Susan Lindholm Remembering Chile

Home , Hultsfred Festival, Mikael Wiehe, Progg, Swedish hip hop

An Entangled HistoryAn Entangled Chile and in-between of Hip-hop Sweden REMEMBERING CHILE SUSAN LINDHOLM SUSAN

SKRIFTER MED HISTORISKA PERSPEKTIV 16, DOCTORAL DISSERTATION IN EDUCATION

REMEMBERING CHILE: AN ENTANGLED HISTORY OF HIP-HOP IN-BETWEEN SWEDEN AND CHILE Skriftserier med historiska perspektiv No. 16

© Copyright Susan Lindholm 2016 Cover Photographies: Eduardo Lalo Meneses, Hermanos Bernal, Advance Patrol, The Salazar Brothers, Cesar Cestar Morales, Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund. Copyrights: Eduardo Meneses 2016, Hermanos Bernal 2015, Advance Patrol 2016, Isabella Söderdahl 2015, Susan Lindholm 2015. Cover Layout: Holmbergs ISBN (print) 978-91-7104-710-6 ISBN (pdf online) 978-91-7104-711-3 Printed by Holmbergs, Malmö 2016 SUSAN LINDHOLM REMEMBERING CHILE

An Entangled History of Hip-hop in-between Sweden and Chile

Malmö University, 2016 Faculty of Education and Society Lund University Malmö studies in history (doctoral dissertations)

Helena Tolvhed, Nationen på spel, Kropp, kön, svenskhet i populärpressens representation av olympiska spel 1948-1972, 2008.

Stefan Nyzell, ”Striden ägde rum i Malmö”. Möllevångskravallerna 1926. En studie av politiskt våld i mellankrigstidens Sverige, 2010.

Vanja Lozic, I historiekanons skugga. Historieämne och identifikationsforme- ring i 2000-talets mångkulturella samhälle, 2010.

Carolina Jonsson Malm, Att plantera ett barn, 2011.

Martin Kjellgren, Taming the Prophets, Astrology, and the World of God in the Early Moderns Sweden, 2011.

Matilda Svensson, När något blir annorlunda. Skötsamhet och funktionsför- måga i berättelser om poliosjukdom, 2012.

Joakim Glaser, Fotboll från Mielke till Merkel. Kontinuitet, brott och föränd- ring i supporterkultur i östra Tyskland, 2015.

Malmö studies in history and history teachings and uses of history (doctoral dissertations)

Anders Lindh, ”Unity Pervades All Activity As Water Every Wave”. Principal Teachings and Philosophy of Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, 2014.

Publication available online, see www.mah.se/muep Articles included

Article I Lindholm, Susan, “Representing the marginalized other: the Swedish Hip-hop group Advance Patrol”, Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning – Swedish journal of Music Research 2014:96, p. 105–125.

Article II Lindholm, Susan, “Negotiating difference in the Hip-hop zone in-between Chile and Sweden”, Oral History 2015, p. 51–61.

Article III Lindholm, Susan, “Creating a ‘Latino’ artist identity in-between Sweden and Latin America - a comparative approach” Kulturstudier 2015:2, p. 113–135.

Article IV Lindholm, Susan, “From Nueva Canción to Hip-hop: an Entangled History of Hip-hop in-between Chile and Sweden” (accepted for publication in Scandia 2017:1)

Reprints were made with permission from the respective publishers. CONTENTS

CONTENTS ...... 6 INTRODUCTION ...... 13 Aim and research questions ...... 13 Form and structure ...... 20 An entangled history approach ...... 23 Earlier research and contribution ...... 24 Identity, memory, and place ...... 27 Identity and dominant historical narratives ...... 30 METHOD ...... 32 Setting the scene ...... 33 Article I ...... 34 Article II ...... 35 Article III ...... 36 Article IV ...... 36 Analyzing rap lyrics ...... 38 Limitations ...... 38 Oral history – migration, Hip-hop and entangled history ...... 40 The Interview situations ...... 44 Limitations ...... 50 Method and perspective ...... 50 Form ...... 54 Language and reflexivity ...... 57 LOOP I: IDENTITY AND REPRESENTATION ...... 60 Hip-hop studies in Sweden ...... 61 The play of differences ...... 64 Representation and the “other” ...... 67

SUMMARY OF ARTICLE I REPRESENTING THE MARGINALIZED OTHER – THE SWEDISH HIP-HOP GROUP ADVANCE PATROL ...... 71 Introduction ...... 71 Method and design ...... 72 Results ...... 72 Conclusion ...... 75 Discussion and bridge ...... 76 LOOP II: IDENTITY AND POSTMEMORY ...... 81 Remembering the regime: Chile and Sweden since 1973 ...... 82 The good Sweden: diasporization, solidarity and culture ...... 86 Negotiating difference: Intersectionality and postmemory ...... 91 SUMMARY OF ARTICLE II NEGOTIATING DIFFERENCE IN THE HIP-HOP ZONE IN-BETWEEN CHILE AND SWEDEN ...... 95 Introduction ...... 95 Method and design ...... 95 Results ...... 96 Conclusion ...... 98 Discussion and bridge ...... 100 LOOP III: IDENTITY – RACE AND GENDER ...... 103 Hip-hop studies – race and gender ...... 104 Creating the good Sweden in terms of race and gender ...... 107 The Play of identity and difference ...... 112 SUMMARY OF ARTICLE III CREATING A LATINO ARTIST IDENTITY IN-BETWEEN SWEDEN AND LATIN AMERICA – A COMPARATIVE APPROACH ...... 116 Introduction ...... 116 Method and design ...... 117 Results ...... 117 Conclusion ...... 120 Discussion and bridge ...... 122 LOOP IV: IDENTITY AND TRANSNATIONAL MEMORY WORK ...... 125 Remembering the regime ...... 126 Hip-hop in-between the United States and Chile ...... 129 Entangled oral history and public memory work ...... 132

7 SUMMARY OF ARTICLE IV FROM NUEVA CANCIÓN TO HIP-HOP: AN ENTANGLED HISTORY OF HIP-HOP IN- BETWEEN CHILE AND SWEDEN ...... 136 Introduction ...... 136 Method and design ...... 136 Results ...... 137 Conclusion ...... 140 Discussion ...... 144 AFTERWORD ...... 149 CONCLUDING DISCUSSION ...... 152 REFERENCES ...... 158

Lo que se pega a la memoria, a menudo, son los pequeños fragmentos extraños que no tienen principio ni fin. Y a veces, cuando escribimos, nos lavamos todo limpio, como si al hacerlo podríamos avanzar hacia algo. Deberíamos describir simple- mente esos sonidos, esas manchas en la memoria. Esa selección arbitraria, nada más. Por eso mentimos tanto, al final. Por eso un libro es siempre lo contrario de otro inmenso y extraño libro. Un libro ilegible y genuino que traducimos a traición, que traicionamos a nuestro hábito de la prosa pasable.

Formas de volver a casa, Alejandro Zambra

What sticks to memory, often, are those odd little fragments that have no beginning and no end. And sometimes, when we write, we wash everything clean, as if by doing so we could advance toward something. We ought to simply describe those sounds, those stains on memory. That arbitrary selection, nothing more. That´s why we lie so much, in the end. That´s why a book is always the opposite of another immense and strange book. An illegible and genuine book that we translate treacher- ously, that we betray with our habit of passable prose.

Ways of going Home: A Novel, Alejandro Zambra (translated by Megan McDowell)

Acknowledgements

This quote, in which literary scholar and author Alejandro Zam- bra, who grew up in Pinochet’s Chile, reflects on possible “ways of going home” by remembering the past has accompanied me all throughout my reading and writing process. As Zambra rightly suggests, there is always an immense, strange and ultimately illegible book that, in my case, is scattered across documents, notes and audio files that I have discarded in favor of this more legible version. I owe the following colleagues and friends who have been part of this process the greatest of gratitude. First and foremost I would like to thank the artists in Sweden and Chile who agreed to become part of this project for sharing their thoughts and memories. Thank you Rodrigo Rodde Bernal, Juan Havana Paez Larraguibel, Cristian Salla Salazar Campos, Eduardo Lalo Meneses, Jimmy Fernández, Cesar Cestar Morales, Edwin Chumbeque Líbano Gamboa, and Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund. I also want to send a special shout out to Rodde for coordinating my interviews in Santiago and Valparaiso from Kal- mar. A very special thank you also goes out to my three supervisors Mats Greiff, Monika Edgren and Johan Söderman. My main supervisor Mats Greiff has guided and encouraged me to pursue new theories and material at all stages of my project – thank you for being a great discussion partner and for all your support! My co-supervisor Monika Edgren always offered both support and generous criticism. Her wise words had a considerable impact on my thinking and writing process. Together, Mats and Monika made me look forward to our meetings and helped me to see and confront my blind spots. Johan Söderman, my third supervisor, shared his expertise on Hip-hop culture, offered constructive criticism, and saw to it that I became part of a network of Hip-hop scholars. It has been a pleasure and privilege working with all three of you!

10 I would also like to thank Helena Tolvhed, the opponent at my final seminar, whose comments helped me to find the bird that (hopefully!) ate most of the worms in my final draft. That same thank you goes out to the anonymous peer reviewers who read and commented on my articles, as well as Paula Mählck, and my colleagues Robert Nilsson Mohammadi, Ann-Sophie Mårtensson and Anna Jobér who engaged in a close reading of different versions of my final draft. Thank you so much for your valuable comments, encouragement and support! A thank you also goes out to Damian Finnegan and his team at The Writing Unit at Malmö University for proof reading three of my articles. To my colleague Joakim Glaser who agreed to proof read my introductory chapter in spite of a heavy work load: thank you so much for making your language lessons such an enjoyable read. I would also like to thank all my other colleagues at Malmö University and the National Graduate School of History. Thank you for inspiring and critical discussions, constructive comments, and the friendships that developed throughout the years. Through the Graduate School, I spent time as a visiting PhD candidate at The Saxo Institute at the University of Copenhagen, and the De- partment of History at the University of York. I thank both de- partments for a warm welcome, inspiring and critical discussions and valuable advice. As a PhD candidate, I have also been fortu- nate to participate in numerous courses, conferences, and work- shops. I would like to thank all participants for constructive discussions and valuable comments. To my Hip-hop studies colleagues: Alexandra D’Urso, Hannah Gordon Tornesjö, Andrea Danki., Inka Rantakallio, Kristine Ringsager, Kalle Berggren, Jacob Kimvall, and Anders Ackfeldt. Your work continues to impress and inspire me and I am so glad to have gotten to know all of you! A thank you also goes out to Kamilla Bergström, Åsa Ståhl, Cathrine Albèr, Margareta Serder, Malin McGlinn, Erliza Lopez Pedersen, Banafsheh Hajinasab and all other colleagues that I have had the privilege of working with at the Doctoral Student Union. I also fondly remember the inspiring discussions with teachers and co-students during my undergraduate studies at the Amerika-

11 Institut at Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität Munich. I am especially thankful to professors Berndt Ostendorf and Michael Hoch- geschwender for their support and guidance. Finally, I am grateful for the support of my extended family and friends outside of academia. A special thank you for their uncondi- tional friendship goes out to: Astrid Gross, Diana Kneževi., Ger- hard Winklmaier, Gabriella Calderari, Andreas Wenzel, Frank Höchel, Sonja Weinbuch, Aino Wilhelmsson, and Elin Stenberg. Last but not least, I would like to thank Raul Alderete Miranda – for being the eye of my storm, and for everything else.

Stockholm, 11 August 2016

12 INTRODUCTION

Aim and research questions This dissertation focuses on the intersection of Hip-hop culture and the Chilean diaspora in Sweden after 1973. By analyzing this intersection, I aim to understand the way in which cultural identities are connected to different pasts. This connection becomes especially important at this current historical moment in the Global North, as a public debate surrounding migration tends to describe conflicts as based on essential, inherited, and therefore unchanging cultural identities. These assumptions are often fuelled by fears that those who are identified as migrants will gradually form “nations within a nation” that will persist across generations to eventually “take over” their northern host countries.1 In response to these fears, cultural theorists such a Stuart Hall have repeatedly stressed that cultural identities are, in fact, not essential or inherited, but rather constantly changing in new surroundings and situations.2 This dissertation contributes to such research by making visible and discussing the ways in which cultural identities are created and negotiated within specific historical power structures.3 In order to do so, I apply an entangled history approach to a specific case: Hip-hop culture in and in-between Sweden and Chile. There are several reasons why the Chilean case is especially inter-

1 Kenan Malik, ”Muslims are not a ’different’ class of Briton: we´re as messy as the rest” The guardian 15 may 2016 http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/ may/14/muslims-class-islam-citizen-britain (2016-07-09) 2 Stuart Hall, ”Cultural identity and Diaspora”, in Identity: Community, Culture, Difference, J. Rutherford (ed.), London 1990, p. 222–237. 3 John R. Gillis, ”Memory and Identity: the History of a Relationship”, in Commemo- rations: The Politics of National Identity, J.R. Gillis Princeton 1994, p. 3–26.

13 esting for studying the intersection of migration and Hip-hop culture. The 1973 coup d’état in Chile had a profound impact, not only on Chilean society, but also on the international community in general, and Sweden in particular. The human rights violations committed during the Pinochet regime fundamentally influenced the development of an international language of human rights during the 1970s. The case of Chile was also a milestone for the development of NGOs such as Amnesty International, and led to the creation of new rules and strategies at the level of the United Nations, as the UN General Assembly unanimously adopted its first resolution on torture in the aftermath of the coup.4 The Chilean case also became a central societal and political issue in Sweden in the 1970s and 1980s, a time when issues such international solidarity, multiculturalism and the welfare state were high on the political agenda.5 Large numbers of Chileans who sought refuge in Sweden after the coup were not only warmly welcomed by the Swedish government under prime minister Olof Palme, but also by a large number of civilian groups such as the Chilekommitén, the Chile committee.6 This solidarity movement also included musicians and activists that were part of the progg- rörelsen, that, much like the Chilean nueva canción movement was a left wing anti-capitalist movement that emerged in the late 1960.7 As a result, Sweden became the country that welcomed the highest number of Chilean refugees in Europe. Both the Swedish solidarity movement and the Chilean exile community that also included refugees from other Latin American countries such as such as Bolivia, Argentina and Uruguay focused

4 Kim Christiaens, Magaly Rodriguez Garcia & Idesbald Goddeeris, “A Global Per- spective on the European Mobilization for Chile (1970s–1980s) in European Solidarity with Chile 1970s–1980s, Kim Christiaens, Magaly Rodriguez Garcia & Idesbald Goddeeris (eds.), Frankfurt am Main 2014, p. 10. 5 Christiaens et al. p.10. I Yulia Gradoskova, ”Vad angår oss Chile? Solidaritetskultur som en emotionell gemenskap” unpublished manuscript, p. 15. 7 David Thyrén, ”Inledning”, in Musikhus i centrum: två lokala praktiker inom den svenska progressiva musikrörelsen: Uppsala Musikforum och Sprängkullen i Göteborg, David Thyrén, Diss. Stockholm 2009; For the nueva canción movement see: Nancy E. Morris, Canto porque es necesario cantar: The New Song Movement in Chile, 1973– 1983, Albuquerque, New Mexico 1984; Ana Maria Foxley, “Quilapayún, Inti Illimani, Illapu”, Mensaje 1988:374; Marco Cervantes & Lilliana Saldaña, “Hip-hop and nueva canción as decolonial pedagogies of epistemic justice” Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education&Society 2015:1.

