Investigations at -Laona settlement, Dhiarizos Valley, 2005

Edgar Peltenburg, Diane Bolger, Mark Kincey, Andrew McCarthy, Carole McCartney and David A. Sewell

Background

The florescence of the Erimi culture on occurred towards the end of the 4 th millennium BC, during the Middle Chalcolithic (MChal) period. It was then that its classic features œ the circular buildings, cruciform figures of picrolite and exuberant Red-on-White pottery including anthro- and zoomorphic vesselsœ reached their most sophisticated and canonical forms. At the eponymous site of Erimi, the largest and most sturdy structures occur in the advanced MChal, at the end of a sequence of increasingly elaborate architectural developments (Dikaios 1936; Bolger 1988). The painted designs on pottery also attain their most complex arrangements with the greatest variety of motifs. It is easily recognizable in survey and, providing this ease has not biased retrieval and recording, its widespread distribution indicates an increase in sedentary populations and perhaps regional integration at this time. These features were possibly generated by an evolution in social complexity attested most obviously by settlement development at -Mosphilia in the west and burial practices at Souskiou-Vathyrkakas . In addition to corroborating the Erimi architectural sequence, Kissonerga Period 3B open area excavation disclosed intra-settlement spatial patterning in which the most sophisticated and imposing structures were closely grouped together in a high sector that was set apart from others by a wall and ditch. They include the painted Red Building, the largest structure in pre-Bronze Age Cyprus, and one that contained an array of display pottery (Peltenburg et al. 1998: 246-247, Col. Pl. B. 1, 2, 6; Fig. 63, 1, 2). One role that may have underpinned the elevated status of the group/household occupying the high sector was control of rituals, especially those concerned with birth. This is evident from the location in the high sector of a unique deposit of defaced building model and some fifty non-utilitarian objects, the most explicit being birthing figurines (Peltenburg et al. 1991). Souskiou-Vathyrkakas has yielded evidence for some 100 rock-cut pit, shaft, bell- shaped, and square-pit-and-shaft MChal tombs (Peltenburg in press). Remarkable T. 73 stands out from all of these by its size, finish and mortuary practices. It is seven times as large

1 as the largest of the remaining tombs, rivalling the biggest of the later Cypriot EC-MC tombs. Its 2.50 m deep upper pit had a smooth white finish designed for public display and not seen elsewhere in the cemetery. Contents of one of the burial pits were most unusually strewn over the base of the upper pit, and the other one contained special objects. At both Kissonerga and Vathyrkakas , therefore, we have evidence for status differences in MChal society, perhaps for ritual practitioners with specialist knowledge. Bloch (1977: 330-331) has described how the ritualisation of power-holders‘ roles could lead to the institutionalisation of power, but this potential trajectory was thwarted until much later in Cyprus. The reasons for the emergence of such explicit status differentiation within egalitarian society are poorly understood. In a similar case of notable increase of well-known anthropomorphic figurines somewhat later in the Cycladic EB, the phenomenon is associated with a maximum dispersal of settlement and an —international spirit“ involving long-distance exchanges (Broodbank 2000: 171-173; 266-267). The question for MChal Cyprus, therefore, is whether the florescence is due to impacts from the outside world, is exclusively an insular development, or a mixture of both. In the later 4th millennium, Susan Sherratt (2000: 17-18) argues that expansion of Middle and Late Uruk into Syria and increasing demands for raw materials by urban centres there and in Mesopotamia prompted contact with and change in outlying regions to the west. There is little in Cyprus, however, to show surplus production for trade or foreign influence during the MChal, but it is likely that maritime contacts between the island and visible mainland did take place, so we need to assess if there is evidence for indirect influences which may signal the existence of motivated local agents who adapted alien cultural elements. Whatever the cause, the MChal florescence came to an end in the early 3rd millennium, and there is a disjuncture with the LChal which is characterised by many novel features. They include an impoverishment of picrolite use and hence major changes in the ideology that led to production of cruciform figurines and the inter-regional exchange system for the raw material.

Souskiou-Laona

One of the most remarkable and renowned sites of the Cypriot MChal is the Souskiou complex. As described in our first report of this project (Crewe et al. 2005), it is located in southwest Cyprus, 2.5 km inland from Palaepaphos (modern ). The prominent, narrow ridge on which the settlement is situated overlooks the Dhiarizos River valley and the Troodos Mts. to the northeast, and the Mediterranean to the south (Figs. 1-5). Although the settlement is largely oriented on slopes facing away from the valley, it is nevertheless positioned at a nexus of communication routes along the coast and between the coast and the mountains. Thus, it is perched near the entrance to the highly accessible Dhiarizos River

2 valley, which is the setting for a chain of Chalcolithic sites above the southern and eastern edge of the valley floor up to the Troodos Mts. It is also positioned near the junction of this Mediterranean-Troodos route with the series of sites in the Ktima lowlands, towards . This is an L-shaped junction of routes and settlements since the area to its southeast comprises intractable hill country that descends sharply to the sea (Fig. 1). Apart from Ranti- Asprokremnos to the east (McCartney 2000), there are no Chalcolithic sites there; hence the complex is also at the edge of a regional grouping of Chalcolithic sites. In sum, Souskiou- Laona lies on major routes at the eastern border of the many Chalcolithic sites of western Cyprus and may therefore be regarded as y a pivotal centre between the relatively well populated west and the rest of the island where resources like picrolite were available (see Peltenburg 1982, 54-55). Four associated cemeteries lie on the same ridge (Souskiou-Laona cemetery) and on the other side of the deeply incised Vathyrkakas stream, opposite the settlement ( Vathyrkakas Cemeteries 1-3) (see Fig. 2). Great significance is attached to the remarkable cemeteries of Souskiou in accounts of Cypriot prehistory (e.g. Knapp et al . 1994, 410; Peltenburg in press; Steel 2004: 96 passim ), but little is known of the associated settlement. Our excavation there constitutes the second phase of Lemba Archaeological Research Centre/University of Edinburgh fieldwork and is integral to a research strategy that seeks to explore the social dynamics underpinning the whole of the exceptional complex. It follows rescue work at the Laona cemetery, as reported in Crewe et al . 2005. To the overall research strategy outlined there should be added our current emphasis on situating the Souskiou complex within its inter-regional context and especially within the Dhiarizos River valley. In spite of the settlement‘s small size when compared to Kissonerga, the complex has yielded metal and faience, two special materials that only occurred later at Kissonerga, and an unrivalled concentration of cruciform figurines and fantastic pottery containers, many of them looted and best known from Vagnetti 1980. As just mentioned, one of the cemeteries, Vathyrkakas 1, also has an extraordinarily large tomb (T. 73) with unusual funerary goods and mortuary behaviour (Peltenburg in press). As at Kissonerga 3B, therefore, there is evidence here for the overt display of status differences, but the complex is quite unlike Kissonerga in size and setting. Given the apparently important role of birthing figures in the maintenance of status differences at Kissonerga, the profusion of similar symbols at Souskiou suggests that this was an exceptional community, something, of course, already evident from the cemeteries, multiple burials in deep tombs and wealth of grave goods. Aside from its value in providing insights on the associated cemeteries, excavation at the Souskiou settlement should contribute to an understanding of the florescence of the Erimi culture before it was so profoundly transformed in the LChal.

