. Ethics ................................................................................................................................................................... 27 2.5.1. Role of the researcher ................................................................................................................................. 27 2.5.2. Protocol for interviewing and audio-recording ........................................................................................... 27 3. Setting the Context ................................................................................................................................................... 28 3.1. Who runs Medellin? ............................................................................................................................................ 28 3.2. Displacement and informal settlements............................................................................................................... 30 3.3. Comuna 8 ............................................................................................................................................................. 33 4. Direct and Structural Violence in Comuna 8 ........................................................................................................ 35 4.1. Violence as ‘Most Urgent Problems’ .................................................................................................................. 35 4.2. Direct violence in Comuna 8 ............................................................................................................................... 37 4.3. Lack of basic needs and opportunities................................................................................................................. 40 4.3.1. Lack of state presence ................................................................................................................................. 40 4.3.2. Education, employment and opportunities ................................................................................................. 42 4.3.3. Looking from a rights-perspective .............................................................................................................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Redalyc.History of the Colombian Left-Wings Between 1958 and 2010
    Revista Tempo e Argumento E-ISSN: 2175-1803 [email protected] Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina Brasil Archila, Mauricio; Cote, Jorge History of the Colombian left-wings between 1958 and 2010 Revista Tempo e Argumento, vol. 7, núm. 16, septiembre-diciembre, 2015, pp. 376-400 Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina Florianópolis, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=338144734018 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative e ‐ ISSN 2175 ‐ 1803 History of the Colombian left‐wings between 1958 and 20101 Abstract This article looks at the history of left‐wings in Colombia, Mauricio Archila framed within what was happening in the country, Latin Ph.D. and Professor in the Graduate program at America, and the world between 1958 and 2010. After the Universidad Nacional, in Bogotá, and specifying what we mean by “left‐wings” and outlining their associate researcher of the CINEP. background in the first half of the 20th century, there is a Colombia. panorama of five great moments of the period under study to [email protected] reach the recent situation. The chronology favors the internal aspects of the history of Colombian left‐wings, allowing us to appreciate their achievements and limitations framed into Jorge Cote such a particular context as the Colombian one. MA student in History at the Universidad Nacional, in Bogotá. Keywords: Colombia; Left‐wings; Guerrillas; Social Colombia.
    [Show full text]
  • I. Introduction I. Introduction
    I. Introduction Political violence in Colombia continues to take more lives than in any other country in the hemisphere. Some of the killings take place during fighting between combatants, but most are cases of simple murder. Those responsible for these murders include members of the military and security forces as well as insurgents, hired gunmen and paramilitary groups. The intellectual authors of these crimes are comparably varied. The very complexity of political violence in Colombia often serves as a shield for those who order and commit violent acts. As this report demonstrates, the Colombian government has done too little to work through these complexities to identify, prosecute and punish those behind the political violence. This failing has been greatest in acknowledging the role of military and security forces in the killings. These forces continue to commit violent abuses themselves, and to condone and support killings by paramilitary groups. The problem is most acute in the case of paramilitary groups. These groups, which have been responsible for some of the largest and most sensational massacres, are gangs of highly trained killers, often masquerading as "self-defense" associations of farmers. Powerful economic interests recruit, train, finance and support these bands, and use them to target leftist political activists, leaders of peasant and popular organizations, and those Colombians perceived to be the "social base" of the guerrillas. Drug traffickers are among the most prominent supporters of paramilitary groups, a fact
    [Show full text]
  • Paramilitaries – Victims of Violence – Patriotic Union (UP)
    Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: COL35591 Country: Colombia Date: 5 November 2009 Keywords: Colombia – Bogotá – Witness protection – Paramilitaries – Victims of violence – Patriotic Union (UP) This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Is it still the case that Colombians who witnessed or were victims of paramilitary violence face intimidation and death with limited protection provided by the Colombian authorities? 2. Deleted. 3. Are past supporters of Patriotic Union (UP) still at risk of politically-motivated harm by anyone in Bogotá today? RESPONSE 1. Is it still the case that Colombians who witnessed or were victims of paramilitary violence face intimidation and death with limited protection provided by the Colombian authorities? Available information indicates that past victims of right wing paramilitary violence who have sought redress through participating in the Justice and Peace process have been subject to intimidation and murder. An International Crisis Group (ICG) report dated 30 October 2008 states that a victim witness support service was created in 2007 but that this service is likely to be undermined by the lack of trust in state security services.