14 on opposing the Pinochet regime through political and cultural activism.8 In the immediate aftermath of the coup in Chile, the military regime shut down congress and banned all unions and political organizations that were not in line with its political views. Between 1973 and 1990 the regime tortured, exiled, and killed thousands of civilians.9 As democratic elections finally took place in 1990, and Patricio Aylwin Azócar became the first democratically elected president since 1970, around 1,8 million Chileans lived outside of Chile.10 During the 1990s, some of the members of the Chilean exile community in Sweden chose to return, while others remained, and still others who had been living in Chile during the dictatorship chose to leave the country and move to Sweden. Yet those who returned faced considerable difficulties in readjusting to life in Chile. Many of them had spent more than seventeen years outside of Chile, a country that had changed considerably during their absence. The Pinochet regime had also contributed to discrediting those who had fled after the coup by claiming that they had left in order to enjoy Western privileges instead of helping out during times of political and economic hardship.11 During the regime, Chile had also developed into an increasingly internally divided nation, with some segments of the population supporting Pinochet, and others opposing him.12 However, the end of the Pinochet regime did not bring an end to military influence on Chilean politics. Different generals kept threatening to take over the government all throughout the 1990s, and Pinochet remained in his position as commander in chief of the

8 Beatriz Lindqvist, Drömmar och vardag i exil: om chilenska flyktingars kulturella strategier, Diss., Stockholm 1991; Erik Olsson, ”Bortom exilen – diasporiseingen av chilenare i Sverige” in Transnationella Rum. Diaspora, migration och gränsöverskridande relationer, Erik Olsson (ed.) Umeå 2007; Charlotte Tornbjer, ”Moralisk chock och solidaritet. 1973 och det svenska engagemanget för Chile” in 1973 En träff med tidsandan, Marie Cronqvist, Lina Sturfelt & Martin Wiklund, Lund 2008. 9 Pamela Constable & Arturo Valenzuelo, A Nation of Enemies: Chile under Pinochet, New York, p. 21. 10 Börje Sjöqvist & Lars Palmgren, Att fly från Chile - och att återvandra: två rapporter. Santiago 1990, p. 20. 11 Sjöqvist & Palmgren 1990, p. 29. 12 Constable & Valenzuelo 1991, p. 21; Steve J. Stern, Battling for hearts and minds: memory struggles in Pinochet's Chile, 1973–1988, Durham [NC] 2006, p. xix.

15 military until 1998.13 In such a political climate, media outlets did not dare to be openly critical of the regime, especially since Pino- chet had been granted immunity for all crimes committed between 1973 and 1978. As a result, media rarely mentioned the regime, and if they did, they only discussed it in hushed tones. Many Chil- eans advocated the borron y cuenta (nueva) approach that was based on forgetting the past and instead focusing on the future.DG Even after the fall of the regime, the Chilean state “only allowed a narrow range of national identities to be expressed – primarily those that characterized the ‘military government’ as a necessary response to the socialist, democratically elected government of President Salvador Allende.”DH However, the democratic elections in Chile did change the situation of what had now become the Chilean post-exile community in Sweden. It had to find new strategies for group mobilization, as the political resistance against the Pinochet regime no longer served to unite the group.16 These new strategies included challenging social hierarchies that create economic and racialized marginalization in Sweden, as well as opposing the continuation and rise of neoliberal policies in both countries. Such marginalization became an important issue in the late 1980s and early 1990s as an economic crisis coincided with the influx of non-European migrants and a public and political debate on multiculturalism. Owing to the very heterogeneous nature of this post exile group, earlier research has come to contradictory conclusions regarding the children of these Chilean refugees. While, for instance, Erik Olsson argues that they no longer automatically identify themselves with Chile, María Denis Esquivel Sánchez refers to a study that states that the children of Chilean refugees have started to identify themselves with Chile to a greater extent than their parent generation.17

13 Kristin Sørensen, “Chilean Historical Memory, Media, and Discourses of Human Rights” in Global Memoryscapes, Contesting Remembrance in a Transnational Age, Kendall R. Phillips & Mitchell G. Reyes, Tuscaloosa 2011, p. 3. 14 Sjöqvist & Palmgren 1990, p. 17; Fernando Camacho Padilla, ”Combates entre la memoria y la historia de Chile: Conflictos sobre el pasado reciente” Stockholm Review of Latin American Studies 2009:5, p. 88. 15 Sørensen 2011. 16 Lindqvist 1991, p. 34. 17 Olsson 2007, p. 220; María Denis Esquivel Sánchez, ‘Yo puedo bien espanol’ Influen- cia sueca y variedades hispanas en la actitud lingüística e identificación de los his- panoamericanos en Suecia, Umeå 2005, p. 78.

16 Although earlier research on Swedish Hip-hop has described it as a glocal collective culture that has served to render earlier migration experiences obsolete, I here primarily focus on those children of Chilean migrants who address their Chilean background as Hip- hop artists, and their connections to artists in Chile. In both Swe- den and Chile, Hip-hop artists became involved in the societal debates mentioned above from the late 1980s onward.18 In Sweden, the group The Latin Kings was credited for having made audible and visible a younger generation of immigrants who grew up in the förorten, the suburbs of the three biggest Swedish cities Stockholm, Gothenburg and Malmö, in Swedish mainstream media during the 1990s. The group consisted of the brothers Cristian Salla and Hugo Chepe Salazar Campos whose parents were among those Chileans who migrated to Sweden in the late 1970s, and their friend, Douglas Dogge Doggelito León. The group released their successful debut album Välkommen till förorten (Welcome to the suburbs) in 1994, and a Spanish version of that album called Bienvenido a mi barrio (Welcome to My Neighborhood) in 1996. The success of The Latin Kings also inspired other artists such as Juan Havana Paez Larraguibel from the group Advance Patrol, and Rodrigo Rodde Bernal from the group Hermanos Bernal to start rapping themselves. The production company The Salazar Brothers that Salla and Chepe founded with their third brother Marcelo Masse Salazar Campos is today not only very visible in Swedish mainstream media, they also produce artists in both Sweden and Chile. Both Juan and Rodde are today working with Chilean Hip-hop artists such as Edwin Chumbeque Líbano Gamboa and Cesar Cestar Morales. In Chile, Hip-hop culture emerged in the poblaciones, economically segregated areas that are located on the outskirts of the larger Chilean cities of Santiago, Valparaiso, Temuco, Viña del Mar,

18 For research on Swedish Hip-hop see for instance: Ove Sernhede & Johan Söderman, Planet Hiphop: om hiphop som folkbildning och social moblisering, Malmö 2010; For research on Chilean Hip-hop see for instance: Pedro Poch Plá, Del Mensaje a la Acción. Construyendo el Movimiento HipHop en Chile. 1984–2004 y más allá, Santiago 2011; María Emilia Tijoux, Marisol Facuse & Miguel Urrutia ”El Hip-hop: Arte popular de lo cotidiano o resistencia táctica a la marginación?” Polis, Revista de la Universidad Bolivariana 2012:33.

17 Iquique, and Concepción in the late 1980s.19 While Swedish youth had access to Hip-hop culture through TV, newspapers, and concerts during the late 1980s and early 1990s, such content was not readily available to marginalized youth in the poblaciones. After the end of the Pinochet regime, Eduardo Lalo Meneses founded the rap group, Panteras Negras. The group’s name is based on the Black Panther Party in the United States whose political stance they were influenced by in their socio-critical lyrics and their critique of both the Chilean government and media. However, it was the less political rap of the group La Pozze Latina, a group that was founded in 1991 by rapper Jimmy Fernández whose family returned to Chile after the end of the regime, that first made Chilean Hip-hop visible in mainstream media. This is not surprising, considering that media did not address human rights violations or openly criticize the Pinochet regime during the 1990s.20 In this dissertation, I use an entangled history approach to discuss the way in which these Hip-hop artists create and negotiate their identities in and in-between Chile and Sweden after 1973 from four different perspectives.21 Based on a close reading of the lyrics and oral testimonies of Hip-hop artists in both countries, I trace the way in which they construct and negotiate their identities by positioning themselves, and in turn being positioned in different historical narratives in, and in-between Sweden and Chile. In terms of remembering a Swedish past, I discuss these negotiations in connection to a narrative based on inclusion – the narrative of the good Sweden (det goda Sverige) – and a narrative based on exclusion – the narrative of the old Sweden (det gamla Sverige). In terms of remembering a Chilean past on the other hand, I discuss them in connection to narratives based on either remembering or forgetting the atrocities committed by the Pinochet regime.

19 Rainer Quitzow, Hip-hop in Chile: far from New York (Lejos del Centro), New York 2001. Juan Pablo Olavarría, Karla Henríquez, Cristina Correa & Rodrigo Hidalgo, ”Hip-hop en Chile”, Comunicación y medios 2002:13; Poch Plá 2011; Tijoux et al. 2012. 20 Kristin Sørensen, Media, Memory, and Human Rights in Chile, New York 2009, p. 2. 21 ”Histoire croisée bietet die Möglichkeit die entsprechenden Variationen in die Bestimmung der Gegensätze und Prozesse hinein zu transportieren.” Michael Werner & Bénédicte Zimmerman, ”Vergleich, Transfer, Verflechtung. Der Ansatz der Histoire croisée und die Herausforderung des Transnationalen”, Geschichte und Gesellschaft, 2002(28):4, p. 629.

18 Thereby, I add both an explicitly historical, cultural and transnational perspective to the study of the connection between Chile and the Chilean diaspora. By making visible and discussing the way in which these specific cultural identities are connected to the past, I also stress that identities are not essential or inherited, but rather constantly changing within specific historical power structures. Against this background I ask the following questions: how and when do Hip-hop artists in Sweden and Chile create and negotiate their identities? How are these creations and negotiations connected to the above-mentioned narratives?

19 Form and structure This dissertation consists of four parts: a theoretical discussion, a discussion on methodology, four loops that contain summaries of the four articles, and a concluding discussion. In the theoretical discussion, I briefly outline the contribution of an entangled history perspective to earlier research on Hip-hop culture and the Chilean diaspora in Sweden. I then also address this contribution in greater detail in each loop. The methodological discussion starts by introducing the artists whose lyrics and oral testimonies this dissertation is based on. As I engage in an analysis of song lyrics in the first loop, I also discuss its connection to the sociological study of Hip- hop lyrics, and include a brief outline of the limitations of such an approach. After discussing the connection between oral history, migration, Hip-hop and entangled history, I continue by outlining the individual interview situations. The methodological introduction ends with a reflection on the limitations of form, language and reflexivity. The main part consists of four loops that include summaries of the four individual articles. I have chosen to use the word loop instead of chapter out of two main reasons. First of all, I refer to Jeffrey Chang’s seminal book Can’t Stop Won’t Stop: The History of the Hip-hop Generation in which he uses the term loop for his different chapters.22 Second, I use the term to highlight the fact that, while all loops include a discussion of earlier research, historical background, and the theoretical frameworks that I use in the individual articles, they, at the end return, or loop back, to add another answer to the main research questions of this dissertation. The individual loops do thus not return to the place from which they started. They rather open up a new line of questions that, in the process of my work with this dissertation, had not been possible to ask without previously having asked and answered the other question(s). In the first loop I discuss the creation and negotiation of a Chile- an or Latino identity in a Swedish Hip-hop context. I start by introducing the way in which earlier research on Hip-hop in Sweden has placed the culture within a historical context by defin-

22 Jeff Chang, Can't stop won't stop: hiphop-generationens historia, Göteborg 2006.

20 ing it as a representative of the marginalized other living in the low-income, immigrant-dominated förorten in Sweden. I then move on to discuss what will be called the play of differences as a stylistic element of African American culture in general, and Hip- hop culture in particular, and to argue, that such play can be analyzed by using Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s notion of the double meaning of representation and the other. After a short summary of the results of the first article: Representing the Mar- ginalized Other – the Swedish Hip-hop group Advance Patrol, I conclude the first loop by discussing the ways in which the representations of a Chilean or Latino identity in the lyrics of Advance Patrol can be discussed in terms of: the narrative of the good Sweden (defined as solidarity with Chile), the narrative of the old Sweden (defined as based on an essentialist definition of cultural identities) and remembering and forgetting the Pinochet regime. In the second loop I discuss the creation and negotiation of a Chilean or Latino identity through Hip-hop in-between Chile and Sweden in terms of intersectionality and postmemory. I start by taking a closer look at the historical background of the narrative of the good Sweden that is based on solidarity with Chile and the narrative of remembering the Pinochet regime: the context of migration from Chile to Sweden that started in 1973, the subsequent Chilean diasporization process in Sweden, and the Swedish solidarity movement. I then move on to introduce the definition of intersectionality by sociologist Nira Yuval-Davis that is used as a theoretical framework in the second article. After a short summary of the results of this second article, I conclude the loop by discussing the way in which the Chilean or Latino identity created and negotiated by Rodde can be discussed in terms of postmemory and in connection to the narrative of the good Sweden (defined as based on solidarity with Chile and multiculturalism), the narrative of the old Sweden and remembering and forgetting the Pinochet regime. In the third loop I engage in a comparative reading of the creation of a Chilean or Latino identity by two Swedish artists in terms of race and gender. In order to contextualize the way in which the artists Rodrigo Rodde Bernal, and Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund create a Latino artist identity in-between Latin America and Swe-

21 den, I start by discussing the role of race and gender in earlier Hip- hop studies. I then also discuss the narrative of the good Sweden in terms of race and gender by focusing on different historical definitions of the construction of “Swedishness” – both against an internal and an external “other.” In this third loop I also outline the way in which I use cultural theorist Stuart Hall´s notion of difference to analyse masculinity and the play of identity and difference in popular music in the third article. After a short summary of the results of this third article, I engage in a discussion of the role of race or ethnicity and gender in the construction and negotiation of these identities in terms of: the narrative of the good Sweden (defined as solidarity with Chile, multiculturalism, gender-equality and individualism), and the narrative of the old Sweden. In the fourth and final loop I discuss the creation and negotiation of a Chilean or Latino identity by Swedish and Chilean artists in terms of transnational memory work. I start by outlining the narrative of remembering the Pinochet regime, that is, the history of Chile after 1973, the role of memory work in remembering the human rights violations committed by the regime, as well as earlier studies on Chilean Hip-hop. I then move on to discuss the concept of transnational memory work. After a short summary of the results of the fourth and last article, I discuss the constructions and negotiations of a Chilean or Latino identity through Hip-hop in- between Chile and Sweden, both in terms of transnational memory work, and in terms of: the narratives of the good Sweden (defined as solidarity with Chile, multiculturalism, gender-equality, and individualism), the narrative of the old Sweden, and the narratives based on remembering or forgetting the Pinochet regime. The concluding discussion of this kappa then ties together these four loops in order to answer the main research questions: How and when do Hip-hop artists in Sweden and Chile create and negotiate their identities? How are these creations and negotiations connected to different narratives in Sweden and Chile? The appendix that follows after the bibliography includes the complete versions of the four articles.