3 The settlement

Previous work at the Laona settlement led to several conclusions. It was first identified in 1951 by Tryphonas A. Koulermou and the custodian at Kouklia, George Pastos, in an attempt to locate the likely habitations of those who were buried at Vathyrkakas cemetery 1 (Iliffe and Mitford 1952: 50). Hadjisavvas (1977) surveyed it in 1975 when he recorded heaps of stones marking the position of destroyed houses. He attributed it to the Chalcolithic 1 (E-MChal) period, with a possibility that it was also used during the Neolithic. The Canadian Palaipaphos Survey Project (CPSP) re-surveyed the site in 1991 as part of its major survey in SW Cyprus (Rupp et al. 1992). Its report shows that finds were scattered in a 1.4 ha area on the southerly slopes of the Laona ridge. From her analysis of the site‘s pottery, Clarke concluded that it was an unusual assemblage for two reasons. First is the presence of Red-on-Red pottery, which is early within the MChal and which she regarded as an eastern ware only found at Souskiou amongst known western Chalcolithic sites. Second, the assemblage is completely dissimilar from others investigated by the CPSP, a contrast she suggests may not be due to chronological disparities. She also concluded that the site was largely MChal with the possibility of LChal presence ( apud Rupp et al. 1992, 297-300). In the same report, D‘Annibale noted the unusually high percentage of cores and informal tools at the site, a feature he suggests is due to the impracticality of bringing large amounts of chert up the steep slopes from the Dhiarizos. He also attributes the special character of the assemblage to activities connected with the cemeteries, and the presence of a rare bifacially retouched pressure tool to possible extra-island contacts ( apud Rupp et al. 1992, 305-307). In 1992, the Lemba Archaeological Project put down trial trenches to ascertain if in situ remains still existed on the severely eroded slopes. Part of a curvilinear wall of a Chalcolithic building (B 13) and a straight wall, as well as a tool cache indicated the existence of intact deposits attributable to the MChal (Peltenburg 1993). The same project re-surveyed the site in 1999. It recovered some LChal sherdage in addition to a majority of MChal, noted the exceptionally high proportion of RW, use of local clay sources, low proportion of cores in contrast to numbers of tools and preference for dark Moni chert (Bolger et al. 2004). In sum, previous work demonstrated the existence of a Neolithic(?)-Chalcolithic period 1.4 ha settlement with unusual features, in some way linked to surrounding cemeteries and good potentials for focussed intrusive investigation. University of Edinburgh/Lemba Archaeological Research Centre investigations at the Laona settlement took place in August œ September 2005. The settlement is located 300 m southwest from the cemetery along the same ridge that is such a striking feature of the lower Dhiarizos River valley (Fig. 1). The 1 km long narrow ridge, flanked by the Dhiarizos and Vathyrkakas rivers, terminates in a spur at the confluence of the two (Figs. 2-3). A declivity,

4 the Saddle marked on Fig. 2, neatly divides it into two sections (Fig. 4). Its steep northwest face, caused by Dhiarizos River incision, is unsuitable for habitation, with the result that settlement is confined to the crown and gentler slopes facing away from, and so hidden from, the Dhiarizos (Figs. 2, 5). It lies within an enclosed landscape, oriented towards the Vathyrkakas stream, with views to the Vathyrkakas cemeteries across the ravine and the Mediterranean Sea in the distance (Fig. 6). So, while formally a Dhiarizos Valley site, its topography sets it aside from the valley proper. That description, however, is too narrowly circumscribed by the known limits of the settlement. It was, after all, associated with the Laona cemetery, which forms a landmark on the crest of the ridge. Its location, moreover, was well marked to those coming down the chain of Chalcolithic sites that line the valley by the conspicuous, curving wall of the ridge. In terms of communications, therefore, the site lies strategically at the junction of valley settlements and the coastal plain below.

Research aims and outline of general results

The first season of current investigations was designed to establish the extent of occupation and activities on the ridge, intra-site variation, to refine its chronology, to test preservation at different locales and to evaluate the character of the community with the eventual aim of assessing relations between it and the cemeteries. Of particular interest is the suggestion that the settlement was too small to have generated the attested mortuary population, thus raising the possibility that the complex served as a regional facility for different communities. At a more general level, therefore, we wish to explore the idea that Souskiou was a regionally integrative centre in which the ideology of birth, symbolised by the cruciform figurines in birth-giving posture, and death figured strongly. To anticipate some results presented in more detail below, we were able to identify a concentration of MChal activities that left visible traces in an area 160 x 300m on the Northeast Ridge, Saddle and South Slope, and intermittent traces in a 200 m long strip along the 150 m contour of the Southwest Ridge (Figs. 2, 12-15). By traces is meant the occurrence of sherds and ground and chipped stone collected in our initial survey transects described below. Occupants seem to have preferred areas of least gradient for these activities, that is in a triangle the base of which is formed by the ridge spine (Northeast Ridge œ Saddle of Fig. 2), and the apex of which lies below at the 136 m contour where the slopes jut out into the Vathyrkakas ravine. At this apex, marked —Op. A“ on Figs. 2, 4 and 5, the gradient flattens out to form a small plateau that, as shown in the 1992 trial excavations, was suitable for buildings perched above the Vathyrkakas stream. The South Slope, as elsewhere along the ridge, has a stepped surface formed by nearly horizontal bands of tabular limestone outcrop that split transversely into regular blocks suggesting walls (Fig. 5). These steps form natural

5 terraces that may have served as platforms for building purposes. In addition, there are some visible linear terrace walls of uncertain date, conceivably Classical or later (Fig. 7). Pending analysis of late sherdage from survey, a stamped amphora handle provides a terminus ad quem of the first half of the 4th century BC for some occupation (Fig. 8). Dr. Fryni Hadjicristofi kindly dated the handle, which she describes as from a Thasian amphora, bearing the inscription: ËÊÌ[ÉÚÈ] torch žÃÁ[ÊÄÅÃÌ?] Much more recent activity is indicated by animal pens and possible shooting butts. As noted below, survey disclosed an unexpected prolongation of the settlement along the Southwest Ridge (transect G). This indicates an overall settlement size of c. 2.2 ha, and, to judge from a preliminary assessment of the ceramics (see Bolger, below, and Fig. 16), occupation on the Southwest Ridge could be a discrete later focus within the MChal history of the site (see Sewell, below). The other important result from Bolger‘s assessment of the pottery is the significant proportion of Early Middle Chalcolithic, a phase that may pre-date the known usage of the cemeteries. Fifteen trenches were opened in a number of locations in the triangular area described above, providing a 173m 2 exposure (Fig. 9). Curvilinear structures were found at the top and base of the site: in Operation B (Op. B) along the spine of the Northeast Ridge and in the more level plateau at the base of the South Slope in Op. A. In four Op. A trenches, traces of one or possibly more walls were found just above and running parallel to the lip of the base, at contour 136 m If this is a single wall then it extends for at least 140 m and seems to divide the more accessible slopes from the steep gradient into the ravine, Op. D on Figs. 2 and 4. Further work is required to determine the integrity and date of this hypothesized ”enclosure‘ wall. In general, curvilinear structures seem to be cut back into the hillside and it is assumed they were founded on modest terraces. So far, the outer edges of those terraces have not been found as they are lost in erosion. The prolific nature of survey evidence, therefore, is not due to the entire erosion of the site but to the overall abundance of artefacts on the site, many of which remain inside structures. This season yielded a variety that supports arguments that this was a multifunctional settlement that already existed at the transition from E to MChal in the mid-4th millennium BC (see Bolger, below). There was no evidence for Neolithic or LChal occupation. Ground stone includes such recognisable types as adzes (23), axes (40), hammerstones (23), pestles (34) and rubbers and querns (40), but by far the most numerous

6 were expedient, not readily classified tools (68). Querns are usually associated with grinding grain, so their frequency at the site, together with rubbers, suggests non-functional reasons for the location of Laona settlement since it is so awkward to access any significant tracts of agricultural land from the site. Some 32 picrolite wasters suggests the community excelled in production of figurative ornaments, and one waster seems to come from a quarried seam rather than procured from river beds as usual (Fig. 10). While there is clear overlap between settlement and cemetery picrolite object types, there are also subtle as well as pronounced differences. Thus, cruciform SL 600 (Fig. 19) from above B 34 would not be out of place in a mortuary context, but SL 866 (Fig. 22) from inside the same building is unique. Blackened through use or fire, the originally blue figure has been carved with cross-hatched arms much lower down the body than usual, and they are either bisected, or conceived as two pairs outstretched. Cruciforms sometimes have arms fashioned as a second figure, so this is yet another elaboration in the treatment of arms. B 34 also yielded a number of metal objects. The best preserved is SL 554 , a remarkable spiraliform ornament comprised of a single strand of roughly square-sectioned metal forming a flat object, possibly a pendant (Fig. 21). Its upper(?) half is a compressed S- shape with swollen terminal, the lower (?) is looped into a spiral. Three metal objects were recovered from the settlement this season, an exceptional number given their rarity in Cyprus at this time. When considered in conjunction with the metal from the cemeteries, then Souskiou may be regarded as a centre for the consumption of such products. To recover such rare objects left behind in buildings is also unusual. It may be that some discrete assemblages inside the building are connected with mortuary rituals, and that here we have an important link between practices in the settlement and cemeteries. Thus, figurine SL 554 was associated with 7 dentalia and 2 large blades, a known funerary assemblage. In the report on the Laona cemetery, we drew attention to the possibility that intensified consumption of fine grave goods fostered new demands and that because of the introduction of metal and faience, both well known on the adjacent mainland, these may have led to the start of more meaningful engagements with the outside world (Crewe et al . 2005). Whether that was actually the case remains to be seen, but the occurrence of the fine metal ornament of Fig. 21 in the settlement further emphasizes its unusual character, given that metalwork from other Chalcolithic settlements comprises tools. In future we hope to fine tune the ceramic chronology in order to determine if the prolific finds in B 34 and 69 belong to the final abandonment of the settlement or to abandonment of structures during the continued life of the settlement. In either case, we are dealing with a known Chalcolithic tradition of intentionally burying goods within structures upon their abandonment.

