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Chinese Women As Transnational Migrants: Gender and Class in Global Migration Narratives

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Chinese Women As Transnational Migrants: Gender and Class in Global Migration Narratives Chinese Women as Transnational Migrants: Gender and Class in Global Migration Narratives Jan Ryan* ABSTRACT This paper argues that the debates on transnationalism are gender implicit, and the discourse shaped by the emergence of Pacific Asian economies as key players in the global economy sees men as the dominant representative of these global forces. Belief in a real or imagined global bonding has become a dominant and problematic discourse that can empower some, while marginalizing others. It is important to examine how women of Chinese ancestry position themselves within their personal and global environments and to give agency to women in these narratives fashioned by tropes of global capitalism and world markets. Women now outnumber male immigrants to the major immigration countries of Australia, the United States, and Canada, and this shift is due to the increased migration of women from Asian countries. Yet their position in transmigration and settlement patterns has largely been ignored. This paper argues that the global perspective of Chinese diasporic women has significant implications for both Western and non-Western global patterning. The site of the investigation is Australia in the post 1970s and the focus is on women of Chinese ancestry re-migrating from East and South-East Asia. INTRODUCTION There are an estimated 55 million men and women of Chinese ancestry outside mainland China, and in South-East Asia alone it is estimated they generate a GNP of 450 billion dollars, a quarter larger than the GNP of the People’s Republic of * School of International, Cultural & Community Studies, Edith Cowan University, Mount Lawley Campus, Australia. Published by Blackwell Publishers Ltd., © 2002 IOM 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK, and International Migration Vol. 40 (2) 2002 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. ISSN 0020-7985 94 Ryan China (Seagrave, 1998; Dept. Foreign Affairs, 1995). Chinese men represent the key to the new Pacific Asian economies, and in this capacity receive public recognition and the focus of academic attention. The agency of women of Chinese ancestry remains concealed in the current discourse of globalization, the “Pacific Rim” and the “Pacific Century” – tropes that are gender inscribed and instruct us to view new ways of being Chinese as inseparable from transoceanic capitalist processes (Ong and Nonini, 1997: 4). This paper seeks to question, challenge, and re-position the theoretical underpinnings of the “Ungrounded Empire” of Chinese and in doing so offer a new canon that casts the efficacy of women of Chinese ancestry in the dynamics of global issues and knowledge. The Chinese experience abroad has historically been global, but the new realities of contemporary international migration have contributed to its recent (re) “discovery” (Hume, 1995). “There is affirmation that the transnational flow of capital, labor, technology, information, cultural motifs, and consumer habits are not simply one way, but circulative. Consequently, there is a need to address families, economic enterprises, community formation, political and social movements…as transnational and global” (Hume, 1995: 34). Transnational women of Chinese ancestry have never been more global. Anchored, hinged, or forcefully removed from a variety of birthplaces, with pilgrimages, business, education, family visits, and accessibility to communications, many women network and forge contacts all over the world that not only complement their male counterparts, but in many instances are the vanguards of new global alliances. This is the central and most distinctive and significant change that distinguishes contemporary overseas Chinese women in the global arena from their predecessors who migrated prior to World War II. This paper tests the theoretical language of global migration and trans- nationalism, and asks why migrant women of Chinese ancestry are ignored in both Chinese and Western migratory paradigms. To support the argument that existing paradigms are not gender and class compliant, a cursory look at the world of work for these women will evidence both the ethnic and class dimensions of Chinese female migratory patterns since the 1970s. How stereotypical views of Chinese women impact their migratory and working lives and how they respond are timely questions which have important implications for understanding ethnicity, gender, and cultural positioning in the global workplace. Chinese women face barriers because of their ethnicity and gender; they are deemed peripheral in the European-dominated political and economic