22 An entangled history approach In an article published in 2002, Michael Werner and Bénédicte Zimmerman introduced the term Histoire croisée as an alternative to comparative transnationalism (Vergleichsgeschichte) and transfer history (Transfergeschichte).23 According to Werner and Zimmerman, the main focus of such an approach is to trace the interconnectedness of historical processes within, and across different national contexts. The main objective of entangled history, the term that I will use in this dissertation, is nevertheless not simply to set out to prove that the world is connected or entangled, as human beings have always been mobile, long before the establishment of nation-states. As Hagen Schulz-Forberg points out, the aim of entangled history is rather to “provide historical substance to, and an understanding of today’s experience of global complexities” by focusing on the historical consequences of entanglements and networks.24 One way to make visible such entanglements is to f"$$"'! ! &"$:% %&"$+ ? @5 && %5 &" "'%"! $":%&"$+!%&"%$!!" ")!#$"%%: % "! $": ( + " #$! $!% "$ " "! &% &)! %" & !&&% %' % !&"!:%&&%5 %"&%5 "$ ' : &'$%8 In this dissertation, I use such an actor-based entangled history approach to study Hip-hop culture in-between Sweden and Chile.

23 Werner & Zimmerman 2002, p. 608; See also: Silke Neunsinger, ”Cross-over! om komparationer, transferanalyser, historie croisée och den metodologiska nationalismens problem” Historisk tidskrift 2010(130):1. 24 Hagen Schulz-Forberg, ”Introduction: Global Conceptual History: promises and pitfalls of a new research agenda” in A Global Conceptual History of Asia, 1860–1940, Hagen Schulz-Forberg (ed.), London 2014, p. 3.

23 Earlier research and contribution arlier research on Swedish Hip-hop has primarily used sociological rather than historical frameworks to study the culture, it has seen Hip-hop as a form of resistance against societal power structures in Sweden from the 1990s onward.25 Swedish Hip-hop has been described as a glocal collective culture that has united youth in the suburbs (förorten) of Sweden’s three largest cities – Stock- holm, Gothenburg and Malmö – with a wide variety of immigration backgrounds behind a common goal: to challenge social hierarchies that create economic and racialized marginalization in Sweden. Earlier research on Chilean Hip-hop on the other hand has studied the culture as in relation to a U.S. American context, and as a means to actively resist and challenge neoliberal politics in Chile since the late 1980s.26 These studies have, in other words, argued that Chilean Hip-hop can be seen as both an expression of U.S. American mainstream culture and commercialism, and resistance against such commercialism. By using an entangled history approach, my dissertation adds both an explicitly historical and transnational perspective to the study of Hip-hop in, and in- between Sweden and Chile: it studies the ways in which both Swedish and Chilean Hip-hop artists create and negotiate a Chile- an or Latin-American identity through their music in relation to different pasts. Beatriz Lindqvist’s dissertation that deals with the cultural strategies used by Chilean refugees in Malmö during the 1990s is one of the central studies on the Chilean diaspora in Sweden during that time.27 Erik Olsson argues that what he calls the Chilean diasporization process in Sweden can be divided in two main time periods: a period of exile that started in 1973, on the one hand, and a period of post-exile that began in 1989 with a democratic election in Chile, on the other.8EK After the military coup led by Augusto Pinochet in 1973, large numbers of Chileans sought refuge in Sweden. These refugees were not only warmly welcomed by the Swedish government under prime minister Olof Palme, but also by

25 See for instance: Sernhede & Söderman 2010. 26 Quitzow 2001; Olavarría et al. 2002; Poch Plá 2011; Tijoux et al. 2012. 27 Lindqvist provides a thorough ethnological analysis of the development of a Chilean exile culture in Sweden in the 1980s and 1990s. Lindqvist 1991. 28 Olsson 2007, p. 218.

24 civilian groups such as the Chilekommittén (the Chile committee), an organization that welcomed these refugees as kindred political spirits, and engaged in solidarity work directed at Chile.EL Yet, while the exile community focused on opposing the Pinochet regime through political and cultural activism, the post-exile community had to find new strategies for group mobilization, as the political resistance against the Pinochet regime no longer served to unite the very heterogeneous group.FC The post-exile period also made internal divisions more visible. Olsson argues that the children of these Chilean refugees no longer automatically identified themselves with Chile, while María Denis Esquivel Sánchez refers to a study that states that the children of Chilean refugees have started to identify themselves with Chile to a greater extent than their parent generation.31 Some of the issues that became important for the negotiation of a Latin-American group identity in Sweden after 1990 were discrimination and marginalization based on ethnic categories. These are the exact same issues that earlier research has pointed out as central issues within Swedish Hip-hop that emerged during the 1980s and 1990s. Therefore, I use an entangled history approach to study the way in which both the children of these Chilean refugees, who became Hip-hop artists in the post-exile period, and Hip-hop artists in Chile relate to the past in and in-between Chile and Sweden after 1973. Defining these artists as historical agents, I trace the way in which they create and negotiate identities within specific contextual frameworks (Handlungszusammenhänge), within which they are restricted by different historical power structures while they, at the same time, use these structures as resources.32 The concept of identity that I use here is based on the work of Stuart Hall. In his contribution to the anthology Identity: Community, Culture, Difference, Hall defines cultural identities as social and political creations that undergo constant transformation and are always subject to the play of history, culture and power.33 They are always

29 Gradskova, p. 15. 30 Lindqvist 1991, p.34. 31 Olsson 2007, p. 220; Esquivel Sánchez 2005, p. 78. 32 Werner & Zimmerman 2002, p. 622. 33 Hall 1990, p. 226; Hall´s concept of cultural identity is related to the work on cultural memory by Aleida and Jan Assman. Yet, whereas Jan Assman differentiates

25 marked by an entangled relationship between similarity and continuity on the one hand, and difference and rupture on the other. Hall argues that cultural identities reflect common historical experiences and shared cultural codes, and “set out to provide a stable frame of reference and meaning that is not re-discovered.” Such a stable frame is rather created by individuals and groups who create and negotiate their identities by remembering the past in different ways, depending on the historical power structures in the present. As John R. Gillis points out, “the core meaning of any individual or group identity, namely, a sense of sameness over time and space, is sustained by remembering; and what is remembered is defined by the assumed identity.”34 The notion of identity in other words depends on the idea of memory, and vice versa. In terms of the construction and negotiation of identities, I therefore study historical narratives that are created within specific power structures as marked by both remembering and forgetting the past. My dissertation in other words mainly contributes to Hip-hop studies in Sweden and Chile on the one hand, and studies focusing on the Chilean diaspora in Sweden on the other. In the following, I will briefly outline the four different ways in which I discuss the creation and negotiation of identities in the four loops, as well as the narratives in Sweden and Chile in connection to which I discuss them in this kappa.

between communicative memory as based on everyday communications and cultural memory as based on “distance from the everyday”, Hall sees these two forms as connected. See: Jan Assmann & Johan Czaplicka, “Collective Memory and Cultural Identity” New German Critique 1995:65, p. 125–133. For an introduction to the many different concepts of memory used in the interdisciplinary field of memory studies see: Astrid Erll & Ansgar Nünning (eds.), A Companion to Cultural Memory Studies: An International and Interdisciplinary Handbook, Berlin 2010. 34 Gillis 1994, p. 3.

26 Identity, memory, and place In the first loop I discuss identity in terms of representations created in, and through, popular culture. In his contribution to a handbook of cultural memory studies, Martin Zierold notes that not much work has been done on the connection between contemporary media and what he calls ”social memory.”35 Zierold argues that one of the reasons for the lack of such scholarly work can be found in the wide-spread assumption that ”modern societies could […] become oblivious to the presuppositions of their present and forget their past” by way of electronic media or digitalization that are often blamed for an alleged “disappearance of memory.”36 Stuart Hall on the other hand argues that an analysis of cultural identities must necessarily take into account their representations in popular culture, as identities are “constituted, not outside but within representation.”37 This means that they are not simply constructions that reflect what already exists, but rather forms of representation that, at the same time, are able to “constitute […] new kinds of subjects, and thereby enable [individuals] to discover places from which to speak.”38 Hall also stresses that such representations are always created within specific historical power structures and locations. In this sense, in the first loop, I "'& !& )+% ! ) & $#$%!&&"!% " $!& !&&% &$"' #:"#can be discussed in terms of remembering the past. In the second loop, I discuss identity in terms of postmemory. As I apply an entangled history approach to the study of identity and memory, I study memory as a transnational concept. In the introduction of the anthology Memory and Migration, Julia Creet points out that contemporary theories of memory have “mostly considered memory in situ.” Instead of seeing place as a constant of memory, Creet suggests that memory research should focus on movement, the only psychically and physically measurable aspect of memory since, “the point of origin is lost entirely, and, though entirely real in its effects, (is) of little matter to the mechanisms of

35 Martin Zierold, ”Memory and Media Cultures”, in A Companion to Cultural Memory Studies: An International and Interdisciplinary Handbook, Astrid Erll & Ansgar Nünning (eds.), Berlin 2010, p. 399. 36 Ibid, p. 400. 37 Hall 1990, p. 222. 38 Hall 1990, p. 237.

27 memory.”39 In order to discuss such memory in motion at generational remove, I draw on the concept of postmemory outlined by literary scholar Marianne Hirsch. Hirsch uses the concept in order to study the way in which memories in exile are transferred to those who were not actually there to live an event, both as an inter- and transgenerational act of transfer.40 In this sense, in the second loop, I discuss the way in which the different identities created and negotiated through Hip-hop can be seen as connected to a past in- between Chile and Sweden by using the concept of postmemory. In the third loop, I discuss identity in terms of race or ethnicity and gender. I specifically focus on the different ways in which identities are created and negotiated in a transnational popular music context in terms of different historical stereotypes connected to race and gender. As Doreen Massey points out, places are always constructed and imagined in terms of these two concepts. She argues that the fact of geographical variation in gender relations is a significant element in the production and reproduction of both stereotypes, that is, race and gender, connected to specific places.41 As outlined above, this includes the representations of racial and gender stereotypes in popular culture. In this sense, in the third loop, I engage in a discussion of the role of race or ethnicity and gender in the construction and negotiation of different identities through Hip-hop in-between Sweden and Chile. In the fourth and final loop, I discuss identity in terms of transnational memory work. As Aleida Assman stresses, studying the way in which transnational memories are created becomes especially important as “we look at possibilities of new solidarities outside of nation-states.”42 Assman argues that an analysis of transnational memories should not only focus on the connectivity of digital technologies and media itself, but also the work of new transnational actors and institutional networks that are “reshaping the global world form above and below.” By defining transnational

39 Julia Creet ”Migration and Memory”, in Memory and migration: multidisciplinary approaches to memory studies, Julia Creet & Andreas Kitzmann (eds.), Toronto 2011, p. 6. 40 Marianne Hirsch, “Introduction”, in The Generation of postmemory: writing and visual culture after the Holocaust, Marianne Hirsch. New York 2012, p. 4. GD"$! %%+5> " !%" >! ! 5 !!#" %DLLG8 42 Aleida Assman, “Transnational Memories” European Review 2014(22):04, p. 548

28 memory work as a concept that is “embedded in complex A9B power relations that determine what is remembered (or forgotten), by whom, and for what end,” I trace the way in which Hip-hop artists create and negotiate their identities in relation to such transnational memories or historical narratives.43 While the concept of transnational memory work stresses the importance of historical power structures that are created at a national level, it has to be noted that I do not see national culture as an essentialist or deter- ministic concept. In the words of Frantz Fanon, I rather see it as “the whole body of efforts made by a people in the sphere of thought to describe, justify and praise the action through which that people has created itself and keeps itself in existence.”44 In this sense, I discuss the constructions and negotiations of a Chilean or Latino identity through Hip-hop in-between Chile and Sweden in terms of transnational memory work in the fourth and final part of this dissertation.% +!&$ %&"&$&)+!) !&&%$"!!&&"$!&#%&%5 "'$ ""#%!)& %'%%"! "! &% !&&% in connection to two dominant narratives in Sweden and Chile that I will outline in the following.45

43 Gillis 1994, p. 3. 44 Frantz Fanon, “On National Culture”, in The Wretched of the Earth, London 1963, p. 170. 45 *!$2$%"%'%% $##$"!$"" Music, Private Lives, and Public Identity in France and Sweden. Yet, while D’Urso sets out to “think about how lives and experiences intersect across social and national boundaries” using the concept of sociological imagination, I here focus on the way in which identities are connected to different versions of the past. Alexandra D’Urso, Life Stories and Sociological Imagination: Music, Private Lives, and Public Identity in France and Sweden, Newcastle upon Tyne 2013.

29 Identity and dominant historical narratives In Sweden there are a number of studies that have focused on the creation and negotiation of Swedish nationalism or national identity. Historian Patrik Hall, for instance, has outlined the development of Swedish nationalism in the last six centuries by using five different concepts: naturalism, idealism, modernity theory, and elitism.46 As ethnologist Billy Ehn points out, national identities are constantly renegotiated, among others through encounters with “others” both inside and outside of national boundaries.47 This “other” can either be perceived as a welcome addition to the national community, or as threatening its inner coherence, whereby the encounter serves to further mobilize inner coherence and belonging. I here focus on the way in which individuals who are identified as such “others” negotiate their belonging to a national identity or community by drawing on two different narratives of a Swedish past: the narrative of the good Sweden on the one and, and the narrative of the old Sweden on the other. Quoting Tobias Hübinette and Catrin Lundström, Hynek Pallas defines the narrative of the good Sweden (det goda Sverige) as a narrative that expresses nostalgia toward a past marked by gender- equality, feminism, anti-racism, and solidarity, while the narrative of the old Sweden (det gamla Sverige) expresses nostalgia toward a version of the past that constructs Sweden as a homogenous “white” nation.48 While the narrative of the good Sweden allows for the inclusion of new members of society regardless of their

46 Patrik Hall, Den svenskaste historien: nationalism i Sverige under sex sekler, Stock- holm 2000. See even: Alf W. Johansson, ”Svensk nationalism och identitet efter andra världskriget”, in Vad är Sverige? Röster om svensk nationell identitet, Alf W. Johansson (ed.), Stockholm 2001. 47 Billy Ehn, Jonas Frykman & Orvar Löfrgen, Försvenskningen av Sverige: det nationellas förvandlingar, Stockholm 1993, p. 262–265. See also Ingmarie Danielsson Malmros’ dissertation that concerns itself with the changing narratives on Swedishness in history textbooks: Ingmarie Danielsson Malmros, ”Inledning” in Det var en gång ett land-: berättelser om svenskhet i historieläroböcker och elevers föreställningsvärldar, Ingmarie Danielsson Malmros Diss., Höör, 2012. 48 Pallas here refers to an article written by Tobias Hübinette and Catrin Lundström after the populist part Sverigedemokraterna (Sweden Democrats) that runs on an anti- immigration platform became part of the Riksdagen, the Swedish parliament in 2010. Hynek Pallas,Vithet i Svensk Spelfilm, Diss., Göteborg 2011, p. 87; Cultural theorist Sara Ahmed argues that such narratives amount to a ”nostalgic vision of a world ’staying put’ in a ‘community of white people happily living with other white people.’” Sara Ahmed, “Melancholic Migrants”, in The Promise of Happiness, Sara Ahmed, Durham NC 2010, p. 121.