7

Settlement survey. David A. Sewell

As part of the research endeavour to gather as much information as possible on the Souskiou- Laona site, the initial season of excavation was supplemented by a pedestrian survey strategy. The major aims of this pedestrian survey were to:

• ascertain the overall size of the Chalcolithic site; • identify any differential areas of activity within the site; • gather information on any diachronic settlement shift during the Chalcolithic period.

The nature of the site is a narrow, relatively flat ridge with steep slopes falling away on three sides. The top of the Northeast Ridge (Fig. 2) is the only area that had been recently ploughed. The lower plateau is the other significant large flat area, and while it had not been ploughed, there were two olive trees which had possibly been deliberately planted. There are a number of other carob and olive trees scattered across the hillside. Ground cover mainly consists of grasses and expanses of spiny burnet supplemented by other low garigue shrubs. There are areas of erosion where there was no significant vegetation at all. Because of the nature of the hillside, there are some areas which functioned as ”artefact traps‘ where archaeological material accumulated. These can skew the results and should be borne in mind during interpretation of the data.

Method

The survey was walked in transects with teams of four walkers in a 20 m square. A total collect policy was used with walkers picking up material from about 1m either side of them. Note was also made of slope, vegetation and other factors. Stone tools of large size were noted, photographed and left in the field whilst smaller objects were collected. Ten survey transects were walked in all and details of 8 are reported here. Their positions are marked on Fig. 11, and the 20 m boxes shown in transects A-F, H run from the top of the site, 1, towards the base.

Results

In Fig. 12 the raw counts of pottery are shown for each transect. In this diagram a single dot represents a single sherd randomly distributed within each 20 m square. Because of the nature

8 of the site some of the sherds had been on the surface for a period of time and had experienced heavy erosion and abrasion, especially as they travelled downhill from their original position. Others may only have eroded relatively recently or not travelled far and so decoration and other surface details were fresher. All of the sherds were washed and an initial count took place dividing them, largely by fabric and form, into those from the Chalcolithic period and those from later periods. The result of this analysis is shown in Fig. 13. The size of the pie chart for each square reflects the total amount of sherds from that square. The Chalcolithic sherds were then examined further to see if they could be placed in a specific period. The majority of sherds were either too heavily abraded or simply were not of diagnostic type. The results from this study are shown in Fig. 14. The stone objects noted during the survey were examined and placed into broad artefact categories. These categories are based on those presented in Peltenburg et al . 1998, 236, Table 14.3. Fig. 15 shows the results from this study. Finally, an estimate was made of the encompassed settlement area (Fig. 16). Because of the Transect G data a separate activity area was hypothesised. The transect stops before the pottery runs out and so the area is projected for a further distance.

Conclusions

The initial results of all sherd categories as presented in Fig. 12 enable us to make some interesting preliminary observations. In transect B on the top of the Northeast ridge there is a plentiful scatter of sherd material. This material must be more or less in situ since it cannot have eroded from anywhere else. All transects A to D produced a reasonable amount of material in most grid squares even accounting for the disparate ground cover and changes in slope. They would seem to represent the main area of sherd and hence by inference settlement location. Transect F was mainly conducted below the break of slope and the steepness of the slope was great throughout the four lower transect squares. The amount of material was significant but is possibly more indicative of vigorous and current erosional activity. Finally, Transect G produced another surprising result. Sherd material was found in significant quantities on the slopes of the Southeast ridge and appears to be increasing in concentration towards the west. In Fig. 13 we have attempted to assess the impact of later periods on the sherd distribution and ascertain if there are major areas of post-Chalcolithic occupation. The percentages of later material in Transects D and F are fairly high, but it is most obvious that there is a fairly even distribution of later material across much of the area. The main preliminary results from the analysis shown in Fig. 14 would seem to indicate a difference between the occupation in the main area where transects A to E were located and the area

9 where Transect G was conducted. No Early Middle Chalcolithic sherds were detected in these grid squares and this may indicate an expansion of the settlement in this period. The stone artefacts that were noted during the survey are examined in Fig. 15. The illustration concentrates on the main settlement area and splits the finds into broad artefact categories. Transect F has a high number of industry artefacts including picrolite wasters ( cf . Fig. 10) and this may be indicative of picrolite production. This would certainly fit in with the theory that picrolite artefacts found in the associated cemeteries were created here. The dominant artefact category overall though belongs to abrasion tools, and these could be taken to be indicative of food processing and production taking place in the settlement. In Fig. 16 an estimate of the settlement size was made with the main area encompassing an area of 1.86 hectares and the smaller area on the Southeast ridge 0.39 hectares. This estimate of 1.86 hectares is slightly higher than the 1.4 hectares suggested by the CPSP but is obviously broadly in agreement with them (Rupp et al. 1992).

Survey chipped stone 2005. Carole McCartney

Methodology

A sample of 713 artefacts was collected during surface survey of the site. This sample was examined in order to determine whether patterns of variability across the different survey transects could be detected. Data including artefact category, class, type, raw material, maximum dimension, and technical details such as butt types and dorsal scar patterns were collected. The results presented below concentrate on the issue of context and the data that best address this issue, namely artefact category and tool class counts across the various transects.

Survey assemblage summary

The survey assemblage represents the most comprehensive surface collection of chipped stone yet made of the site of Souskiou-Laona . The 2005 data compare well with the Western Cyprus Survey collection of 1999, demonstrating broadly equivalent results that provide a consistent characterization of the assemblage and suggest that the samples are representative (Table 1, Bolger et al. 2004: Table 8.5). Earlier reporting of the absence of on-site knapping (Rupp et. al . 1992: 305-307) is clearly contradicted by the presence of all aspects of the core reduction and tool production sequence in both the 1999 and 2005 collections. Both of the 1999 and 2005 surface assemblages belonging to Laona are heavily dominated by tools, a large proportion of which are formal tools (see below), contradicting the paucity of formal

10 tools recovered by the CPSP and indicating a considerable sample bias belonging to the comparatively small sample discussed in this earlier report. Cores are frequent in the more recent surface collections, but do not dominate the samples, while the abundance of material in each sample shows that a considerable amount of chert was carried to and reduced on-site. The presence of water-rolled cortex suggests that raw material was being collected from the Dhiarizos ( cf . Rupp et al . 305-307). The presence of rolled and fresh types of cortex as well, however, indicates that materials were also being collected from or near primary sources that are located not far from the site (personal observation). The preference for local dark coloured ”Moni‘ chert is clearly reflected in both the 1999 and 2005 samples (57.31% and 63.72% respectively). ”Lefkara-basal‘ chert represents the next most prominent raw material type (18.47% and 17.22% for the 1999 and 2005 collections respectively) with lower amounts of other ”Lefkara‘ chert types as well as small amounts of Jasper and Chalcedony. The consistency of the material frequencies between the 1999 and 2005 samples confirms the prominence of the ”Moni‘ chert type at Laona . This chert type has been linked elsewhere to the production of flake scrapers, a preferred artefact type that occurs in most Chalcolithic assemblages (Finlayson and McCartney 1998: 283-284, McCartney 2003: 216). The abundance of ”Moni‘ chert and well made flake scrapers at Laona demonstrate that knapping took place on-site, and that Laona may have played a significant role in the production and distribution of ”Moni‘ flake scrapers that characterize Chalcolithic assemblages across western Cyprus and possibly beyond (Bolger et al . 2004: 120). Laona ‘s strategic location between valley and coastal settlements suggests that the site was well suited to play a pivotal role in the manufacture and distribution of such a preferred tool type providing a feature of the local economy that contributed to the wealth exhibited by the site. The core technology belonging to the site can be characterized as flake-based with discoidal, single platform and change-of-orientation cores used to produce flakes with simple facetted and plain butts. A significant number of core trimming elements demonstrates attention to the maintenance of core platforms while the occasional crested blade shows the preparation of core faces for the production of a more limited number of blade/bladelet blanks. In general craftsmanship was of a good standard and accords well with other Chalcolithic chipped stone assemblages from Cyprus (Bolger et al . 2004: 117, McCartney 203: 207-211 with references). The discovery of a bifacial pressure retouched tool at Laona agrees with the above statement and may well re-affirm the importance of the site as a centre for Chalcolithic chipped stone production, particularly considering the apparent absence of evidence indicating a Neolithic phase of occupation. The presence of this tool does not, however, indicate external contacts (contra Rupp et al. 1992: 306). The two pressure retouched arrowheads from Kissonerga were manufactured on local chert, and though they were