    [Show full text]
  • The Patriotic Union: Memories for Peace and Democracy
    THE PATRIOTIC UNION: MEMORIES FOR PEACE AND DEMOCRACY La unión patriótica: memorias para la paz y la democracia Unión Patriótica: memórias para a paz e a democracia RECIBIDO: 9 DE NOVIEMBRE DE 2015 EVALUADO: 29 DE ENERO DE 2016 APROBADO: 20 DE FEBRERO DE 2016 Yaneth Mora Hernández (Colombia) Instituto Colombiano de Antropología e Historia Máster en Gestión del Patrimonio Cultural [email protected] en es por ABSTRACT RESUMEN RESUMO This text covers the emergence and political En este texto se plantea el surgimiento y el Em este texto se aborda o surgimento e action of the UP as well as the systematic accionar político de la Unión Patriótica, así acionar político da UP, assim como o extinction of its members during these como el exterminio sistemático a que fueron extermínio sistemático a que foram sometidos decades. This political extinction is the result sometidos sus militantes y simpatizantes en el os seus militantes e simpatizantes no curso of the political intolerance carried out through curso de las décadas de 1980 y 1990. Este dos anos 80 e 90. Este extermínio político é plans executed to establish elimination exterminio político es visto como producto de visto como produto da intolerância política, o strategies and methods within different la intolerancia política, el cual se llevó a cabo qual se levou a cabo a partir de um conjunto sectors. We used secondary sources and a partir de un conjunto de planes diseñados y de planos desenhados e executados para methodological contributions of social ejecutados para establecer estrategias y establecer estratégias e métodos de eliminação sciences to study the importance of the métodos de eliminación en diversas em diversas modalidades.
    [Show full text]
  • The Equilibrium Between the Colombian Government and the Guerrilla Groups
    Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 1996-12 State strength and guerrilla power : the equilibrium between the Colombian government and the guerrilla groups Reyes, Ruben D. Mestizo Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/32015 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS .. <!.'-')'/ "' j)' .--------------------------------.~~STATE STRENGTH AND GUERRILLA POWER: T~~ c.o EQUILIBRIUM BETWEEN THE COLOMBIA~~~ c.o GOVERNMENT AND THE GUERRILLA GR0'9ifs ---..1 c-, by c::T> ..........:> Ruben D. Mestizo Reyes <J..> December 1996 c-, c..n ex:> Principal Advisor: Maria Jose Moyano Associate Advisor: Thomas Bruneau Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Fonn Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of infonnation is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing insbuction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of infonnation. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED December 1996 Master's Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE: STATE STRENGTH AND GUERRILLA POWER: THE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS EQUILIBRJUM BETWEEN THE COLOMBIAN GOVERNMENT AND THE GUERRILLA GROUPS 6. AUTHOR(S) Ruben D. Mestizo Reyes 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8.
    [Show full text]
  • Todo Pasó Frente a Nuestros Ojos
    Otros títulos de Memoria Histórica Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica “Patrones” y campesinos: tierra, poder y violencia en el Valle del Todo pasó frente a nuestros ojos. El genocidio de la Unión Patriótica es un Director General Cauca (1960 – 2012) (2014) ejercicio razonado para ofrecer una mirada comprehensiva de lo Gonzalo Sánchez Gómez Cruzando la frontera. Memorias del éxodo hacia Venezuela. El caso que fue la violencia contra la UP. Y es que, si fuera menester hacer TodoTodo pasópasó frentefrente Relator del río Arauca (2014) un ejercicio de memoria histórica reducido, habría que afirmar que Vladimir Melo Moreno Textos corporales de la crueldad. Memoria histórica y antropología forense (2014) la UP fue víctima de una violencia sistemática y generalizada, cuyo Correlator capítulo 2 aa nuestrosnuestros ojosojos Andrés Fernando Suárez Buenaventura: un puerto sin comunidad (2015) objetivo fue la desaparición del grupo político por parte de redes y alianzas criminales en las que se vio involucrada parte de la sociedad Guerra propia, guerra ajena. Conflictos armados y ElEl genocidiogenocidio dede lala UniónUnión PatrióticaPatriótica Correlatora capítulo 7 reconstrucción identitaria en los Andes colombianos. El y la institucionalidad, por acción o por omisión. Fue sistemática Carmen Andrea Becerra Movimiento Armado Quintín Lame (2015) porque los actos de violencia en su contra se sucedían uno tras otro, Con licencia para desplazar. Masacres y reconfiguración 198198 4 4 -20 -20 02 02 FASE DE INVESTIGACIÓN territorial en Tibú, Catatumbo (2015) sin detenerse, dirigidos en específico contra sus militantes debido Pueblos arrasados. Memorias del desplazamiento forzado en El a su identidad política. Fue generalizada porque se presentó en Coordinador Castillo (Meta) (2015) gran magnitud en todo el territorio nacional, con énfasis donde la Yezid Campos Una nación desplazada.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Marginalization in Two Colombian Novels
    Political Marginalization in Two Colombian Novels Beatriz L. Botero University of Wisconsin- Madison Abstract: This article lays out the role played by the protagonist in two contemporary Colombian novels, El Eskimal y la Mariposa (2004) by Nahum Montt and Cobro de Sangre (2004), by Mario Mendoza. Our analysis explores three related elements of importance when discussing twenty-first century Colombian novel identity: 1. The relationship between history and narration, 2. The city, the spaces occupied by fictional characters and 3. the relationships between the novel and meta-literature and how these elements explain the marginalization position of the main characters. Keywords: History and Literature - Colombian Literature – City – Metaliterature - Identity ovels are product of a specific time and space. Colombian novels interconnect history, space and literature explaining to the reader those elements necessarily to understand the complexity of the contemporary N moment for the country. This article lays out the role played by the protagonist in two contemporary Colombian novels, El Eskimal y la Mariposa [2004] and Cobro de Sangre [2004], written by Nahum Montt and Mario Mendoza, respectively. By the time of these novels were published, the Government fiercely battled the “narcos” and the drug trafficking. It was the end of an era of big mafia names. Meanwhile, the city was absorbing the tension and the novels start talking about that war in Bogotá and the repercussions in the reconstruction of identity in the middle of violence. Our analysis explores three related elements of importance when discussing twenty-first century Colombian novel identity: 1. history-narration, 2. the city, the spaces occupied by fictional characters and 3.