30 cultural background, the narrative of the old Sweden is based on an essentialist view on cultural identities that combines place with race or ethnicity, and therefore advocates exclusion based on these terms. I here focus on different aspects of these narratives in each loop based on four different research questions and theoretical frameworks, starting with a definition of the narrative of the good Sweden as based on solidarity, and the narrative of the old Sweden as based on an essentialist view on cultural identities. In a Chilean context, studies concerning themselves with the creation and negotiation of a Chilean national identity have mainly focused on the Pinochet regime and its aftermath.49 Fernando Camacho Padilla, who has written extensively on bilateral relations between Chile and Sweden before and after 1973, argues that there are two dominant ways to remember the past in contemporary Chilean society, based on either remembering or forgetting the atrocities committed by the Pinochet regime.HC I therefore also discuss the creation and negotiation of identities through Hip-hop in-between Sweden and Chile in connection to the narrative of remembering Pinochet on the one hand, and the narrative of forgetting Pinochet on the other. Yet, before engaging in such an analysis, I will discuss the method that I use in this dissertation.

49 Clarisa Hardy Raskovan, La Ciudad Escindida – Los problemas nacionales y la Region Metropolitana, Santiago 1989; Constable & Valenzuelo 1991; Steve J. Stern, Remembering Pinochet's Chile: on the eve of London, 1998. Durham NC 2004; &$! 20066&( 8&$!5Reckoning with Pinochet: the memory question in democratic Chile, 1989–2006. Durham NC 2010. 50 Camacho Padilla 2009, p. 91.

31 METHOD

! attempt to write an actor-based entangled history must necessarily also take into account that historians themselves are entangled with their object of research in (at least) two ways: firstly, through their individual backgrounds and knowledge, and second, through the specific moment in which they choose to ask their research question. As John Gillis points out, the individual backgrounds of historians matter5 % =!&&% ! "$% $ !"& &!%)&! 5'&&!%)&! 8>HDThe moments in which historical questions are asked are also always conjunctural; while all moments exhibit similarities and continuities with other moments in which similar questions were asked, each one of them is historically specific, and therefore, never quite the same.52 Every analysis or research project is in other words always already positioned; it is not only written in a particular place in time and embedded within a specific historical context, culture, and academic discipline. It is also influenced by the personal background and knowledge of the researcher. The following section, that concerns itself with the method used in this dissertation, therefore starts with a brief introduction of myself as a researcher, and the interviewees that are part of this project.

51 Gillis 1994, p. 5. 52 Stuart Hall, ”What is this ’black’ in black popular culture?” in Stuart Hall – Critical dialogues in cultural studies, David Morley and Kuan-Hsing Chen (eds.), London/New York 2005, p. 468.

32 Setting the scene I started this project as a PhD candidate at Malmö University in 2011. My motivation to ask these specific research questions can be explained through both my personal, and my academic background. I was born into a middle-class family, and spent my early childhood years in Helsinki, Finland. When I was seven years old, my family moved to Munich, Germany, where I attended school and university. I finished my studies in American Cultural History, American Literature and Spanish Philology in 2005, with an M.A. thesis that focused on African-American and Chicano resistance against identity politics, that is, affirmative action policies, in California. Through, and during, my studies I was increasingly interested in the significance of ethnicity/race, language, culture, migration, and power structures in different societies. Growing up and living in, and in-between different national contexts and languages, and through conversations with friends and acquaintances who shared such a background, I started to reflect on the ways in which cultural or national identities are assigned to, and can be claimed by, individuals or groups. In the early 1990s, I had also started to listen to Hip-hop lyrics that often addressed such questions. After finishing my studies, I first moved to Hamburg, Germany and, in 2008, to Stockholm, Sweden. In Stockholm, I started to apply for doctoral programs with the aim to study Swedish Hip- hop culture as a form of resistance and societal critique. As I started as a PhD candidate at Malmö University in 2011, I discovered that many Swedish Hip-hop artists with Spanish-sounding names mention a Chilean background in their lyrics and videos. This is when I began to focus on the intersection of Hip-hop culture and migration in-between Chile and Sweden. While introducing the artist included in this dissertation, it has to be noted that most of them are in some way connected to the Stockholm-based production company The Salazar Brothers. The company, that today produces artists in both Sweden and Chile, was founded by two former members of the seminal Swedish Hip- hop group The Latin Kings: the brothers Hugo Chepe (born in 1973 in Santiago, Chile), Cristian Salla (born in 1975 in Santiago, Chile), and their third brother Marcelo Masse Salazar Campos

33 (born in 1979 in Stockholm, Sweden). The Latin Kings, a group that consisted of Salla, Chepe and their friend, Douglas Dogge Doggelito León, released their successful debut album Välkommen till förorten (Welcome to the suburbs) in 1994. Yet, although they released this album in a Spanish version called Bienvenido a mi barrio (Welcome to My Neighborhood) in 1996, they did not get in contact with Hip-hop artists in Chile at that time. They are today mainly credited for having made audible and visible a younger generation of immigrants who grew up in the förorten, the suburbs of the three biggest Swedish cities Stockholm, Gothenburg and Malmö, in Swedish mainstream media during the 1990s. Their success also inspired other artists such as Juan Havana from the group Advance Patrol, and Rodrigo Rodde Bernal from the group Hermanos Bernal to start rapping themselves. The production company The Salazar Brothers that emerged from The Latin Kings is today very visible in Swedish mainstream media. Chepe, Salla and Masse are frequently interviewed for articles, documentaries and TV shows that highlight the different aspects of the continuing importance of Hip-hop culture in Sweden.

Article I The first article is based on an analysis of the Swedish lyrics of the Hip-hop group Advance Patrol between the years 2003 and 2006. The group consists of rappers Juan Havana (Juan Hektor Paez Larraguibel), Gonza (Gonzalo Rodrigo del Rio Saldias) and DJ Lucutz (Lucas Simon Alsén). Chafic Mourtada, an earlier member of the group died in 2002. Both Juan’s and Gonza’s parents emigrated from Chile to Sweden during the 1970s and 1980s, and both artists were born in 1981 in Malmö. The Salazar Brothers produced a number of songs featured on their four full-length albums released between 2003 and 2009. They have also worked together with other artists and producers, and primarily define themselves as part of the local Hip-hop scene in Malmö, whereas The Salazar Brothers are based in Stockholm. Their first albums mainly contain Swedish lyrics; the album “Utskrivna” (The Un- documented) was released in 2003, and its follow-up album “Ett land som är tryggt” (A Country that is Safe) that only contained five songs was released in 2005. “Aposteln” (The Apostle), Ad-

34 vance Patrol’s second full-length album was released in 2006. Yet, only half of the songs on their third album “Enligt AP” (According to AP) that was released in 2007 were in Swedish, and half of them in Spanish. Their fourth and last album “El Futuro” (the future) that was released in 2009 solely contains raps in Spanish, as it was primarily directed at the Chilean, or Latin American market. This latest album was a result of their cooperation with Chilean artist Cesar Cestar Morales from the group Shamanes Crew, whom I interviewed for the fourth article.

Article II The second article is based on an interview with Rodrigo Rodde Bernal from the group Hermanos Bernal (the Bernal brothers) that today mainly raps in Spanish, and primarily aims its music at the Chilean market, and a global Chilean diaspora. Rodde was born in Concón, Chile, in 1983 and has two brothers, Cristian and Jona- than Bernal. Rodde’s family came to Sweden in 1986, when he was three years old, yet they returned to Chile when he was fourteen only to more move back to Sweden four year later. It was during that second stay in Chile, that Rodde decided to become a Hip-hop artist himself. Back in Sweden, he started to perform as a freestyle rapper and later founded the group Hermanos Bernal together with his brother Cristian. The group that had initially primarily rapped in Swedish, started to experiment with Spanish lyrics in the mid- 2000s. In 2008 they released their debut album “Directo de Suecia” (Direct from Sweden) that primarily targeted the Chilean market. The album was produced by The Salazar Brothers and recorded at their studio, the Red Line Studios, in Stockholm. To promote that album, Hermanos Bernal went on tour in Chile. In 2015, Rodde and Cristian further strengthened their ties with Chilean musicians by founding the record company Zero Shine Music and signing Chilean artists such as Edwin Chumbeque Líbano Gamboa, whom I have interviewed for the fourth article.

35 Article III The third article is based on a close comparative reading of the interview I conducted with Rodrigo Rodde Bernal, and an interview with Swedish R&B artist Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund. While all the other artists included in this dissertation have parents who were born in Chile, FreddeRico, who was born in Lund in 1982, has no familial ties to Latin America. I decided to include him as he, just like the other artists, creates an artist identity that refers to a Latin-American context. FreddeRico grew up in Lund and released his first EP “I’ve got soul” in 2003. In 2008, his song “She’s a bad girl” was featured on a mixtape, together with songs by internationally known artists such as Kanye West, Lil Wayne and Beyoncé. In 2012, FreddeRico was signed by Kalmar-based production company Pitbull Productions Incorporated. “I Will”, the first single that resulted from this cooperation became very popular in Latin America and was soon followed up by a second single called “Don’t Go.” This single was released in 2013, and became a huge success: it debuted in the Central American charts at number 6, and its video reached over one million views on the Internet platform YouTube. None of the other artists that I discuss have reached a similar amount of views on that platform.53 Article IV The fourth and final article is based on interviews with seven different artists in both Sweden and Chile. These include three of the four Swedish artists mentioned above: Cristian Salla Salazar Campos, Juan Havana, and Rodrigo Rodde Bernal; as well as interviews with four Chilean artists that I conducted in Santiago and Valparaiso: Eduardo Lalo Meneses, Jimmy Fernández, Cesar Cestar Morales, and Edwin Chumbeque Líbano Gamboa. Lalo and Jimmy are both representatives of the older generation of Chilean Hip-hop. Both became b-boys during the late 1980s, and rappers during the 1990s. Lalo who was born and raised in Santiago is one

53 The Internet platform YouTube did nevertheless not go online before 2005, that is, several years after groups such as The Latin Kings celebrated their greatest successes. This aspect alone can thus not be taken as indicative of the popularity of different artists.

36 of the co-founders of the seminal group Panteras Negras54 (the Black Panthers). He has travelled to Europe on several occasions, yet has never met The Salazar Brothers. Jimmy was also born in Santiago. His family moved to Italy during the 1970s, and returned to Chile in the late 1980s, and he is one of the co-founders of the Chilean Hip-hop group La Pozze Latina (the Latin posse).55 Cesar Cestar Morales is a member of the group Shamanes Crew that, as I have mentioned above, has recorded some songs in cooperation with Advance Patrol.56 The group, whose musical style Cestar describes as oriented toward dancehall and reggae rather than Hip- hop, is very successful in Chile, and performs at several live events each week. With the exception of Shamanes Crew and The Salazar Brothers, all the other artists that I discuss here have other jobs besides producing music and performing as musicians. The final artist that I have included is Edwin Chumbeque Líbano Gamboa, an independent rapper who does not belong to a group. Chumbe- que was born in Valparaiso and spent a few years in Texas with his family during the 1980s. He currently lives in Valparaiso and was signed by Zero Shine Music, the production company founded by Hermanos Bernal in 2015. As the first article engages in an analysis of rap lyrics, I will now briefly discuss the use of this method, as well as its limitations.

54 The group Panteras Negras has released five albums: “Lejos del Centro” (far from the center) in 1990, “Reyes de la Jungla” (kings of the jungle) in 1993, “Atacando Calles” (attacking the streets) in 1995, “La Ruleta” (the roulette) in 1996 and “Prodi- gos” (prodigies) in 2012. Eduardo Lalo Meneses currently lives in Santiago de Chile. 55 The group La Pozze Latina released three albums during the 1990s: “Pozzeídos por la illusion” (possessed by the illusion) in 1993, “Una nueva religion” (a new religion) in 1996 and “Desde el '!" "%%#"%>?$" &)"$ " $$"$%@!DLLL8 + $!-!,'$$!& + (%!!&" 8 56 The group Shamanes Crew released its first album “Del Amor al Odio” (from love to hate) in 2003. This first album was followed by “El Ritual” (the ritual) in 2005, “Ninos de Barrio” (the children from the barrio) in 2007, “Desde Chile Para El Mundo” (from Chile to the world) in 2009 and “Redención” (deliverance) in 2010 – an album that included the song “Fuego” that was recorded in cooperation with Advance Patrol – and their latest album “Antología” (anthology) that was released in 2010. Cesar Cestar Morales currently lives in Santiago de Chile.

37 Analyzing rap lyrics By studying Advance Patrol’s lyrics in their capacity to refer to the world outside of music, I apply a cultural studies approach to the analysis of popular culture, that is closely related to sociolinguistic studies of popular music in the first article. A comprehensive introduction to such a sociolinguistic approach to Hip-hop lyrics, based on Hip-hop culture in Africa, Asia, Australia, the Americas and the European Union is provided by the anthology Global linguistic flows: hip hop cultures, youth identities, and the politics of language. 57 In its foreword, editor Samy H. Alim stresses that Hip-hop is not only consumed or imitated outside of the United States; it is rather infused with local meaning that can be made visible through an analysis of the language used in Hip-hop lyrics. Such studies have for instance focused on the way in which elements and words from different languages mix with what is called Black English in Hip-hop lyrics. In Sweden, there are studies that argue that Hip-hop lyrics contain elements of invandrarsvenska (migrant Swedish), a dialect that is spoken in immigrant-dominated areas in Sweden.58 While I do not focus on invandrarsvenska in the first article, it is related to these studies.