11 recovered in MChal contexts, the presence of an earlier Aceramic Neolithic phase at this site makes it at least possible that these artefacts are residual (Finlayson and McCartney 1998: 277, 290-291). The recent analysis of the small Vathyrkakas chipped stone material shows an assemblage that is related to the assemblage illustrated at the Laona settlement both of which belong to the industry indicative of Chalcolithic Cyprus (D‘Annibale in Rupp et al. 1992: 305-307, McCartney in Peltenburg in press). The former assemblage, however, contains virtually no core reduction material and is instead dominated by unretouched utilized flakes, a number of which are uncharacteristically large and exhibit a high level of craftsmanship. Significantly, though the Vathyrkakas assemblage is dominated by the use of ”Lefkara basal‘ chert (36.84%), ”Moni‘ chert (31.58%) still forms a considerable part of the assemblage. These aspects of the Vathyrkakas assemblage suggest that it may well have been produced by the knappers responsible for the Laona settlement material, but not that the Laona industry was uniquely tailored for the production of funerary chipped stone.

Artefact Counts (See Fig. 11 for location of transects)

The total number of artefacts collected from surface survey is 714 of which nearly 3/4 of the total number was collected in just two transects, F and D (Table 1). Over half of the artefacts recovered (52.66%) were collected in transect F (n=376). Collections from transect D represent a further 18.63% (n=133) of the total sample. Within transect F squares 6 and 4 provided the largest samples, while in transect D square 6 provided nearly half. Much smaller samples were collected from other transects: C, E (not shown in Figs. 11-15) and J each provided very few artefacts. More moderate samples were collected from transects A, G and H. A broad pattern across the site is visible with peaks followed by troughs, suggesting distinct concentrations of activity across the ridge, though this pattern is rendered more complex by the types of artefacts present (see below). One noticeable pattern across all transects is the tendency for the artefact number to increase lower down the slopes. Artefacts were clearly being moved down slope or transects were conducted towards the area of greatest artefact concentration.

Artefact Category Counts

A high percentage of tools was recovered from each of the transects, ranging from 37-66% of the artefacts recovered. This feature is likely to reflect a partial collection bias since the majority of artefacts recovered were between 35-40 mm in maximum length, no doubt precluding the collection of most fine core reduction debris. A number of transects were

12 oriented down slope, and thus it seems possible that small debris and artefact fragments were carried beyond the extent of the transects into the ravine below (see D‘Annibale in Rupp 1992: 305-307 for a similar suggestion). However, the only transect from which chipped stone material was recovered that was oriented across rather than down slope (transect G) exhibits a lower percentage of such debris in contrast to a number of more vertically oriented transects, suggesting that while material may have moved down slope to some extent, erosion has not seriously affected the artefact proportions of the samples. The increasing numbers of artefacts collected from units starting from the top of the slope to those at the base in transects A, D, F and H appear to support this hypothesis (Table 2). The higher percentages of tools correspond to lower percentages of cores and other reduction debris (Table 3). This is particularly true in transects D, E and J. In transect D, the significant size of the sample (greater than 100) implies that this pattern is a true reflection of activity with tools and potential tools (blanks) overwhelmingly dominating 3/4 of the sample. The debris belonging to transect D is nearly all broken blanks, which could represent additional potential tool blanks. This data suggests the possibility of a greater concentration of tool use activity in the area of transect D. Greater percentages of cores (20.0% in each sample) were collected in transects A and C. The total sample belonging to transect C is small, but that of transect A is more substantial, making the comparatively high percentage of cores from this transect notable, particularly considering the general lack of other core reduction related materials, which suggests the possibility of material storage in these areas. Core percentages, though somewhat lower, are significant in transects F, G and H where they occur with substantial samples of reduction debris, unworked blanks, and lower percentages of tools, suggesting that significant core reduction activity was located in these areas. Within the estimated settlement extent (Fig. 16), it is significant that transects D, A, and C with their greater indications of tool use and core storage, respectively, are located within this area. In contrast, the transects where core reduction activity appears to have been the greatest, namely, F, G, and H are all outside of this area. These data suggest the possibility of distinct workshop areas for the production of chipped stone tools, which were located away from the main settlement zones.

Tool Class

Comparison of the different tool classes between the 1999 and 2005 survey samples demonstrates a good degree of correspondence (Table 4). Differences in the percentages of burins, glossed pieces and retouched pieces, however, are significant between the two samples and warn against detailed interpretations of site function based on the presence or absence of specific tool classes from a single surface collection. While it might be tempting to

13 look at the relatively low percentage of glossed tools and to infer a lower significance of agriculture for Laona given the site‘s ridge top location, the more substantial 2005 tool class distribution is broadly parallel to costal sites (Finlayson and McCartney 1998: Table 21.37, McCartney 2003: Table 18.8, see also Bolger et al . 2004: 120 for a related discussion). The twelve tool classes assigned to Table 4 were used to evaluate each transect individually. Results are summarized in Table 5 a and b. One feature, clearly demonstrated, is the heavy distribution of the different tool classes in transects D and F, which mirrors the larger sample totals for these transects noted above. All tool classes except for denticulates (not found in transect D) are represented in both of transects D and F. Transects A and G also show good distributions across eight to nine of the twelve tool classes that appear to reflect the greatest concentrations in D and F, respectively. In comparison the tool diversity of transect H is low in spite of transect H representing a numerical peak following transects D and F. The latter sample is dominated by non-formal utilized pieces reminiscent of the earlier characterization of the Laona assemblage as a whole, but limited to the specific area of transect H (D‘Annibale in Rupp et al. 1992: 305-307). Similarly, while the number of artefacts represented for most tool classes is highest in transect F, the glossed tools, perforators, and pièces esquillées , show greater concentrations in transect D. This distinction along with the low percentage of cores collected from transect D, suggests that the activities conducted in this area may have been somewhat different than those executed in areas F, G and H external to the site. While the glossed tools do indicate significant agricultural activity in the general vicinity of the site, the concentration of perforators in an area exhibiting a dominance of tools is generally suggestive of a specialized working area perhaps associated with the high frequency of worked picrolite at the site, though a detailed use-wear analysis is required to confirm or refute these inferences.