    [Show full text]
  • CSN Letterhead Army Atrocities 2012.Indd
    Advisory Council COLOMBIA SUPPORT NETWORK Rev Daniel Berrigan S.J. P.O. BOX 1505 Activist, Writer, Poet MADISON, WISCONSIN 53701 February 6, 2012 Larry Birns The Council on Hemispheric Affairs THE COLOMBIAN ARMY: TERRORISM, THIEVERY, BUNGLING AND MASSACRES Blase Bonpane Colombia The Office of the Support Americas Colombian ex-President Alvaro Uribe’s policy of democratic security was based on Network building con!dence in public institutions. "at is as it should be, and many millions in Herbert (Tico) Braun P O Box 1505 University of Virginia U.S. taxpayer dollars have supported and continue to support the policy. Unfortunately, Madison, WI the Colombian institution that has received most of the U.S. millions, (more than $8 53701-1505 Noam Chomsky Massachusetts Institute billion to date) the Colombian Army, has demonstrated repeatedly that it is not worthy Street Address of Technology of public con!dence. It is not worthy of U.S. taxpayer funding. 29 E. Wilson St # 202 Rev. John Dear S. J Madison, WI 53703 Activist and Writer "e following is an outline that dates back to 2006. It covers events reported o#cially or in the U.S. and Colombian media, describing terrorism, thievery, bungling and (608) 257 8753 John Dugas Fax (608) 255 6621 Universitly of Kalamazoo massacres by the armed forces of the government of Colombia. Individuals and nongovernmental organizations report many more such examples. "is outline Kathleen Falk was compiled by the Colombia Support Network, a nongovernmental organization Dane County Executive headquartered in Madison, Wisconsin, USA. For updated information, see the Al Gedicks Colombia Support Network website http://www.colombiasupport.net.
    [Show full text]
  • Unión Patriótica Expedientes Contra El Olvido
    Unión Patriótica Expedientes contra el olvido Roberto Romero Ospina Unión Patriótica Expedientes contra el olvido Roberto Romero Ospina Alcalde Mayor de Bogotá Gustavo Petro Urrego Equipo del Centro de Memoria, Paz y Reconciliación Secretario Distrital de Gobierno Darío Colmenares Millán Guillermo Asprilla Coronado José Darío Antequera Alejandra Gaviria Serna Subsecretario de Asuntos para la Carlos Eduardo Espitia Cueca Convivencia y Seguridad Ciudadana Juan Carlos Jiménez Édgar Augusto Ardila Amaya Roberto Romero Ospina Diego Luis Angulo Martínez Alta Consejera para los Derechos Marcela Ceballos de las Víctimas, la Paz y la Reconciliación Antonio González Ana Teresa Bernal Juan Diego Delgadillo María del Mar Pizarro Director de Derechos Humanos y Apoyo a la Justicia Camilo Castellanos Rodríguez Comité editorial Camilo González Posso Representante en Colombia de la Centro de Memoria, Paz y Reconciliación Agencia Catalana de Cooperación al Desarrollo Julián Artacho Valverde Roberto Romero Ospina Centro de Memoria, Paz y Reconciliación Director del Centro de Memoria, Paz y Reconciliación Juan Carlos Jiménez Camilo González Posso Centro de Memoria, Paz y Reconciliación © Roberto Romero Ospina © Centro de Memoria, Paz y Reconciliación Primera edición: 18 de octubre de 2011 Segunda edición: octubre de 2012 ISBN: 978-958-8411-52-1 Edición, diseño & diagramación Taller de Edición • Rocca® S. A. [email protected] www.tallerdeedicion.com Fotografías Archivo Centro de Memoria, Paz y Reconciliación Archivo Semanario Voz, Lara, Reiniciar, H.I.J.O.S, Colombia, Presidencia de la República. El texto aquí presentado sólo compromete al autor de la obra y no a las instituciones editoras, Alcaldía Impresión y acabados Mayor de Bogotá, Secretaría Distrital de Gobierno, Periódicas S.A.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Download
    Journal of Arts & Humanities Journalism and Memory: Strategic Scenarios in a Transitional Horizon in the Colombian Context Fredy Leonardo Reyes Albarracín1 ABSTRACT The journalistic record is a “pharmaco” for a memory that “illuminates” as much as “obscures”. This study analyzes the role of journalism and memory as strategic and essential scenarios to promote democratic exercises that strengthen eventual political transition in Colombia. The study concludes that the journalism has not resolved the problem of studying the past related to armed conflict in the country. Based on a content analysis of different journalistic records, this study suggests that journalism Colombian not have had a relevant impact to understand that disruptive, violent and lurid past don’t have repeated again. Keywords: Communication, journalism, memory, narrative transition. Available Online: 29th April, 2015. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. “Information of what is happening elsewhere, called «news», highlights conflicts and violence -«if there is blood, goes first» states the hoary guideline of the sensational press and news programs that give off headlines twenty four hours a day – to which is answered with indignity, compassion, excitement or approval, while each misery is posted in full view” (Sontag, 2011: 23). 1 Candidate to PhD in Social Sciences from the Social and Economic Development Institute (IDES), Buenos Aires, Argentina. E -mail: [email protected]. http://www.theartsjournal.org/index.php/site/index 86 Journalism and Memory ... 1.0 Presentation By the end of the year 2010 some attached researchers to the Peace/Conflict Communications group from the faculty of Social Communication of Santo Tomás University, began a series of reflections about memory.
    [Show full text]
  • Colombia: Patriotic Union Nominates Presidential Candidate John Neagle
    University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiSur Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 9-28-1989 Colombia: Patriotic Union Nominates Presidential Candidate John Neagle Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur Recommended Citation Neagle, John. "Colombia: Patriotic Union Nominates Presidential Candidate." (1989). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur/ 3568 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiSur by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 072000 ISSN: 1060-4189 Colombia: Patriotic Union Nominates Presidential Candidate by John Neagle Category/Department: General Published: Thursday, September 28, 1989 On Sept. 10, the leftist Patriotic Union (UP) nominated Bernardo Jaramillo Ossa as its candidate for the May 1990 presidential elections. UP members have been targeted for assassination by drug traffickers and other rightist zealots. Jaramillo is one of the most heavily protected politicians in Colombia. He became UP president after the assassination of Jaime Pardo Leal in October 1987. Jaramillo, a member of Colombia's lower house, fled the country in March after UP theorist Jose Antequera was gunned down at Bogota's international airport and after receiving several death threats. He returned to Colombia in June. Jaramillo has accused Medellin drug ring leader Jose Gonzalo Rodriguez Gacha of ordering the assassinations of his UP colleagues and threatening his life. Since 1986, more than 500 UP members have been murdered. The UP was formed by members of Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC) and other leftists after the guerrillas agreed to a truce in March 1984.
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights Watch September 22, 2003 COLOMBIA's CHECKBOOK
    Human Rights Watch September 22, 2003 COLOMBIA’S CHECKBOOK IMPUNITY- a briefing paper Colombian President Álvaro Uribe has presented a bill to his congress that would allow paramilitaries who have committed atrocities to skip prison for a fee. Among them are men that have ordered and carried out the killings of thousands of Colombian civilians. Unlike other amnesty laws, the Uribe proposal presumes that accused paramilitaries would stand trial; however, it would be clear from the outset that the accused would face no punishment. The response of the world should be unequivocal. If Colombia is serious about human rights, it cannot allow known criminals to escape justice by, in effect, writing a check. Currently, Colombia receives the third largest amount of U.S. military aid, after Israel and Egypt, and is slated to receive over $700 million in FY 2004. Colombia also receives significant support for humanitarian programs from the European Union and individual donor nations. Atrocities should mean prison. If paramilitaries fail to agree to terms that incorporate Colombia’s obligations to prosecute and punish serious human rights violations, the Colombian armed forces should track them down and the government should bring them to justice. Allowing known criminals to evade any real punishment for their crimes does not promote peace, but erodes the rule of law and encourages further violence. In Colombia, the history on this issue is stark. Past deals with criminals have yielded a worsening of the conflict, a growing death toll made up primarily of civilians, and increasingly barbarous tactics used by the armed groups active throughout the country.
    [Show full text]