Limitations My study is also related to Kalle Berggren’s doctoral dissertation Reading Rap that engages in an analysis of Swedish rap lyrics.59 As my first article uses the same method, it shares some of the limitations pointed out by Berggren in one of the articles included in his dissertation. 60 As all song lyrics, the lyrics of Advance Patrol exist in both oral and written form, and can therefore be understood and interpreted in a number of different ways, depending on the

HJ Samy H. Alim, ”Intro: Straight Outta Compton, Straight aus München: Global Linguistic Flows, Identities, adn the Politics of Language in a Global Hip Hop Nation” in Global linguistic flows: hip hop cultures, youth identities, and the politics of language, Samy H. Alim, Awad Ibrahim & Alastair Pennycook (eds.), New York, N. Y., 2009. 58 See for instance: Ulla-Britt Kotsinas, Invandrarsvenska, Uppsala 2005; Sernhede & Söderman 2010, p. 31. 59 Kalle Berggren, Reading rap: feminist interventions in men and masculinity research, Diss., Uppsala 2014. 60 Kalle Berggren, ”’No homo’: Straight inoculations and the queering of masculinity in Swedish hip hop” Norma 2012(7):1, p. 54.

38 mode of analysis.61 As Berggren notes, a drawback of analyzing song lyrics in written form is that they are made to be performed.62 The meaning contained in song lyrics can either be accentuated or changed in a performed context, as, for instance, stressing different words can change their meaning. The meaning, message or perception of lyrics can also change, depending on their musical setting, and the images or stories they are visually combined with in music videos. In this case, the video becomes an “authorized interpretation” of the song.63 In the first article, I nevertheless primarily focus on the lyrics, and only consider the interplay of lyrics and the images contained in videos in one case: the joint video of “Ett Land som är Tryggt”/”Betongbarn” (A country that is safe/ Children of the concrete). I chose to include this video, both in the article and the discussion and summary of the first loop, as it concerns itself with the construction and negotiation of a Chilean identity in Sweden. It could further be argued that the meaning of the lyrics changes, as rhythm and rhyming disappears, as they are translated from Swedish to English. Although such a loss of nuances is inevitable, it has to be noted that, while my analysis is written in English, I have analyzed the lyrics of Advance Patrol in their original language that is, Swedish. The excerpts of the lyrics are also featured in both languages in the article. However, the article neither focuses on the meaning intended by the artists, nor the reception of these lyrics by a Swedish or a Chilean audience. It does also not claim that the lyrics and excerpts featured in it can be seen as representative of the artistic work of Advance Patrol as a whole; as it aims to discuss the representation of what will be called the marginalized other in their Swedish lyrics, it only focuses on their three Swedish albums. That means that it neither takes into account their work directed at Chile, nor their work as individual Hip-hop artists. Although I primarily listened to the songs featured on these three albums to trace different categories of representation included in them, my final analysis of their lyrics remains more within the tradition of reading, rather than listening to lyrics and music. As this first

61 Lars Lilliestam, Svensk rock: musik, lyrik, historik, Göteborg 1998. 62 Berggren 2012, p. 54. 63 Ulf Lindberg, Rockens text: ord, musik och mening. Diss. Lund 1995, p. 14

39 article is based on material that is both oral and written, it is also closely related to the theory and method of oral history used in the remaining three articles.64

Oral history – migration, Hip-hop and entangled history In his 2006 article, Four Paradigm Transformations in Oral Histo- ry, Alistair Thomson argues that, on an international level, Oral History has gone through four “paradigmatic revolutions” in theory and practice since the Second World War. It emerged in the postwar period, as social historians, who were interested in docu- menting the lived experience of so-called “ordinary” working people started to conduct interviews as a means to write “history from below.”65 During the 1960s, such an interest became one of the central issues in historical studies in general, as many historians began to focus on social and structural history, as well as on contemporary and micro history. 66 This also included the attempt to make visible those groups of society that had previously been excluded from historical research to a new (academic) audience. Following this initial period, scholars who engaged in oral history set out to defend the value of oral sources for historical research, while the third “revolution” outlined by Thomson was more focused on reflecting on the role of the oral historian as an interviewer, and the fourth is marked by the digital revolution of the late 1990s and early 2000s. In her introduction to the anthology Muntlig historia: i teori och praktik (oral history in theory and practice) Malin Thor Tureby provides an introduction to the development of Oral History in Sweden in relation to these international developments.67 In this dissertation, I use oral history as a method, theory and perspective in order to discuss the creation and negotiation of

64 Alessandro Portelli, The Death of Luigi Trastulli and Other Stories: Form and Meaning in Oral History, Albany N.Y. 1991. p. 46. 65 Alistair Thomson, ”Four paradigm transformations in Oral History”, The Oral History Review 2006(34):1, p. 52. 66 Lars Berggren, ”Går det att skriva arbetarhistorisak synteser?” Historisk Tidskrift, 2003(123):1, p. 183. 67 Malin Thor Tureby ”Oral history i en internationall kontext”, in Muntlig historia: i teori och praktik, Malin Thor Tureby & Lars Hansson (eds.), Lund 2015.

40 identities, and their relation to different pasts. I use the oral testimonies of Hip-hop artists in both Sweden and Chile to trace the way in which they create and negotiate their identities, not by restoring an original, essential identity, but by positioning themselves, and, in turn, being positioned within different historical narratives. I argue that oral history is especially useful for such an endeavor, as it can serve to make visible the ways in which interviewees create themselves in relation to different social categories.IK During an oral history interview, interviewees can, “talk back” in regard to categorization, and the homogenizing group identities created by both society and researchers. This also opens up for a discussion of the ways in which identities are created and negotiated, not only in connection to different historical narratives, but also in relation to the specific interview situations that I will discuss in greater detail below. In the following, I will discuss the way in which oral history can be discussed in relation to the central fields of research touched upon here, namely: the history of migration and diaspora, Hip-hop studies, and entangled history. In migration history, oral testimonies have often been used in order to make visible previously unrecorded, ill-documented, or hidden testimonies of migrants. While the history of migrant groups is often “documented only from the outside as a social problem,” oral history contributes with an approach “from the inside” by making visible how migrants feel about migration.IL In his 1999 article Moving Stories: Oral History and Migration Alastair Thomson, who has published numerous studies on postwar migration between Britain and Australia, argues that migration has become one of the most important themes of oral history research.JC Yet, Thomson suggests that researchers should view the initial physical migration as only one event within the migration experience, as it might not be the most important aspect of the lives of migrants today. As Johan Svanberg points out, one of the ways to trace the formation of different social groups in a migration context is to focus on the different means they use to remem-

68 Helena Tolvhed, ”Intersektionalitet och historievetenskap”, Scandia 2010(76):1, p. 68. 69 Thomson 2006, p. 26. 70 Alistair Thomson, “Moving Stories: Oral History and Migration”, Oral History, 1999(27):1, p. 24–37.

41 ber the past.71 He argues that remembering the past can among others provide for in-group cohesion, and serve to distinguish the group from other groups and thereby, provide both inclusion and exclusion. I here not only focus on a migration experience that includes the interviewees thoughts and feelings toward Chile, and the conflicts they have experienced in Sweden, but also on the way in which they create a connection to Chile, both as a private individuals, and as a Hip-hop artist. I have also included an analysis of the creation and negotiation of different identities by an artist who does not have a familial connection to Chile or Latin America. Having noted that oral history has primarily been used to make visible those groups and individuals that were previously excluded from (academic) history, the attempt of the third article to trace hegemonic “Swedishness” or “whiteness” as an invisible background in the oral testimony of Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund, can seem counterintuitive. As cultural theorist Sara Ahmed notes, it is always problematic to study whiteness, since such studies once more make hegemonic whiteness the center of debate, instead of focusing on marginalized groups.72 In this case, I set out to trace hegemonic “Swedishness” and “whiteness” as the invisible background against which marginalized groups, or society’s “other” is constructed. Such an attempt can be seen as related to elite oral history, a form of oral history that focuses on making visible the informal networks and decision- making processes that lead to political decisions.73 In a similar approach, the analysis in the third article sets out to make visible the dominant power structures that otherwise remain unmarked, and thus less available to scrutiny.74 The aim of such an approach is to "(#%&&#$( !" "!#"%&"!5!&")$ & & &$! & #")$ %&$'&'$% )&! ! !%& ) !&&%$$&!!"&&8

JD Johan Svanberg, ”Erfarenheter och sociala minnen, berättelser och motberättelser: möten mellan svenskar och ester i Olofström efter 1945” Historisk tidskrift 2009(129):4, p. 28. 72 Sara Ahmed ”A phenomenology of whiteness” Feminist Theory 2007(8):2, p. 149– 168. 73 Ylva Waldemarsson,”Politiska makthavare och historisk källa”, Arkiv, samhälle och forskning 2007:2, p. 8–25. JGSoon Nam Kim, “Whose voice is it anyway? Rethinkingthe oral history method in accounting research on race, ethnicity and gender” Critical Perspectives on Accounting 2008(19):8, p. 1352.

42 In this dissertation, I use such an approach to Swedish Hip-hop culture in general. As noted above, earlier research on Swedish Hip-hop has primarily discussed it as a means to make visible marginalized voices in Swedish mainstream media. These earlier studies are also primarily based on interviews with Hip-hop artists and fieldwork. I argue, that Swedish Hip-hop culture can no longer be seen as a marginalized form of popular culture in Sweden. Although Hip-hop is still more often than not met with prejudice in mainstream media and is, in fact, often used by different artists to express resistance against marginalization and make visible the living conditions in the förorten, it has today developed into a cultural expression that is highly visible in mainstream media. I do therefore not primarily define Hip-hop artist as marginalized. I rather study them as individuals who are able to speak from a relative position of power through which they set out to become part of different historical narratives by positioning themselves in, and through Hip-hop culture in, and in-between Sweden and Chile. The central theoretical framework used here combines an oral history with and entangled history approach. I argue that such a combination is especially fruitful for the study of identities, as both oral history and entangled history not only focus on reconstructing and constructing the events of the past, but also on the way in which these events are understood and interpreted by those who experienced them. Yet, while they both attempt to discuss different views on the past, an oral history approach adds the possibility to take into account how individuals change their understanding or interpretation of the past over time. Combined, they open up historical analysis for a wide variety of local, translocal and transnational connections, influences, and movements that are not limited to the transnational space between two nations. In this dissertation, such an approach is used in order to make visible both the national and transnational historical power structures within which individuals find themselves, and the way in which they actively position themselves within such structures. In other words, I argue that the construction of identities is an important source for

43 historical research that can contribute to a better understanding of the role of human agency in historical struggles.75

The Interview situations As Malin Thor Tureby points out, interviewers create an understanding of the past in dialogue with their interviewees, while both interviewer and interviewee(s) at the same time actively manage and negotiate their positionalities during the interview.JI As this dissertation focuses on the way in which individual Hip-hop artists create and negotiate their identities as an act of remembering the past, the interpersonal relationship created between interviewer and interviewee(s) becomes even more central for the analysis of the resulting interview material. 77 In this section, I will discuss two specific aspects of these interpersonal relationships: the creation and assumptions surrounding an “insider” and “outsider” position on the one hand, and gender positionalities that were created during the interviews, on the other.JK In the following, I will briefly discuss the interviews in general, and then reflect on these two central aspects of the interpersonal relationship. All of the interviews that I conducted focused on the general theme of Hip-hop culture in-between Chile or Latin America and Sweden. Instead of preparing a list of detailed questions, I arranged general themes that I touched upon during each interview. These themes included: the Swedish artist’s connections to Chile and Latin America, the Chilean artist’s connection to Sweden, and the artists´ careers as musicians. During the interviews with the Swe- dish artists who had a familial background in Chile, I addressed: their (childhood) memories of Chile or Latin America, their family’s arrival in Sweden, as well as their travels back to Chile or Latin America, both as private individuals and as artists. The central themes that I addressed with the artists that I interviewed in Chile

75 Robert Nilsson Mohammadi,”Berättelse och minne, muntlig historia som flervetenskaplig tolkning”, in Thor Tureby & Hansson 2015, p. 146. JI Malin Thor, “Oral history – mer än en metod”, Historisk tidskrift 2001(121), p. 335. 77 Nicola King, Memory, Narrative, Identity: Remembering the Self, Edinburgh 2000. 78 Joakim Glaser, ”Vem är det som talar och vad är det som sägs” in Thor Tureby & Hansson 2015, p. 127 ff.

44 were: their connections to Sweden, as well as other countries outside of Chile, and the Chilean music scene in general and Chile- an Hip-hop culture in particular. During all interviews, I asked when and why the artists in question had decided to become musicians, and who had influenced their decision making processes and careers. As I designed my interview questions in this manner, the artists often answered by describing Sweden/Swedish, Chile/Chilean, and Latino in different ways and contexts. As they did so, I asked follow-up questions to specify and complicate their definitions. By analyzing and contextualizing these descriptions, I was able to trace the relationships between the creation and negotiation of the interviewee’s identity positions created during the interviews, and the different pasts I claim they refer to. As mentioned above, I interviewed Kalmar-based Hip-hop artist Rodrigo Rodde Bernal for the second article. I first met Rodde in 2013 at the annual Musik och Samhälle (music and society) conference at Malmö University where I presented my work on Hip- hop culture in-between Sweden and Chile that, at that time, primarily focused on The Salazar Brothers and Advance Patrol. After my presentation, Rodde approached me and agreed to be interviewed for my project. Although I do not see myself as a member of the Swedish Hip-hop community, it can be argued that my presentation and the discussion that emerged after my presentation gave me the status of an “insider” in two ways. First, it demon- strated my previous research and interest in the subject, and thereby made it easier to get in contact with Rodde. Second, the fact that I mentioned my migration background during that presentation, probably also contributed to my position as an “insider” to a migration experience. This became evident as Rodde referred to such a shared migration experience a number of times during our interview.JL At the beginning of our interview, Rodde immediately started to talk about his critical view on sexism in mainstream Hip- hop. He added that his group Hermanos Bernal has received numerous letters from female fans. I argue that it is very unlikely that he would have started the interview with these comments that position him as critical of sexism and appealing to a female audi-

79 In my own experience, I am nevertheless generally perceived as Swedish in Sweden. I attribute this perception to my language proficiency and Swedish-sounding last name.