Operation A, Trenches 1, 2, 4 and 8. David A. Sewell

The 1992 excavations in the Op. A area were concentrated on a small plateau on the east side of the site (Peltenburg 1993). Apart from the top of the ridge the base of the south Slope is the largest extent of relatively flat ground within the settlement area. In 1992 two trenches, A1 and 2, revealed a curving section of wall approximately 3.10 m in length and 0.44 m wide. It was felt that this section of wall represented the remains of a Chalcolithic structure and this was designated as B 13. The preserved section of wall was on the upslope side of the building and it appears that material on the downward slope had largely eroded away. One of the major aims of the 2005 season was to place B 13 into a wider context and see if the building was associated with any other structures or features. Therefore, trench A4 was opened to the north

14 of trench A2 and cleaning and cutting back of sections took place in the old trench A2 excavations. Trench A4 was 4.5 x 5 m and unfortunately did not add greatly to our knowledge of the site. Below topsoil the main feature of the trench was erosion and wash deposits containing a large amount of stones ranging in size from gravels to cobbles. Despite attempts to recognize wall lines and features within these deposits no firm attributions could be made. There appeared to be a slight concentration of articulated stones in the north east section of the trench, and for this reason an extension, trench A7, was made to the east. This seemed to confirm loose articulation of stones, but it was obvious that downslope erosion had greatly affected the area. Taking as our model the increased preservation of B 13 on its upslope side, we came to the working hypothesis that the stones might be part of a building that eroded from slightly to the north. A 50 cm baulk was created and then trench 8 was opened to the north. Trench A8 was also 4.5 m x 5 m in size and, immediately upon clearing topsoil, it generated promising results. A short section of wall was revealed as well as a possible hearth and two concentrations of stone tools. Subsequent work during the season showed that much of the trench was taken up with a Chalcolithic curvilinear structure designated as B 69. The wall of this structure consists of large cobbles or boulders which are roughly faced with an infill of smaller stones and mud (Figs. 17, 18). The larger stones are laid in rough courses. Stones of this type are abundant across the hillside where they are derived from eroding limestone beds. The wall is curvilinear and is preserved for approximately 4.10 m It is consistent in construction and width with wall Type 3 defined at Kissonerga Mosphilia (Peltenburg et al. 1998: 55). The maximum recorded number of courses at Kissonerga Mosphilia was 4-5 in B 208. In this case wall 69 is preserved to at least five courses and was directly below the topsoil. It is possible therefore that the stone footings at Souskiou-Laona, where there was abundant building material, were higher than at Kissonerga Mosphilia. In the northwestern area of B 69 the wall had collapsed inwards and preserved some articulation as it fell on to the floor. This event may have occurred during use of the building or very shortly after abandonment as there was no significant abandonment deposit under the wall collapse. If it was during the use of the building then it could be indicative of seismic damage (see Swiny et al . 2003: 36, 37 and 466 for possible seismic evidence during EC at Sotira-Kaminoudhia ). On the eastern side of the building the wall appears to have been destroyed by erosion as has the complete southern/downslope section of the wall. However, because the upslope section of the wall was preserved to over 40 cm, over two thirds of the floor of the building and the artefacts lying on it has been preserved. The floor area consisted of a hard plaster surface that was relatively well preserved and easy to follow although there appear to have

15 been patches and relays in some sections and there are at least two areas where the floor is less well preserved. In the centre of the building was a raised area stained red by burning and this appears to be the substructure of a hearth. This feature was directly below topsoil and was incomplete with no preserved firebowl. It was most likely a Type 3 circular platform hearth as defined at Kissonerga-Mosphilia (Peltenburg et al. 1998:59). No entrance has so far been found in B 69, or for that matter in B 13. The entrances were probably on the southern/downslope side facing away from any water that would come down the hillside during the rainy season. Such a position would provide a view down the Vathykarkas valley to the break of the Ktima lowlands and the sea beyond. Lying on the floor of B 69 were over one hundred stone tools with most of the tools arranged around the base of the wall (Fig. 17). The tools can be grouped into broad object categories, and the results are shown in Table 6 below. It can be seen that the largest category is miscellaneous objects. Many of these were small, smooth pebbles with minimal wear that may have been burnishers or polishers. The second largest category belongs to cutting tools and 22 of these were axes. The majority of these, however, were short axes rather than long axes and the maximum length was 11.4 cm If larger axes are associated with tree felling then it appears that this was not a major task for the owners of these tools and that smaller scale operations such as scrub clearance/husbandry may have been their main purpose. Peltenburg et al . 1998: 239 hypothesised that there were different activity zones within a Chalcolithic house. This distribution of activity zones does not appear to be represented in the preserved section of B 69. No subdivisions or differential floorings have so far been recognised. There are the remains of a central hearth area but stone tools, and therefore the production areas, are found around much of the circumference of the structure. So, despite finding a structure we cannot at this stage confirm that the building was a domicile. Rather, the large amounts of stone tools are suggestive of a workshop rather than a domestic structure, so confirming the special character of the settlement at Souskiou.

Operation A, Trench 6. Andrew McCarthy

Survey transect F identified that there was a concentration of cultural material at the interface of the relatively flat terrace of the Saddle of the Laona ridge and the steep drop-off into the Vathyrkakas ravine (Op. D: Figs. 2, 4). It was hoped that intact architecture related to this washed out cultural material recovered in the survey would be found. In particular, a concentration of picrolite wasters suggested that some industrial activities might have taken place at this point or somewhere upslope. The 1.5 m x 5 m trench A6 was placed where both the flat portion of Op. A, and the steep slope of Op. D could be simultaneously investigated. Immediately it was understood that at the break in slope there was a stone-built retaining wall

16 or embankment (probably relating to other occurrences of this ”enclosure‘ wall œ see above) running east-west, against which a layer of stones had accumulated. This accumulated stone layer lacks any coherent structure and is probably a slopewash deposit. No further intact architecture was found, but geological features suggest a tumultuous recent past. At the interface between Op. A and Op. D, the stone retaining wall was half-sectioned and excavated to bedrock, although excavation was terminated before all of the overlying deposits could be removed From this half-section it became apparent that the break in slope corresponds to the stepped termination of the eroded bedrock plane. At the point where the bedrock drops off into Vathyrkakas ravine the retaining wall was built. While the succession of accumulated slopewashes can be seen to abut this embankment, the actual wall itself was built upon a layer of soil containing Chalcolithic cultural material. While this does not directly date the wall, the fact that the strata pre-dating and immediately post-dating the wall only contained Chalcolithic pottery strongly suggests that it is a Chalcolithic structure. The exposure of the ”enclosure‘ wall shows a stone-built construction situated directly over the natural break in slope into the valley. It has an east-west orientation, and is one to two courses of stones wide and one to three courses tall, packed with loose soil. Although it is situated over the drop-off of the bedrock plane beneath, the wall sits on top of up to c. 50 cm of loose grey soil that directly overlies the bedrock. The wall is constructed of large weathered limestone slabs ( c. 50 x 30 cm), roughly rectangular but with rounded corners and edges. The north face of the wall is fairly distinct, while the top course slumps somewhat downslope (south). The south face of the wall appears to be more of an embankment than a wall, with rubble and soil piled against and beneath the slabs. The wall at this point is a maximum of 1 m wide (not including the embankment) and can be seen in excavation and protruding through the topsoil to a minimum length of 3.5 m. Removal of the stone layers that had accumulated behind the ”enclosure‘ wall revealed more soil slopewash with a high concentration of cultural material, but no architectural remains. Protruding through these slopewash layers was a bedrock plane angled approximately 45 degrees against the slope of the hillside, sloping down to the north/northwest. As the slopewash obviously had accumulated at the opposite angle, this bedrock protrusion must have occurred after this accumulation took place. Although a more detailed geological study would be required to give definitive answers, a preliminary assessment suggests that some sort of landslide or landslip occurred between the time of the deposition of these slopewashes ( terminus post quem MChal?) and the present day. If a catastrophic event such as an earthquake occurred, this information may seriously alter the way in which we must view the site layout, a viewshed analysis and the topography and landscape, as the depression, or ”Saddle‘, of the Laona ridge may be a recent feature. This

17 ridge and its settlement, therefore, might have looked significantly different than it appears today.