arena; and they are often marginalized within Chinese business networks. For women of Chinese ancestry, their everyday lives are transformed by the effects of global capitalism, and their own agencies are implicated in the Chinese women as transnational migrants 95 making of these effects and the social relationships in which their agencies are embedded (Ong and Nonini, 1997). There are limitations and opportunities for women who struggle in the male-dominated public and commercial world. By mapping the world of women, patterns are revealed that are often obscured in statistical tables or historical narratives. Women, both in the past and present, have participated in labour migration. Indeed, certain migration systems are almost exclusively composed of women, for example, domestic workers, entertainers, and marriage partners from Asian countries. Today women are significant and active participants in the increased scale and diversity of international migration. In Canada and the United States, as in Australia, women now constitute the majority of immigrants (Battistella and Paganoni, 1996; Seager and Olson, 1986). This shift to a majority of women as immigrants in many migration systems is related to several developments, including immigration policies that favour family reunification, migration systems that specifically target women as workers, and changes in the social and economic status and roles of women across many cultures (Lee, 1996: 7). In Australia, the United States, and Canada, and in many other countries where women outnumber male immigrants, the increased flows are related to the increased contribution from Asian sources of immigration. Since the mid-1980s women have outnumbered male immigrants to Australia. Hugo (1994: 56) writes that there is “an apparent relationship between the feminization of the Australian immigration intake and the increased share made up of Asian origin persons.” Among immigrants from Asia, women predominate while the opposite is the case among immigrants from all other regions. Local exigencies in their birthplace and changing entry formula in the last decade have resulted in the numerical increase of women from these Asian countries. Table 1 clearly details the percentage of female immigrants into Australia, and the immigration changes from Hong Kong, Macau, Malaysia, China, Singapore, and Taiwan from 1982 to 1995. Over the last decade, immigrants born in these six countries make up one-seventh of Australia’s total immigrant intake. Numbers have fluctuated, clearly reflecting economic trends both in Australia and in the Asian regions. Female settlers outnumber the number of male settlers in almost every year among the Malaysia, Singapore and People’s Republic of China-born with the exception of 1989-90 (Malaysia) and 1993-94 (Taiwan). This paper argues that migration paradigms on global labour and human movement flows, whether Chinese or Western models, are conceptually represented as economically and male driven. Both have impacts on the way work limitations and opportunities are inscribed for transnational women of Chinese ancestry, both are in need of decoding, and both require reconfiguration in view of the population movements of women in the last three decades. 96 Ryan TABLE 1 NUMBER OF ASIA-BORN CHINESE IMMIGRANTS SETTLING IN AUSTRALIA (AND THE PROPORTION WHO ARE FEMALE) BY COUNTRY OF BIRTH AND YEAR OF ARRIVAL Country of Birth Year of Hong Total Macau Malaysia China Singapore Taiwan Arrival Kong Asia 1982- 1,373 34 1,921 1,193 614 122 25,946 83 (48.4) (44.1) (52.4) (53.0) (56.0) (63.9) (50.1) 1983- 2,040 51 2,042 1,650 585 132 26,690 84 (50.1) (52.9) (55.4) (53.2) (53.8) (56.8) (52.0) 1984- 3,296 95 2,436 3,163 765 241 30,890 85 (49.3) (54.7) (53.5) (52.4) (56.1) (54.4) (52.2) 1985- 3,117 91 2,285 3,138 869 381 30,583 86 (49.5) (45.1) (55.3) (49.6) (55.8) (52.0) (52.0) 1986- 3,398 94 3,941 2,690 1,527 804 38,183 87 (50.5) (54.3) (53.9) (52.8) (52.8) (51.2) (53.6) 1987- 5,577 142 6,265 3,282 2,077 1,146 48,889 88 (51.2) (52.8) (50.0) (50.4) (52.8) (53.8) (52.3) 1988- 7,307 176 7,681 3,819 1,946 2,100 54,601 89 (50.7) (52.3) (50.8) (51.8) (53.1) (50.5) (52.7) 1989- 8,054 205 6,417 3,069 1,567 3,055 50,607 90 (49.6) (49.8) (48.8) (51.0) (51.4) (50.3) (52.3) 1990- 13,541 256 5,744 3,256 1,275 3,491 60,906 91 (47.3) (54.7) (50.2) (52.4) (52.5) (47.4) (52.1) 1991- 12,913 250 3,123 3,388 867 3,172 54,392 92 (48.6) (45.4) (53.6) (51.2) (52.6) (50.2) (52.5) 1992- 6,520 140 1,555 3,046 472 1,434 32,989 93 (49.8) (53.6) (54.1) (55.0) (57.4) (51.5) (54.8) 1993- 3,333 105 1,252 2,740 502 785 27,766 94 (51.2) (55.2) (54.0) (57.1) (58.2) (49.4) (55.5) 1994- 4,135 68 1,107 3,708 650 794 34,952 95 (53.0) (54.4) (57.8) (59.4) (57.5) (51.4) (57.0) Note: Coghlan includes the People’s Republic of China, but this group is not the focus of the study.
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