45 ence, if a male researcher had interviewed him. During the interview, I did not mention or discuss the fact that, as I will discuss in the third loop, the video of the Hermanos Bernal song Chileno de Corazon features dancing bikini clad women. A similar situation occurred during the interview with R&B artist Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund. I got in contact with Fredrik through a mutual friend – Jon Remneus, also known as DJMore10 – who arranged our interview to take place in his studio at Lund, in September 2014. While I became an “insider” based on a shared migration experience during my interview with Rodde, I had not mentioned such a background to Fredrik prior to our interview. During our interview, Fredrik repeatedly referred to a “we” that I, in the analysis of his oral testimony define as shared “Swedish- ness.” I thus claim that I became an “insider” based on shared “Swedishness” during my interview with Fredrik. As I will argue in greater detail in the third loop, Fredrik also positioned himself as the gender-equal “new man” during our interview. As I turned off the recording device, however, we continued talking, and he showed Jon and me the video of his next song that features him singing on stage together with dancing female models. In this situation, he referred to these women as “brudar” – “chicks”. There was thus a clear difference between how he talked about his girlfriend during the interview, and the way he described these women who are professional dancers and featured in his video. I argue that this amounts to another clear distinction between the positionality of the gender equal “new man” that he assumed during our interview, and the identity he assumes a an artist. The fourth article is based on interviews with artists in both Chile and Sweden. The Swedish artists include: Rodrigo Rodde Bernal, Juan Havana from the group Advance Patrol, and Cristian Salla Salazar Campos from The Salazar Brothers. I got in contact with Juan through a mutual friend who works at the radio station Din Gata, where he works as a radio host. Even though his interview is featured in the last part of this dissertation, Juan was the first person that I interviewed. By the time we met at his home in Malmö, I had also informed him about my migration background, and my general interest in Hip-hop in-between Sweden and Chile. It could thus once more be argued that I came a migration “insid-

46 er” during our interview. Yet, as opposed to Rodde, Juan did not allude to a shared migration experience during our interview, but rather pointed out differences in our migration backgrounds: he told me that his assumption about Finnish culture was that it was closer to Russian than Swedish culture. In terms of gender positionalities, he did not make any efforts to distance himself from the sexism in Hip-hop culture. There, in other words, remained a certain distance between Juan and me during our interview. Cristian Salla Salazar Campos was, in turn, the last artist that I interviewed for this dissertation. I met Salla at the Redline Studios in Stockholm after having returned from Chile, where I interviewed the Chilean artists who are also part of the fourth article. During our interview, I solely focused on his connection to Chile. As the work of The Salazar Brothers as Hip-hop artists and/or producers has been the topic of a large number of interviews conducted for magazines, articles, books, and TV shows since the mid-1990s, I did not discuss these aspects of his work with him. Having seen and read numerous interviews with The Salazar Brothers prior to our interview, I had noticed that they keep repeating the same narratives. Instead of asking the same questions, I used the interviews with The Latin Kings contained in the book The Latin Kings Portafolio as references for their thoughts on their work as Hip- hop artists in Sweden.80 I thus treat the material contained in this book in the same way that I treat Salla’s oral testimony: as a subjective account. While the book is not a central aspect of the analysis contained in the fourth article, it does give some insights into The Latin King’s negotiation of gender positionalities that did not become visible during our interview. Although Salla neither addressed sexism in Hip-hop culture, nor gender equality in general during our interview, he calls himself a feminist in The Latin Kings Portafolio. Thereby, he also positions himself as the gender-equal “new man” in Sweden. In Chile, I met Eduardo Lalo Meneses in downtown Santiago from where we walked to his workplace at the youth center Bal- maceda Arte Joven, where I conducted the interview. We started the interview by watching the beginning of the documentary Las

80 The Latin Kings portafolio: den sanna berättelsen om Chepe, Dogge och Salla, Stockholm 2005.

47 estrellas en la esquina (the stars at the street corner), the first documentary on Chilean Hip-hop that features Lalo. During our interview, Lalo also constantly referred to his autobiography that had been published a few months earlier, and with which he was going on tour in Chile. During our interview, we touched upon almost all themes that he mentions in the book that gives a far more detailed account of his thoughts. In the fourth article, I therefore, once more, analyze this autobiography in the same way that I analyze Lalo’s oral testimony: as a subjective account. In this case, I argue that the interview situation had the least impact on the oral testimony that it produced. Yet, as Lalo was most outspoken regarding the history and meaning of Chilean Hip-hop, his testimony became the primary focus of my fourth article. During our interview, Lalo also mentioned a number of female rap artists such as Ana Tijoux and Spanish Hip-hop artist Mala Rodriguez. While he did not distance himself from sexism in mainstream Hip- hop in the same extent as Rodde,&!5"! "$5$'&& #$" + !&"!&% $&%&%% $%$$ !&$() 8 Jimmy Ferndandez, whom I also interviewed in Santiago, reflected on the beginnings of Hip-hop in Chile, and the way in which the culture has changed today, albeit in a less extensive way. We met at a metro station outside of the city center, and conducted the interview in a parking lot. My interview with Jimmy was the shortest that I conducted. He was in a hurry to get back to work with his latest album and was therefore not as ready as Lalo to discuss his view on Chilean Hip-hop at greater length. As I will discuss further in the fourth loop, as an artist, Jimmy is less political than Lalo. During our interview, he expressed a political opinion by briefly addressing the corruption that he claims is prevalent in contemporary Chilean politics. Since our interview was very short, it is difficult to discuss any gender positionalities that were assumed during it. I must also be noted that there was not much more that I learned about Jimmy by interviewing him – he repeated the image of him that Lalo had conveyed during our interview and, as I discovered later, in his autobiography. In general, it can be asserted that while I was primarily perceived as an “insider” during my interviews in Sweden, the Hip-hop

48 artists that I interviewed in Chile perceived me as a Swedish “outsider” who could make visible their oral testimony and music outside of Chile. Speaking to me thus became a means to reach out to a Swedish audience. During my interviews in Chile, I used that position to encourage the artists to tell me – the “outsider” – about Chilean society in general, and the history of Chilean Hip-hop in particular. Above all the younger artists – Cesar Cestar Morales, and Edwin Chumbeque Líbano Gamboa – were focused on reach- ing out to a Swedish audience through our interviews. The interviews that I conducted with them were therefore very comparable. I met Chumbeque in his studio home in Valparaiso, and Cestar in one of the two Shamanes Crew studios in central Santiago. Neither of them was very political during the interviews. By the time of our interview, Chumbeque had just been signed as an artist with Zero Shine Music, the production company founded by Hermanos Bernal, and was looking forward to working with them in the future in Sweden. Chumbeque also hoped to be able to work together with The Salazar Brothers in the future. Cestar on the other hand has been to Sweden many times since he had a Swedish girlfriend. During one of his visits to Sweden he met Juan Havana and Gonza from Advance Patrol, after which they started to work together. Cestar, who is part of the commercially successful group Shamanes Crew, was also the only artist that I did not get in contact with directly: it was his manager who organized our meeting. During my last evening in Santiago, I was also able to attend a panel discussion on Chilean music in the world (musica Chilena en el mundo) at the Balmaceda Arte Joven, that featured rapper Ana Tijoux. Although I did not interview Ana, I was introduced to her ahead of the panel discussion. The part of my analysis in the fourth article that discusses Ana draws on the field notes I made during and after this discussion, as well as two other interviews with Ana in which she elaborates on her definition of being Chilean in connection to music: an interview with the American organization, Democracy Now, and an interview featured in a documentary called La Rabia Tiene Voz (The Rage Has a Voice) produced by

49 the Mexican commission for the defense and promotion of human rights.81

Limitations Method and perspective While a theory that is based on the notion that identities are constructed and negotiated can help to avoid essentialization as it stresses that individuals cannot be defined through an academic analysis, it can also be problematic in an oral history context. It can be problematic to argue that identities are constructed and shifting, as individuals or groups can be very strongly invested in constructing and maintaining these identities. An academic analysis must therefore take these aspects into consideration when setting out to analytically deconstruct the lives of interviewees. In this case, I have addressed this issue by letting all the interviewees that are part of this study read the articles that are based on their oral testimony prior to publication. None of them had any comments on my analysis of their oral testimonies. It must also be pointed out that it can be especially problematic to discuss the construction and negotiation of identities as part of historical narratives that are connected to collective trauma, as is the case with the Chilean past since 1973. Analyzing cultural identities as connected to such historical narratives can run the risk of ascribing such trauma to individuals. In the fourth loop I therefore also address the fact that not all of the artists that I interviewed in Chile actively placed themselves in this narrative. Focusing on Swedish Hip-hop artists who address their Chilean background through their music has also both advantages and disadvantages. Such a focus helps to avoid defining individual migrants or immigrant communities “only in terms of their migrant origins,” as the history of migration may be less significant

81 Democracy Now! “Chilean Musician Ana Tijoux on Politics, Feminism, Motherhood & Hip-hop as ‘A Land for the Landless’” 11 July 2014, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EJ3Gr58dpWM (2015-10-12); Comisión Mexicana de Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos A.C., “Ana Tijoux – La rabia tiene Voz”, 9 February 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TKlgS-ho8Z0 (2015-19- 12)

50 than other individual or collective concerns or issues.82 While I am interested in the Swedish artists´ Chilean background as they mention it through their music, I neither claim that their experience of migration can be reduced to a Hip-hop context, nor that their work as Hip-hop artist can be limited to their migration experience. Rather, I ask in what way their specific Chilean migration experience in Sweden becomes relevant within a Hip-hop context. It has to be noted, however, that the intentions of the interviewer do not always translate to the interviewees.83 For the fourth article, I had scheduled an interview with both Cristian Salla Salazar Campos and his brother Marcelo Masse Salazar Campos. While Salla was eager to talk about his connections to Chile, Masse quickly withdrew from the interview situation, and later told me that he did not have anything to contribute to the discussion, since he does not have any specific connection to Chile. In contrast to Salla, Masse was born in Sweden and stated that he does not define himself as Chilean. This demonstrates that even if artists mention their migration background as musicians, or work together with artists from Chile, that does not necessarily mean that they in any way have to identify themselves with a Chilean background. In this context, it must also be noted that I do not claim any of the following: that all Hip-hop artists in Sweden have a migration background; that those artists who do have such a background highlight it as an important aspect of their (artist) identities; that the experience of migration can be reduced to a Hip-hop context; or, finally, that the work of the Hip-hop artists who are part of this study can be limited to their migration experience. Yet, this also means that a focus on artists who refer to a Chilean background, at the same time only makes visible those individuals who stress the importance of creating and negotiating a Chilean identity through their music. Such a focus does not include those who have a familial background in Chile, yet choose not to address or high-

82 Thomson 1999, p 25. 83 In his book The Death of Luigi Trastulli and Other Stories Alessandro Portelli uses the terms “sameness” and “difference” instead of “insider” and “outsider” to discuss the same phenomenon. He points out that although he “stressed political homogeneity” by introducing himself as a “comrade”, one of his interviewees foregrounded his “cultural and professional difference and otherness” by introducing him to others as “professor”. Portelli 1991, p. 39.

51 light it in any way. It is therefore especially important to point out that my analysis represents a limited number of ways in which certain individuals who claim a Chilean background in Sweden create a connection to Chile. As I have not included an analysis of the reception of the creation of a Chilean identity through Hip-hop by other individuals who claim a Chilean background in Sweden, my analysis does not represent or define the way a Chilean diaspora in general connects to Chile. There are also limitations regarding my discussion of the construction and negotiation of identities in a Chilean context. I do neither have a Chilean background myself, nor have I spent a longer period of time in the country. As I will discuss in greater detail below, Spanish is also not my mother tongue. While all of the books that I use to provide a historical background for the construction and negotiation of identities in Sweden are written by Swedish authors, most of the books that I have chosen to discuss a Chilean context are written by U.S. American authors. To be sure, the repressive character of the Pinochet regime and its aftermath, which I will outline in the fourth loop, can explain the emergence of such studies outside of Chile. However, such an “outsider” perspective can also be problematic considering that the Global North still dominates the knowledge production on the Global South. Although my dissertation does not make any claims on a true Chilean history, it contributes to the external knowledge production on Chilean culture and history. As outlined in the introduction of the interviewees, I have almost entirely based my dissertation on an analysis of the lyrics and oral testimonies of male Hip-hop artists. The only exception is Chilean artist Ana Tijoux. The main reason for this selection is that, while there are numerous female Hip-hop artists in both Sweden and Chile, so far, there is only one female rapper who has been part of the musical cooperation between Sweden and Chile: Chilean Hip- hop artist Sole who lives in Santiago. Unfortunately, I was unable to get in contact with her during my stay in Chile. Yet, as male networks generally dominate Hip-hop culture, it is not surprising that the networks between Chilean and Swedish Hip-hop artists are also male-dominated. I have also been hesitant to analyze and write about sexism in Hip-hop culture out of two main reasons.

52 First of all, there are powerful stereotypes in place that argue that Hip-hop culture in general, and Latino men in particular are misogynistic and often hypermasculine that I did not want to affirm through my analysis. The second reason why I have been hesitant to focus on the misogynistic tendencies of Hip-hop culture is connected to oral history as a method. Through the interview process, a personal relationship was created between the artists and myself: by sharing their experiences of marginalization and migration, they invited me into their lives. Through the trust that was established between my first interviewees and myself, I was able to get in contact with the other artists. During my stay in Chile, Rodrigo Rodde Bernal, who at that time was in Sweden, was for instance constantly available to set up and micro-manage my meetings with Edwin Chumbeque Líbano Gamboa, Eduardo Lalo Menses, and Jimmy Fernández. He also put me in contact with The Salazar Brothers. My interview with Cesar Cestar Morales on the other hand was made possible by Juan Havana from Advance Patrol. As Martin Estvall notes:

That which is more important than doubts concerning source criticism is consideration for the informants […] In what kind of a situation would we find ourselves if potential informants could not trust us? Which informant would agree to a second meeting, or to share source material?84

While there is no way to know what would have happened if I had been very critical of the constructions of masculinity in the work I wrote on Hip-hop culture prior to my trip to Chile, it is entirely possible that neither Rodde nor Juan would have been as inclined to help me had I done so. The final limitation concerning the method and perspective that I use in this dissertation are the narratives in connection to which I discuss the artists’ identities. Although I discuss the creation and negotiation of identities in connection to narratives of inclusion and exclusion in Sweden, and remembering and forgetting in Chile,

84 Martin Estvall, ”Vi är som vanliga människor: att skapa muntliga källor med meningsmotståndare” in Muntlig historia, Malin Thor & Lars Hansson (eds.), Lund 2006, p. 61.

53 these are not the only narratives available in each country. Collec- tive identities are constantly renegotiated and redefined. The reason why I chose to focus on these specific narratives is that I identified them as the dominant narratives behind the artists’ identity constructions during the interviews. In the following kappa, I therefore discuss both those instances in which the narratives overlap in the oral testimonies of the artists, as well as those instances in which the theories used in each individual loop do not correspond with the empirical material.

Form This part of my dissertation must necessarily also concern itself with my reasons for, as well as the process of, writing a sam- manläggningsavhandling (compilation thesis) that consists of four articles and a kappa (this, so-called, introductory chapter). As historian Wojtek Jezierski points out in an article published in Historisk tidskrift (historical journal) in 2016, compilation theses are still very rare in the field of history in Sweden.85 To date, His- torisk tidskrift has, in fact, only listed two examples of compilation theses in Sweden: Jezierski’s dissertation on the medieval monastery, and My Hellsing’s dissertation on duchess Hedvig Elisabeth Charlotte.86 In his article Jezierski discusses some advantages and disadvantages of writing a compilation thesis, while pointing out that the form is not automatically suitable for every research question or aim.87 My Hellsing for her part has also reflected on these questions in her blog.88As Jezierski points out, to date, there are no specific rules for writing a compilation thesis in the field of history in Sweden. In the following, I will briefly compare my dissertation to the form chosen by Jezierski and Hellsing, and discuss my process of writing a compilation thesis.