Operation B, Trenches 5-7 summary. Mark Kincey

Preliminary survey transects carried out in advance of this season‘s excavations highlighted a distinct concentration of artefacts on top of the Northeast Ridge overlooking the Vathyrkakas valley (Figs. 11-15, transect B). These objects included numerous stone querns and rubbers along with a well-preserved cruciform picrolite figurine found resting on the ground surface (Fig. 19). This focus of Chalcolithic artefacts prompted the excavation of a 7.0 x 7.50 m trench, centred over the location of the figurine find spot. The removal of the upper deposits from trenches B5-7 revealed a well-defined curving limestone wall, surviving as an arc extending in a southwest-northeast direction and presumably marking the incomplete remains of a once circular building, B 34 (Fig. 20). Although the wall had been truncated by erosion to the southwest and northeast of the trench, an overall diameter of approximately 6-7 metres is realistic, assuming that B 34 had a circular ground plan. Measuring 7.0 m in length and 0.56 m in width, the wall consisted of two outer rows of large limestone facing blocks with a looser rubble interior fill. Three courses of flat, tablet-like stones survived, providing a maximum extant height of 0.30 m, although the concentration of rubble and daub fragments close to the interior suggests that the wall was originally considerably higher and possibly comprising an organic superstructure. No plaster was visible on the wall itself, but the presence of a compact plaster-like deposit around the base of the interior may have been the remains of a degraded wall covering. The presence of a narrow foundation cut following the curve of the wall clearly indicates that the building had originally been terraced into the upper hillside of the valley. This terrace had been cut through a series of natural layers of sand and gravel, although the upper cobbled layer had possibly been compacted by human alteration to provide a functional surface. Within the interior of B 34 the survival of the archaeological deposits was variable, due to extensive modern root disturbance and the more general erosional slippage down the steep slope towards the Vathyrkakas. The surviving wall had protected the deposits within the immediate vicinity of the structure but where the architecture itself had been eroded away, the internal stratigraphy had been truncated down to the natural gravels. Within the protective arc of the wall were two layers of post-occupational silty sand, which sealed the lower occupation deposits. The upper of these two layers was fairly mixed by deep root action but the lower deposit was secure and contained two pieces of copper, one a small amorphous, mineralised fragment, SL 569 , but the other being a flat fragment from a blade-like object, SL 570 .

18 The excavation of the internal deposits of B 34 indicated that there were two main phases to the occupational history of the building. The earlier phase of occupation was focussed on a compact greyish-white floor surface comprised of degraded limestone and sand. This floor surface was far better preserved than the later occupation phase and had several surviving features associated with it. Towards the northeast of the surviving structure, the floor had been cut by a large irregular pit measuring 1.66 x 1.54 x 0.34 m and containing a single ashy fill. Apart from a relatively low concentration of potsherds there were no other artefacts recovered from the feature to aid an interpretation of its purpose although the ashy fill clearly suggests it was associated with burnt material. Further to the west of this feature was a smaller pit measuring only 0.55 x 0.39 x 0.11 m but which contained an in situ rectangular stone mortar that had been placed into the pit and surrounded by packing stones, presumably to prevent movement during use. The dish of the mortar stone itself contained an intact ground stone axe, which had been covered by the ashy fill of the pit (Fig. 20). Approximately in the centre of the structure was an oval pit measuring 0.52 x 0.49 x 0.27, which was again cut through the earlier floor surface. This feature contained a single ashy fill, from which were recovered animal bones and a series of small finds, including another cruciform picrolite figurine and a single strand metal object which had been coiled into tight S-shaped loops (Fig. 21). Along with the two copper fragments from the post- occupational silty sand layer, this represents some of the earliest stratified metal objects excavated in Cyprus. The fill of the pit had been sealed by an extensive spread of potsherds, which also lay directly on top of the earlier floor surface through which the pit was cut. Further to the northeast of the oval pit was a spread of dark ashy material that shelved beneath a portion of the aforementioned lower floor surface, suggesting that there may have been several repair and re-plastering events within the two major occupational phases. A section through this material revealed a small cache of objects including a double-armed cruciform picrolite figurine (Fig. 22), seven dentalia and two finely made chipped chert blades. In Chalcolithic Cyprus the range of finds recovered from both the ashy spread and the oval pit are far more commonly associated with mortuary rather than domestic contexts. Further work therefore needs to be carried out to establish whether the objects have been disturbed from an as yet unidentified mortuary context within the structure, or whether the traditional association and interpretation of these find-types should be re-examined. The lower floor surface was covered by a shallow mixed deposit of compact sand, which itself was sealed by a later greyish-white floor level consisting of degraded limestone chippings and sand. Although eroded in places, most notably to the southeast, the layer was relatively intact and had been covered by the rubble collapse from the curving limestone wall. This floor surface appears to form the second phase for the structure and was again associated with a number of occupational features. Two broad concentrations of potsherds lay on top of

19 the compacted floor, with the western spread containing numerous diagnostic sherds and an almost complete vessel lying base upwards in a shallow depression. This vessel contained a small, flattened spherical stone with an hourglass perforation through the centre, with a further seven other similar perforated stone objects located just to the south (Fig. 23). The arrangement of the sherds and these associated finds suggested that the vessel had fallen into the shallow depression from a location close to the curving wall, with its contents of perforated stones falling out or being displaced at a later date. The shallow depression lay directly above the oval pit associated with the earlier phase of occupation. It was therefore unclear whether it related to a separate later pit cut through the upper floor or was simply a slippage in the deposits caused by the unconsolidated fill of the earlier cut.

Preliminary report on ceramics. D. Bolger

Abbreviations in this section:

Pottery types: BTW = Black Topped ware CPW = Coarse Painted ware GBW = Glossy Burnished ware RB/B = Red and Black Stroke-burnished ware RMP = Red Monochrome Painted ware RR = Red on Red ware RWL = Red on White Lattice ware RWPB = Red on White Parallel Band ware SW = Spalled ware

Pottery recorded during the 2005 season at Souskiou Laona can be grouped into two broad categories–sherdage recovered from survey transects and pottery from excavated contexts in Op. A and B. Processing methods conform to procedures followed at Lemba Project sites (see Bolger 1998 and 2003 for details). For sherdage ante-dating the late MChal, this entails a multivariate analysis in which particular attention is given to fabric identification since it is only towards the end of the 4 th millennium B.C. that fabrics become more standardized and classification into ”ware‘ categories (i.e. recurrent combinations of particular fabrics, shapes and surface treatments) is possible. The occurrence and distribution of ceramics from major survey transects investigated during the 2005 season have been discussed above by Sewell. While a small proportion of the identifiable pottery recovered was post-Chalcolithic in date (but heavily abraded and hence

20 not readily attributable to particular periods), approximately 89% [n=1,856] could be assigned to three chronological rubrics: Chalcolithic, Early Middle Chalcolithic, and Late Middle Chalcolithic. Sherds assigned generally to the Chalcolithic period, but not to one of its sub- phases, had attributes that allowed them to be placed with a high degree of certainty in into a generic ”Chalcolithic‘ category, but had highly abraded surfaces and fabrics lacking parallels with other sites within the region, probably since potters were exploiting local clays sources. Assignment of sherds to one of the sub-phases of the MChal was achieved by comparing surface treatments, diagnostic shapes and fabric types to ceramic attributes from Kissonerga Periods 3A-B (representing the early and late MChal levels at the site, respectively) and Mylouthkia Periods 2 and 3 (EChal and early MChal). In cases where painted decoration was largely effaced as the result of surface abrasion, attribution of pottery to a particular sub- period of the MChal had to be based exclusively on fabric type. A sherd designated as belonging to the early MChal, for example, was similar in fabric to pottery from Kissonerga Period 3A and/or Mylouthkia Period 3, while attribution of sherdage to the late MChal was based on the occurrence of similar fabrics at Kissonerga Period 3B (Mylouthkia was not occupied during the late phase of the MChal). Since a fuller understanding of the ceramic repertoire at Laona awaits excavation and study of a greater body of material than is currently available, and since the construction of a typology for the Laona pottery is therefore premature, readers are referred to relevant sections of the final reports of the excavations at Kissonerga and Mylouthkia for details on ceramic types (especially fabrics) occurring within MChal ceramic assemblages at sites in western Cyprus (Bolger et al . 1998, 93-119; Bolger and Shiels 2003, 133-62). A total of nearly 12,000 sherds and two complete vessels from Laona were processed during the 2005 season, 10,523 from Op. A and 1,138 from Op. B (sherdage from Op. A included 1,667 sherds from the 1992 sounding referred to by Peltenburg above). The most frequently occurring types from contexts in Op. A were RWPB and RMP-a, which are the principal ceramic types at Kissonerga Per. 3A and Mylouthkia Per. 3, both dating to early MChal (see Bolger et al . 1998, 112-14 for descriptions). The absence of EChal pottery types such as GBW suggests an early MChal date for the initial occupation in this area. Other, minor types that can also be dated to the early MChal sub-period are BTW, RR, RW-coarse and RMP-coarse. RR, a variant of RWPB, is known also at Kissonerga and Mylouthkia (contra Clarke in Rupp et al . 1992, 297-98) where it occurs exclusively in early MChal contexts. Decorated coarse vessels take the form of shallow trays articulated with flanged bases and ear lugs and painted solid red or in patterned RW designs. At Kissonerga, the custom of painting coarse pottery occurred during Per. 3A but did not persist into the later MChal. Pottery types occurring at Laona in the late sub-period of the MChal include RWL, RMP-b, CPW-monochrome and SW. While SW continues at Kissonerga into the LChal, the