85 Wojtek Jezierski, ”Monografins elände” Historisk tidskrift 2016(136):2, p. 233. 86Wojtek Jezierski, Total St Gall: medieval monastery as a disciplinary institution. Diss. Stockholm 2010; My Hellsing, ”Inledning” in Hovpolitik: Hedvig Elisabeth Charlotte som politisk aktör vid det gustavianska hovet, My Hellsing, Diss., Örebro 2013. 87 Jezierski 2010, p. 233. 88 My Hellsing, ”10 skäl att få lägga samman” 16th of June 2014, http://www.tidskriftenscandia.se/?q=node/1038 (2016-07-04)

54 Both Jezierski and Hellsing have included summaries of all their articles in the introductory chapter of their dissertations rather than at its end, while the articles themselves are included in the appendix. In other fields such as, for instance, sociology, which are not necessarily as focused on empirical analysis as historical studies, the summaries of the articles are most often located at the end of the introductory chapter. Jezierski’s and Hellsing’s choice can thus be seen as an attempt to move their empirical material that is discussed in greater detail in the articles, to the center of their introductory chapters. I have also chosen to include the summaries of my articles in, rather than at the end of, my introductory chapter. The difference between my dissertation and that of Jezierski and Hellsing is, however, that I have incorporated the summaries in four different loops instead of placing them at the center of my introductory chapter. I made the decision to write a compilation thesis in the second year as a PhD candidate, as I wanted to discuss different aspects of Hip-hop culture in-between Sweden and Chile using different, yet related theories. By including the summaries of each article in the four different loops, it then became possible to discuss one aspect of my empirical material after the other in this introductory chapter, and to demonstrate the way in which one research question led to the other in my thinking and writing process. This latter aspect is, in fact, one of the central differences between a monograph and a compilation thesis. While a monograph does not necessarily have to mention the writing or thinking process, the different stages of that process automatically become visible in a compilation thesis. This aspect has its advantages and disadvantages, and has often been criticized by those who favor writing historical monographs.89 Its main disadvantage is that the first article included in a compilation thesis is not as empirically grounded and well-thought-out as the last. This is also true for my first article. To be sure, to take time to think and to evaluate theories and empirical material over a longer period of time; to stop writing and to focus on other issues and questions to then return to writing is, in fact, one of the central premises of all academic

89 Jezierski 2010, p. 238.

55 research. Yet, I argue that making visible this thinking and writing process also has its advantages, as it opens up for a methodological discussion of what historians say they do, and what they actually do.90 While, at least Swedish, monographs more often than not outline clear aims and research questions that are answered through an analysis of empirical material, a compilation thesis can focus on the way in which these aims and research questions came into being. Thereby, it can make visible the research process that, as Jorma Kalela points out in his discussion of the contribution of oral history to historical studies, starts with the assumption that “a given trace might yield fruitful information” to answer an initial research question.91 These traces are then transformed into sources, which, in turn, generate new questions that finally lead to the central research question that I answer with this dissertation. My initial question was: Why are there so many Hip-hop artists with a Chilean background in Swedish Hip-hop? I started my research by focusing on the way in which such a Chilean background can become part of the representations through Hip-hop in Sweden. The answer to this question made me ask how difference is negotiated in-between these two countries, while the answer to this second question, in turn, made me compare the identity constructions by an artist who has a Chilean background, and an artist who lacks such a background. In a final step I then asked how Chilean artists fit into that picture. In other words, I wrote my main research questions both after having written the articles, and having written a first draft of this introductory chapter that included the historical and academic contexts within which I currently place the identity constructions and negotiations. I was not able to draft my final research question until I had seen things together. At this stage, I also discovered the way in which the concept of entangled history could be used, not only for the fourth article, but also as the theoretical framework for this introductory chapter. I argue that the concept of actor-based entangled history works especially well with the form of a compilation thesis. As Werner and Zim- merman note, an entangled history approach includes using differ-

90 Jorma Kalela, “The Challenge of Oral History – The need to rethink souce criticism” in Historical perspectives on memory, Anne Ollila (ed.), Helsinki 1999. 91 Kalela 1999, p. 152.

56 ent perspectives to look at the same material from different an- gels.92 This is the exact same approach that I have used in this compilation thesis.93 To date, three of the four articles that are included in this dissertation have been peer reviewed and published in academic journals in Sweden, England and Denmark. The fourth article has also gone through the double-blind peer review process, and has been accepted for publication in the Swedish journal Scandia. Two of the journals – the Swedish Journal for Music Research, and Kul- turstudier, a cultural studies journal in Denmark – are not historical journals. These two articles are nevertheless embedded in a historical framework in this introductory chapter.

Language and reflexivity Before finally engaging in an analysis of the different ways in which Hip-hop artists in Sweden and Chile create and negotiate their identities in connection to different pasts, I will briefly discuss the limitations of language and reflection itself. I conducted all interviews in Sweden in Swedish and all interview in Chile in Spanish, and all translations from Spanish and Swedish are my own. While I speak both languages, my Swedish is more fluent, as I have been living in Sweden and using the language in everyday life since 2008. Also, Chilean Spanish is spoken faster than, for instance, Argentinian Spanish. It has its own words and expressions that it took me some time to get used to during my stay in the country in June 2015. Having lived and worked in Sweden since 2008, I claim to have a better understanding of Swedish culture and the Swedish language, than of Chilean culture and Spanish. That also means that some aspects of my interviews and my analysis might indeed have been lost in translation.

92 ”Histoire croisée bietet die Möglichkeit die entsprechenden Variationen in die Bestimmung der Gegensätze und Prozesse hinein zu transportieren.” Werner & Zim- merman 2002, p. 629. 93 However, an entangled history perspective does not have to be combined with the form of a compilation thesis. Adam Hjorthén who has also used an entangled history approach to discuss border-crossing commemorations between the United States and Sweden has written a monograph. Adam Hjorthén, Border-crossing commemorations: entangled histories of Swedish settling in America, Diss., Stockholm 2015.

57 While I have made every effort to understand and to reflect on all aspects of my empirical material, my theoretical frameworks, my motivation, and my use and understanding of language, I can never be completely sure that I avoid all the pitfalls of confirming stereotypes, or that it will not be used to confirm such stereotypes in the future. An academic analysis that focuses on constructions of the “other” always runs the risk of confirming, rather than deconstructing and historicizing, and thereby questioning such constructions. The following lines written by literary theorist Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak guided me throughout my writing process:

(…) the promise of justice must attend not only to the seduction of power, but also to the anguish that knowledge must suppress difference as well as differance, that a fully just world is impos- sible, forever deferred and different $" "'$ #$"&"!%5 & '! !&")) '%&$%&%"!&& )!$&"&$8LG My reading of this quote, that I detail in the following, has encouraged me to continue my work in spite of all the limitations and risks noted above. Every analysis that engages in deconstructing and questioning stereotypes (the promise of justice) must be aware of its own ability to create, define and highlight such stereotypes and not be seduced by this power into thinking that it can speak the final “truth” (the seduction of power). Therefore, it must also be aware, and endure the consequences of, the fact that every definition it creates suppresses, and thereby excludes, other possible definitions (the anguish that knowledge must suppress difference as well as differance that is, the notion that !!!!"& *. It lies in the nature of language and analysis itself that differences have to be named and defined in order to be able to discuss their effects. Such an analysis will not necessarily lead to the results that it had planned for, as a fully just world is impossi- ble (forever deferred and different from our projections). In spite of all of these risks, it is important to engage in such analysis, that is,

94 Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak ”History” in: Spivak A Critique of Postcolonial Reason: toward a history of the vanishing present Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Cambridge, Mass., 1999 p. 199.

58 to decide to set out to hear and listen to the “other” (we must risk the decision that we can hear the other). With these thoughts in mind, I begin the analytical part of this dissertation

59 LOOP I: IDENTITY AND REPRESENTATION

In this first loop I discuss the creation and negotiation of a Chilean or Latino identity in a Swedish Hip-hop context. I start by introducing the way in which earlier research on Hip-hop in Sweden has placed the culture within a specific historical context by defining it as a representative of the marginalized other living in the low- income, immigrant-dominated förorten in Sweden. I then move on to discuss what will be called the play of differences as a stylistic element of African American culture in general, and Hip-hop culture in particular, and to argue, that such play can be analyzed by using Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s notion of the double meaning of representation and the other. After a short summary of the results of the first article, I conclude this first loop by discussing the ways in which the representations of a Chilean or Latino identity in the lyrics of Advance Patrol can be discussed in terms of: the narrative of the good Sweden (defined as solidarity with Chile), the narrative of the old Sweden (defined as based on an essentialist definition of cultural identities) and remembering and forgetting the Pinochet regime.

60 Hip-hop studies in Sweden In the foreword of the anthology Global Noise: Rap and Hip Hop Outside the USA, its editor, Tony Mitchell points out that as Hip- hop became increasingly commercialized and popularized in the United States during the 1990s, it, at the same time, developed into a “vehicle for global youth affiliations and a tool for reworking local identity all over the world.”95 Published in 2001, the anthology also attested to a growing academic interest in studying Hip- hop culture outside of the United States in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Its title is a reference to a seminal book on U.S. American Hip-hop culture that is today considered one of the most important early publications within the growing field of Hip-hop studies: Tricia Rose’s Black Noise: rap music and black culture in contemporary America.96 The first Scandinavian anthology on Hip-hop was published in 2008. Edited by Birgitta Stougaard Petersen and Mads Krogh, it features chapters on different aspects of the culture in Denmark, Sweden, and Norway.97 Academic studies concerning themselves with Swedish Hip-hop started to emerge in the late 1990s and early 2000s. These include: Ove Sernhede’s sociological analysis of male Hip-hop youth in Gothenburg; Johan Söderman’s study of learning strategies among, and the creation of artist identities by, Swedish Hip-hop artists; Anna Bredström and Magnus Dahlstedt’s audience reception study of Swedish Hip-hop; Kalle Berggren’s sociological analysis of Hip- hop lyrics, and Jacob Kimwall’s analysis of graffiti in the United States, Germany and Sweden.98 All of these studies are based on

LH Tony Mitchell, ”Introduction – Another Root – Hip-Hop outside the USA” in Global Noise – Rap and Hip-Hop outside the USA, Tony Mitchell (ed.), Middletown, Connect- icut 2001, p. 2. 96 Tricia Rose, Black Noise: rap music and black culture in contemporary America, Hanover N.H., 1994. 97 Brigitte Stougaard Pedersen & Mads Krogh (eds.), Hiphop i Skandinavien, Århus 2008. 98 Anna Bredström & Magnus Dahlstedt, Folkhemsrap? Motstånd och ‘anständighet’ I svensk hip hop, Norrköping 2002; Ove Sernhede, Alienation is my nation: hiphop och unga mäns utanförskap i Det nya Sverige, Stockholm 2002; In his dissertation Johan Söderman focused on informal learning processes in Swedish Hip-hop culture: Johan Söderman, Rap(p) i käften: hiphopmusikers konstnärliga och pedagogiska strategier, Diss. Lund 2007; Sernhede & Söderman 2010; D’Urso 2013; Berggren 2014; Art historian Jacob Kimvall traces the development of graffiti in New York, Berlin and Stockholm in his dissertation: Jacob Kimvall, The G-word: virtuosity and violation, negotiating and transforming graffiti, Diss., Stockholm 2014. Ongoing studies also include: Ackfeldt, Anders, forthcoming. Sights and Sounds of Islam – Islamic Semiotics

61 the assumption that Hip-hop culture has to be understood and interpreted within the specific economic, social and cultural context within which it has emerged. In Sweden, these contexts include: the economic crisis and the emergence of the Swedish förorten, both as physical, and imagined locations, as well as the increasing influx of migrants from non-European countries and the accompanying increase of anti-immigration sentiments in Sweden during the late 1980s and 1990s. The areas that are today known as förorten (suburbs) were built in the context of the so-called miljonprogrammet (million program), a housing program that, as its name suggests, was designed to create a million new homes for a growing Swedish population.99 The program was initiated in 1965. However, by the end of the 1970s, the situation had changed, as a housing surplus coincided with rising criticism of the förorten. Among others, critics claimed that the high-rises that were constructed within the framework of the program offered very low housing standards. Although the housing prices in city centers had started to rise, many of the early inhabitants consequentially started to move away from the förorten during the 1970s and 1980s. In the late 1980s, Sweden also faced an economic crisis, which led to growing unemploy- ment. The combination of this crisis with the arrival of greater numbers of non-European migrants brought with it a rise in political hostility, and increasing physical violence directed toward perceived outsiders.100 In 1991, the Populist Party Ny Demokrati (New Democracy) was elected into the Riksdagen, the Swedish national parliament on an anti-immigration platform. The migrants who arrived in Sweden during that time often faced great barriers to full participation in economic and social life.DCD As many of them could not afford to live in the city centers, they started to move to the förorten where housing was more

and U.S. Hip-hop Culture; The forthcoming thesis by ethnologist Andrea Dankic focuses on an understanding of music-making processes in hip hop. Andrea Dankic, Att göra hiphop. Musikskapande processer som praktik och position, forthcoming. 99 Sören Olsson & Anders Törnquist, Förorten: insatser och utveckling under 40 år, Stockholm 2009. 100 Carin Norén, Myten om det mångkulturella samhället: En diskursanalys av mång- faldsrelaterade begrepp och etnicitet i svensk kulturpolitik, Borås 2004. 101 Paulina de los Reyes, ”Förord”, in Arbetslivets (o)synliga murar – diskriminering i arbetslivet” Paulina de los Reyes (ed.), Stockholm 2006.

62 affordable. By the beginning of the 1990s, the perception and image of the förorten had thus changed dramatically. While early accounts describe the areas as clean, modern and attractive, the förorten gradually started to be defined and be perceived as low- income, immigrant-dominated areas. Thereby, they became the marker of a segregated city along the lines of class, ethnicity, and race during the late 1980s and 1990s.DCE This changing perception and representation of the förorten was, in other words, also closely connected to the creation and perception of a collective migrant identity in Sweden. It has to be noted however, that those areas that are commonly referred to as the förorten are neither homogenous, nor necessarily always suburbs in a strict sense. While those areas that are called the förorten in Stockholm are, in fact, located outside of the city center, the areas that are commonly referred to as the förorten in Malmö are located much closer to the city center. As Beatriz Lindquist notes, such a perception also influenced the ways in which individuals living in the förorten, or those areas imagined as such, perceived their surroundings and, in turn, the ways in which they created and negotiated their identities. In her study of Chilean and Latin American migrants who settled at Holma, an area in Malmö that was built in the early 1970s, she argues that many Chilean migrants initially moved to the area, as they wanted to live in close proximity to each other to facilitate their ongoing political work directed at Chile.103 As Holma nevertheless soon came to be seen as part of the problematic narrative of the förorten during the 1980s, the Chilean and Latin American migrants themselves started to refer to the area as a “ghetto”. Thereby, they both referred to the Chilean colony in Holma, and to the negative reputation assigned to the area that, within the public imagination had been defined as a förort. In this sense, the concept of the förorten is both a physical, and an imagined location in Sweden.