21 absence at Laona of the principal LChal pottery type, RB/B, makes it likely that SW at Laona is late MChal rather than LChal in date. Shapes observed from an initial study of Op. A sherdage include standard Chalcolithic types–platters, hemibowls, deep bowls, spouted bowls, trays, and flasks. Storage jars occur fairly infrequently, a pattern that once again conforms to early MChal ceramic assemblages at Kissonerga and Mylouthkia. While Op. B produced significantly less pottery, ceramics from Op. B contexts are similar in range and characteristics to those of from Op. A. Preliminary counts tentatively suggest a stronger presence of late MChal types (RWL, RMP-b, SW and CPW-mono) in Op. B, however. Once again, the absence of GBW and RB/B may indicate that occupation in the areas of the settlement excavated thus far was restricted to the MChal, but future excavations could alter this scenario. Both Clarke (in Rupp et al . 1992, 298) and Bolger (in Bolger et al . 2004, 112) have reported small numbers of RB/B sherdage from survey at Laona , but this has not as yet been borne out by excavations at the site. Finally, mention should be made of the large potspreads in B. 34 mentioned above by Kincey. It was clear during excavation that these derive from a number of vessels associated with the use of the building, and the interpretation of the building‘s function is dependent at least in part on their identification. Owing to the fragility of the low-fired hand-made pottery characteristic of Chalcolithic assemblages, however, it was decided to postpone cleaning and mending until a full program of conservation could be undertaken. The conservation and restoration of the B. 34 vessels are being supervised by project conservator Sharen Taylor. Details of the results will therefore be provided in a subsequent report.

Dhiarizos viewshed analysis. Andrew McCarthy

One of the most striking aspects of the Souskiou-Laona ridge is the fact that there are commanding views of both the Dhiarizos valley ascending toward the Troodos Mts., as well as looking west and south toward the sea, the mouth of the Dhiarizos River and the Ktima Lowlands (Fig. 1). While these wide vistas are obvious to us today, placing the Chalcolithic settlement into its contemporary landscape context is not straightforward. The viewshed is distinctly linear, rather than panoramic, suggesting that the Dhiarizos served as a route linking the flat lowlands with the hilly uplands and the interior of the island. Likewise, being directly at the interface between these two zones, it is likely that both the placement of the Souskiou- Laona settlement and its proximity to the only known extramural cemeteries from this period have something to do with its environmental and spatial context. Numerous Chalcolithic settlements are attested in the Dhiarizos valley (Rupp et al . 1992), and they may have some relationship with the settlement and cemeteries at Souskiou-Laona and Vaythyrkakas . What these relationships might be, however, is at present unclear.

22 One way to quantify spatial characteristics that allows for a more nuanced understanding of the relationships between site placement and morphology, topography and environment is through the application of a Viewshed Analysis. Examining intervisibility is a less environmentally deterministic approach to Geographical Information Systems (GIS) studies (Wheatley 1995) and opens the door to phenomenological analyses based on quantifiable data (Gaffney et al . 1996). In particular, by quantifying topographical features in the landscape and placing known Chalcolithic settlements into this GIS model, intervisibility between Chalcolithic settlements, cemeteries and landmarks can be identified. (Inter)visibility, or lack thereof, provides the first step in understanding the reasons for site placement and the relationships between sites in the Dhiarizos valley and the Ktima lowlands, and their environmental context. This procedure can be used to identify and understand patterns in settlement distribution (Gaffney and Stan[i[ 1991; Kvamme 1992). —In antiquity, visibility would have been an important aspect of communication, and therefore critical for site location strategies“ (Christopherson and Guertin 1996). Moreover, the interplay between society, the environment, economy, and exchange can all be approached using this method. Crucial to this analysis is a detailed understanding of the taphonomy of both the archaeological and the environmental landscape. For instance, intervisibility can be cut short by tree-cover, or might be extended if the terrain was once higher than it is now. The Dhiarizos valley did not always look the way it does today, and viewshed analysis can be misleading without the ability to reconstruct the ancient landscape. Therefore, evidence for erosion, floral cover and cultivation must be taken into account. There are already hints that site placement in the valley took intervisibility into account. Much of the known Chalcolithic occupation in the area seems to be at the very limits of site-to-site inter-visibility. In the case of the Souskiou-Laona settlement, the orientation appears to be southward-facing, looking not toward the Dhiarizos at all, but rather toward the sea, the Ktima lowlands and the Souskiou- Vathyrkakas cemeteries. If primary access to the site was from the confluence of the Vathyrkakas and Dhiarizos rivers, entrance to the site would have been primarily situated toward those approaching from the sea, heading up the valley toward the Troodos Mts. Conversely, at the back of the site, the Laona cemetery may have served as a landmark pointing out the location and prominence of the ridge to those approaching from the hilly uplands. The Laona cemetery is clearly visible today when descending the valley, but in antiquity this visibility may have been enhanced by flags, smoke-signals or any other such markers of human activity. Because the settlement of Souskiou-Laona seems visibly to refer to the lowlands and the sea, or possibly serve as a gateway to the uplands, the cemetery might be the landmark by which those descending would likewise use to identify this ecotone. Intervisibility does not have to be directly site-to-site, but rather must simply visibly connect communities, mark

23 territory, establish boundaries or communicate in some way. For this matter, a more detailed analysis of the entire Dhiarizos valley is warranted to put the human activity at the Souskiou- Laona ridge into its larger context. Digitised maps, detail-specific investigation of topographical features and published environmental data can be used to create quantifiable substantiation to these qualitative statements. It is planned that in subsequent seasons the excavation of the Laona settlement can provide more detailed information that might help us to understand this ancient community, and how it relates to the area of the Dhiarizos valley and to our picture of western Cyprus in general.

Acknowledgements

We are grateful to Dr. Pavlos Flourentzos, Director, Department of Antiquities, and his staff, especially Nisiphoros Loukaides, custodian of Kouklia Museum, who made us so welcome at our base in Kouklia. We benefited enormously from a valuable cohort of team members: site supervisors Timothy Evans, Mark Kincey, Andrew McCarthy and Dave Sewell; ceramics analyst Diane Bolger; chipped stone analyst Carole McCartney; assistants Michael Brown, Genevieve Close, Joseph Feeney, Sabine Geissler, Lisa Graham, Maria Guagnin, John Hammond, Tom Lucas, Roseanne McCrae, Kenneth Martin, Samira Ben Mohamed and Graham Ritchie. Paul Croft kindly advised on our faunal material. The investigations were conducted with the generous support of the British Academy, Carnegie Trust for the Universities of Scotland, Russell Trust, Society of Antiquaries of London and the University of Edinburgh (Abercromby Fund, Munro Lectureship Fund). Illustrations: Lindy Crewe, Andrew McCarthy, Edgar Peltenburg and David Sewell.

List of References

Bloch, M. 1977 The disconnection between power and rank as a process: An outline of the development of kingdoms in Central Madagascar. Archives Européenes de Sociologie 18: 107-148.

Bolger, D. 1988 Erimi-Pamboula: A Chalcolithic Settlement in Cyprus . British Archaeological Reports International Series 443. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports.

Bolger, D., L. Maguire, A. Quye, S. Ritson and F.M.K. Stephen 1998 The Ceramics. Chap. 5 in Peltenburg et al . 1998 .

24 Bolger, D. and J. Shiels 2003 The Pottery. Chap. 14 in E. Peltenburg (ed.) The Colonisation and Settlement of Cyprus: Investigations at Kissonerga-Mylouthkia 1976-1994 . Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 70:4. Sävedalen: Åström.

Bolger, D., C. McCartney and E. Peltenburg 2004 Regional interaction in the prehistoric west: Lemba Archaeological Project Western Cyprus Survey, pp. 105-123 in M. Iacovou (ed.) Archaeological Field Survey in Cyprus: Past History, Future Potentials . British School at Athens Studies 11. London.

Broodbank, C. 2000 An Island Archaeology of the Early Cyclades . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Crewe, L. K. Lorentz, E. Peltenburg and Sorina Spanou 2005 Treatments of the Dead: Preliminary Report of Investigations at Souskiou-Laona Chalcolithic Cemetery, 2001-2004. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus : 41-67.

Christopherson, G. L. and D. P. Guertin. 1996. Visibility analysis and ancient settlement strategies in the region of Tall al-Umayri, Jordan. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of American Schools of Oriental Research, New Orleans, Louisiana, November 1996. http://www.casa.arizona.edu/MPP/viewshed/vspaper.html

Dikaios, P. 1936 The Excavations at Erimi, 1933-1935. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus : 1-81.

Finlayson, W. and C. McCartney 1998 Chipped Stone Report, Chap. 21 in E. Peltenburg et al. Excavations at Kissonerga-Mosphilia, 1979-1992: Lemba Archaeological Project, Cyprus, Volume II.1B (part 2). Department of Archaeology Occasional Paper 19. Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh.

Hadjisavvas, S. 1977 The archaeological survey of Paphos. A preliminary report. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus : 222-231

Gaffney, V. and Z. Stan[i[ 1991

25 GIS Approaches to Regional Analysis: A Case Study of the Island of Hvar. Ljubljana: Znanstveni institute Filozofske Fakultete: University of Ljubljana.

Gaffney, V., Z. Stan[i[ and H. Watson 1996 Moving from catchments to cognition: Tentative steps towards a larger archaeological context for GIS, pp. 123-54 in M. Aldendefer and H. Maschner (eds.) Anthropology, Space and Geographical Information Systems . Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Iliffe, J. and T. Mitford 1952 Excavations at ‘s Sanctuary at Paphos. Liverpool Bulletin 2: 24-66.

Knapp, B. with S. Held and S. Manning 1994 The prehistory of Cyprus: Problems and prospects. Journal of World Prehistory 8: 377-453.

Kvamme, K. 1992 Geographical Information Systems and archaeology, pp. 77-84 in G. Lock and J. Moffett (eds.) CAA91: Computer Applications and Quantitative Methods in Archaeology, 1991. Oxford: BAR International Series S577.

McCartney, C. 2000 Prehistoric occurrences in the Ranti State Forest: A Preliminary Report of the Ranti Forest Project. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus : 33-46.

McCartney, C. 2003 Chipped Stone Report. Chap. 18 in E. Peltenburg (ed.) The Colonisation and Settlement of Cyprus. Investigations at Kissonerga-Mylouthkia, 1976-1996. (Lemba Archaeological Project, Cyprus III.1: Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 70:4). Sävedalen:Åström.

Peltenburg, E. J. 1982 Early copperwork in Cyprus and the exploitation of picrolite: evidence from the Lemba Archaeological Project, pp. 41œ62 in J. D. Muhly, R. Maddin and V. Karageorghis (eds.) Early Metallurgy in Cyprus, 4000-500 BC. Nicosia: The Pierides Foundation.

Peltenburg, E. J. et al . 1991 Lemba Archaeological Project II.2: A Ceremonial Area at Kissonerga . Studies in Mediterraean Archaeology 70.3. Göteborg: Åström.

26 Peltenburg, E. J. 1993 Souskiou-Laona, in D. Christou, Chronique des fouilles...... à Chypre en 1992, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique 117: 730-32.

Peltenburg, E. J. et al. 1998 Lemba Archaeological Project (Cyprus) II.1A: Excavations at Kissonerga-Mosphilia, 1979- 1992. Studies in Mediterraean Archaeology 70.2. Göteborg: Åström.

Peltenburg, E. (ed.) in press The Chalcolithic Cemetery of Souskiou-Vathyrkakas, Cyprus. Results of the Investigations of Four Missions, from 1950 to 1997 . Nicosia: Department of Antiquities.

Rupp, D., J. T. Clarke, C. D'Annibale and S. Stewart 1992 Canadian Palaipaphos Survey Project: 1991 field season. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus : 285-292.

Sherratt, S. 2000 Catalogue of Cycladic Antiquities in the Ashmolean Museum: the Captive Spirit . Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Steel, L. 2004 Cyprus Before History. From the Earliest Settlers to the End of the Bronze Age . London: Duckworth.

Swiny, S., G. Rapp and E. Herscher (eds) 2003 Sotira Kaminoudhia: An Early Bronze Age Site in Cyprus . CAARI Monograph Series, Vol 4. Boston: American Schools of Oriental Research Publications.

Vagnetti, L. 1980 Figurines and minor objects from a chalcolithic cemetery at Souskiou-Vathyrkakas (Cyprus). SMEA 21: 17-72.

Wheatley, D. 1995. Cumulative viewshed analysis: A GIS-based method for investigating intervisibility, and its archaeological application,“ pp. 170-185 in G. Lock and Z. Stanćić (eds.) Archaeology and Geographical Information Systems: A European Perspective. London: Taylor and Francis.

27

List of Illustrations and Tables

Figure captions

1: Satellite image of the Dhiarizos Valley showing location of Souskiou-Laona near the entrance to the valley, the chain of Chalcolithic sites along its eastern flank and its borderline character with hill country on the east extending precipitously to the Mediterranean Sea in the foreground. Vertical x 3. Image adapted from 2005 Google Earth plus, 2006 MDA Earth Sat, 2006 DigitalGlobe.

2: Plan of the Souskiou complex, bisected by the Vathyrkakas stream. The Laona settlement is concentrated on the South Slope, Southwest Ridge and at Operation B on the Northeast Ridge. The four cemeteries are at localities Laona and Vathyrkakas .

3. Settlement from south with whale-backed Southwest Ridge in foreground at the confluence of the Dhiarizos River (left) and Vathyrkakas stream (right).

4. Settlement locale from southwest, with the Saddle in foreground, Northeast Ridge (centre top) and South Slope from crown of latter to right.

5. Excavations on Northeast Ridge and South Slope, from Vathyrkakas Cemetery 1.

6. View from South Slope across ravine to Vathyrkakas Cemetery 1, top right.

7. Terrace wall 14 on South Slope. 2 m ranging poles.

8. Stamped amphora handle, SL 599 , from survey transect H4. L. 6.5 cm.

9. Location of the 1992 and 2005 exploratory trenches.

10. Selection of picrolite wasters and other manufacturing material.

11. Location of major survey transects at Soukiou-Laona

28 12. Results showing dot density of sherds collected by survey transects. Each dot represents a single sherd.

13. Sherds from the survey transects showing initial analytical division into Chalcolithic and post Chalcolithic sherds. The size of the pie reflects the total amount of sherdage from each grid square.

14. Sherds from the survey transects showing sub-phases of the Chalcolithic, where known. The size of the pie reflects the total amount of sherdage from each grid square.

15. Stone artefacts noted during survey divided into broad artefact classes.

16. Estimation of settlement extent with transect G as separate locus.

17. Building 69 showing cache (top) and other artefacts on floor. 2 m ranging pole.

18. Wall 56 of Building 69 showing preserved height. 50 cm scale.

19. Cruciform figurine SL 600 from surface overlying Building 34 on Northeast Ridge. Remaining Ht. 7.7 cm.

20. Building 34 with some of the in situ material including collapsed jars and mortar with axe. 50 cm scale.

21. Copper ornament (pendant?) SL 554 from pit fill 85 in Building 34. Ht. 2.5 cm.

22. Cruciform figurine SL 866 from pit fill 494 in Building 34. Ht. 3.6 cm.

23. Collapsed jar in Building 34, containing a cache of perforated spherical stones, some in pristine condition. 10 cm scale.

Table Captions

29

Table 1: Comparison of artefact categories between the 1999 and 2005 surface collected samples.

Table 2: Artefact Counts. Tr: transect; Sq: square within transect.

Table 3: Artefact category percentages for each transect.

Table 4: Comparative tool class percentages for the 1999 and 2005 samples.

Table 5a: Tool class counts for each transect. Table 5b: Percentages of tool classes within each transect.

Table 6: Counts of artefact by category from surface in Building 69.

30