DCE As Elisabeth Lilja points out, integration of segregated neighborhoods has been on the political agenda in Sweden since the 1970s. However, the first successful programs were initiated in the late 1990s. Elisabeth Lilja, ”Att planera för integration” in Den ifrågasatta förorten: identitet och tillhörighet i moderna förorter, Elisabeth Lilja, Stockholm 1999, p. 101. 103 Lindqvist 1991, p. 37.

63 It is this context that earlier research on Swedish Hip-hop refers to when it claims that Hip-hop culture has made visible and audible, and thereby become the representative of, marginalized youth that grew up in these förorten.104 Such representations have been defined in terms of two different types of solidarity. On the one hand, Swedish Hip-hop has been seen as based on a form of solidarity in the förorten that serves to render earlier differences, that is, specific migration experiences obsolete. This form of solidarity solely focuses on the shared experience of (spatial) marginalization based on race/ethnicity and class. On the other hand, Swedish Hip- hop has been seen as based on a form of solidarity that highlights the similarities between the experience of living in the förorten, and the historical experience of African Americans in the United States.105 This second form of solidarity also includes the notion that, as an art form, Hip-hop is rooted in African American culture and style. Swedish Hip-hop has in other words been studied and defined as an art form with roots in African American culture that creates solidarity among, and represents or “speaks for” marginalized youth (or society’s “other”) in the low-income, immigrant dominated förorten. In the following, I will discuss what will be called the play of differences that connects representation and the other as a stylistic element of African American culture.

The play of differences As historian Jeffrey Ogbar points out, Hip-hop is “deeply rooted in the expressive culture of African Americans whose music, dance and lyrical style provide an artistic continuity, and thereby the context to the core character of Hip-hop.”106 The lyrical style of Hip-hop culture is in turn based on what literary scholar Henry Louis Gates Jr. calls Black English. 107 Signifyin(g), one of the

104 For a discussion of the connection of politics and music in general, see: John Street, Music and Politics. Cambridge 2012. 105 Sernhede & Söderman 2010, p. 11; Ove Sernhede, Ungdom och kulturens omvandlingar: åtta essäer om modernitet, ungas skapande och fascination inför svart kultur, Göteborg 2006, p. 125. 106 Jeffrey Ogbonna Green Ogbar. Hip-hop revolution: the culture and politics of rap, Lawrence 2007, p. 14. 107 Henry Louis Gates Jr. “Introduction” in The Signifying Monkey, A Theory of African-American Literary Criticism, Henry Louis Gates Jr., Oxford 1988, p. xix.

64 foundational principles of Black English, is also a defining element of Hip-hop culture. The concept has its origins in a series of Afri- can-American fables in which the protagonist, the Signifying Mon- key, acts as a trickster who “reflect(s) on the uses of formal language” through a “play of differences” that is present in African- American written and oral traditions. 108 The concept itself can be defined as “repetition with a difference, the same and yet not the same.”109 In their book Planet Hip-hop, Sernhede and Söderman point out the double meaning of the word “bad” in Michael Jack- son’s like-named song as an example of such a “play of differences.” The song transforms the meaning of “being bad” to “being good” through the “play of differences.” The meaning conveyed through such play is never linear. African American cultural elements are inherently intertextual and “point at many different directions at once,” which means that words or expressions can have many different meanings, depending on the context within which they are uttered or analyzed.110 Historically, the “play of differences” provided for the survival of the “black vernacular” in the Americas. Gates Jr. argues that, faced with hostile and alien environments in the New World, African peoples who had been sold into slavery engaged in a form of cultural expression that allowed them to “simultaneously con- ceal and reveal, disguise and display themselves,” through continu- ous artistic reinvention and improvisation.111 As Stuart Hall points out, one of the techniques of repression used by the slave owners was to force them to forget their history in an attempt to dehuman- ize them.112 In order to overcome such a forced separation, the slaves nevertheless engaged in a “retelling of the past” that included conscious references to African traditions and historical connections through the play of differences.113 Gates Jr. claims that Signi- fyin(g) is a tradition that existed before African peoples arrived in

108 Gates 1988, p. xxi. 109 Russel A. Potter, Spectacular Vernaculars: hip-hop and the politics of postmodern- ism, Albany 1995, p. 27. 110 Sernhede & Söderman 2010, p. 33. DDD Halifu Osumare, The Africanist aesthetic in global hip hop: power moves, New York, NY 1997, p. 12 and p. 26. DDE Hall 1990, p. 230. DDF Hall 1990, p. 224.

65 the Americas by arguing that the Signifying Monkey is the African- American variant of Esu-Elegbara, a trickster and messenger of the gods in an African tradition. Such a definition of the emergence of African American cultural elements can also be problematic. Trac- ing back its emergence to the time of slavery can lead to the assumption that African American culture is merely a reaction to, or mirror of, dominant U.S. American culture. 114 Such a view can also amount to a celebration of creativity under excruciating circumstances, and the conviction that such dire circumstances were and are needed for creation, instead of focusing on abolishing marginalization.115 An attempt to trace back the “roots” of Hip-hop to Africa can also be seen as a means to suggest that cultures can be reconstruct- ed as historically isolated from each other. In opposition to such an essentialist reconstruction of African American culture that would lead to a loss in the synchronic richness of its development, cultural theorist Paul Gilroy argues that it is not possible to define and limit culture solely by focusing on ethnicity or race.116 In his book The Black Atlantic he describes black culture as a mixture of elements created through interaction and communication in a black diaspora, or rather, the Black Atlantic, that spans the Caribbean, Africa, Europe and America. Gilroy sees Hip-hop culture as part of a long history of a “cultural intersection of African diasporic blending” that not only draws upon African-American traditions, “but upon its dense interconnections with black diasporic music, from dancehall to Afro-pop from soca to UK funk.”117 Although some critics argue that Gilroy places Hip-hop in a global context too quickly, and does not pay sufficient attention to its more indigenous roots, Gilroy’s view of cultural development corresponds well with the entangled history perspective used in this dissertation. Both approaches see cultures as created through constant communication

DDG Molefi K. Asante, It's bigger than hip-hop: the rise of the post-hip-hop generation, New York 2008, p. 8. DDH Tricia Rose, The hip hop wars: what we talk about when we talk about hip hop--and why it matters, New York 2008. DDI Paul Gilroy, The black Atlantic: modernity and double consciousness, Cambridge 1993, p. 35; See even: Sernhede 2002, p. 110. 117Gilroy 1993. See even: Osumare 1997, p. 24; Potter 1995, p. 26.

66 within, and across, national borders, marked by shifting power hierarchies and relationships.118 I here define Signifyin(g), or the “play of differences”, as a stylistic element that allows Hip-hop artist to engage in societal critique in a “playful” way through irony, multiple meanings, and innuen- do, and thereby, to be both entertaining, while, at the same time, engaging in societal critique and commentary.119 An analysis of Signifyin(g) in Hip-hop culture must take into account both its historicity that is, its intimate connection to the black diasporic experience that is constantly debated both within and outside of academia, as well as the historicity of the specific moment within which it is used. Although the historical moments in which Hip- hop artists engage in a “play of differences” are often very similar, they, at the same time differ from each other in terms of political and economic power hierarchies. Hip-hop artists use the “play of differences” to reflect on and negotiate marginalization created within these specific historical power contexts. By doing so, they, at the same time, become representatives of a marginalized group – in the Swedish case, the youth living in the low-income immigrant- dominated förorten – that is, society’s other in the public debate. The question becomes how such representations can be analyzed, taking into account that an academic analysis of Hip-hop can never exhaust the importance, meaning of, or references created through the “play of differences”.120 In the following, I will argue that one possible way to engage in such an analysis is to use literary scholar Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s notion of the double meaning of representation and the other outlined in her essay Can the Subaltern Speak?

Representation and the “other” Spivak’s essay Can the subaltern speak? was first delivered in 1983, and is today regarded as one of the foundational texts within the field of postcolonial studies. The theories developed in this field

118 Greg Dimitriadis, “Framing Hip-hop – New Methodologies for New Times” Urban Education 2015(50):1, p. 44. DDL Osumare 1997, p. 24. DEC Dimitriadis 2015, p. 35.

67 that has primarily emerged out of literary studies are today applied across different disciplines, among them, historical studies. While there are many scholars who apply a postcolonial analysis in their research, there are also important differences in emphasis. In her book Writing Postcolonial History, Rochona Majumdar provides a comprehensive introduction, and an overview of the use of postcolonial theory in the historical discipline in the Anglophone world.121 In general, it can be stated that postcolonial thought has helped historians to question the modes of cultural perception, that is, the ways of viewing and being viewed. As Robert Young points out, historians who engage in postcolonial analysis generally have an interest in discussing the voices of those who, whenever they speak, have the sense that they already in some sense (have been) spoken for.DEE The analysis contained in the first article focuses on the way in which the group Advance Patrol “speak for” the marginalized youth in the förorten, while they, at the same time, also display this sense of already having been spoken for. ! #Spivak argues that an analysis of the representations of created by the “other” must take into account that both “representation” and the “other” have two different meanings. To begin with, representation can both stand for political or artistic representation. In its political form, it refers to individuals who are representing, and thereby “speaking for” a group.123 As outlined above, Hip-hop artists have been seen as representatives who “speak for” the marginalized youth living in the förorten or those areas that are imagined as such, in the public debate. In this first meaning of representation, culture is thus intimately connected to politics. The second meaning of representation according to Spivak is not necessarily political. As “staging” it simply means: representing a work of art. Translated into a Hip- hop context, this means that Hip-hop artists are representatives who “stage” themselves as individual artists while they, at the same time “speak for” a marginalized group. That which compli- cates matters further, however, is the fact that Hip-hop artists

121 Rochona Majumdar,Writing postcolonial history. London 2010. 122 Robert C. Young, Postcolonialism: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford 2003, p. 1. 123 Spivak uses the German word Vertreten to designate this first form of representation, and the word Darstellen to designate its second form.

68 engage in the above-mentioned “play of differences” within which they both act as representatives that is, “speakers” of society’s “other” and, at the same time, as representatives who “stage” themselves as that “other.” An analysis of representation in a Hip- hop context must therefore also take into account that the “other” has two meanings. In general, the “other” is a concept that aims to define specific groups as different from “us”. In this first sense, the “other” is part of a hegemonic logic of “we” against “them. Yet, as this logic relies on definitions of “us” and “them” that are constantly shifting and changing, the concept of the “other” can never conclusive- ly capture or define the “other”. In this second sense, the “other” therefore remains what historian Birla Ritu calls a “radical alterity” that cannot be contained within a hegemonic logic of “we” against “them.” The “other” is, in other words, located both inside and outside of a hegemonic logic. Yet, how can these two meanings of the “other” be connected with the two meanings of representation outlined above? That is, in what way can those who have been assigned the role of the societal “other” react to such marginalization? Cultural theorist Alberto Moreiras argues that there are two ways in which they can do so. On the one hand, they can reach certain political goals by temporarily assuming, or representing, themselves as the “other”. By tactically assuming the imagined or “fictitious” role of the “other”, they can become part of the public debate and offer concrete solutions to end marginalization.124 Yet, as the “other” cannot be contained within a hegemonic logic, representations of the “other” can also serve to simply confirm a difference between “us” and “them” without offering such solutions. In this second sense, the “other” resists assimilation into a hegemonic logic, and thereby reconciliation with a dominant historical narrative. A historical analysis can, in other word, never completely represent the history of the “other”. The definition of these two meanings of the “other” also calls attention to the fact that all forms of differences are imagined,!&&%"& #")$ % never fully fixed but always moving, as it is caught up in an

124 Alberto Moreiras, ”Hybridity and Double Consciousness”, Cultural Studies 1999(13):3, p. 392.

69 ongoing process of renewal, defense and resistance.125 In the following summary of the first article I "'& !&)+!) '% &%&"$& $ )"$!&$& 5%) %&%$%' &%8

125 $%&$/ 1 %&&ECCE5#8E8

70 SUMMARY OF ARTICLE I

REPRESENTING THE MARGINALIZED OTHER – THE SWEDISH HIP-HOP GROUP ADVANCE PATROL

Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning – Swedish Journal of Music Research 2014:96, p. 105-125. Introduction The first article sets out to provide a more detailed account of the representation of the marginalized other in Swedish Hip-hop by tracing the ways in which representation – as both speaking for and staging – is connected to the marginalized other in the lyrics of the Malmö-based Hip-hop group Advance Patrol. In their lyrics, Advance Patrol not only stage themselves as artists who speak for a marginalized other and artists who distance themselves from such representations by creating an externalized other; their lyrics also stage them as what will be called a transnational other in-between Chile and Sweden and, thereby, connect them with a migration history in-between Chile and Sweden. By asking how Advance Patrol represent the marginalized other in their lyrics between 2003 and 2006, the article makes visible different forms of representations through which they both become, and distance themselves

71 from being, the representatives of a marginalized ”we” that has been the basis of earlier research. Method and design After reviewing Advance Patrol’s lyrics directed at the Swedish market between 2003 and 2006, I developed three categories for the different types of representations that I identified in them. The first category concerns itself with Advance Patrol’s representations as Hip-hop artists, both in a Swedish context and within the framework of the global Hip-hop community. A second category outlines their representations as the transnational other navigating in-between Chile – the former home country of their parents – and Sweden, whereas the third and last category addresses Advance Patrol’s representations in the context of their constructions of externalized others.

Results My article argues that Advance Patrol’s representations in these three categories shift between the two meanings of the other, as they draw on both the fictitious and negative registers. In the following, I will summarize the three categories of representation outlined above, and discuss the way in which they are shifting between the two meanings of the other. The first category - ‘representation – the artist(s)’ - addresses three different forms of representations. First, Advance Patrol’s staging as artists in a Swedish context as the mostly harmless other; second, their staging as artists in the context of a global Hip-hop community, and third, their attempts as artists to speak for those who are located in the ‘lower stratum’ of society. In this first category Advance Patrol stage themselves as the other that speaks for the ‘lower stratum’ of society by blurring the distinction between the two meanings of representation. They use a form of tactical essentialism that creates a ‘we’ that is being ignored by ‘them’ and offer a concrete solution to end marginalization, namely making society, that is, ‘them’ live up to the democratic promise by including ‘us’. By offering a solution they thus draw on the ficti-

72 tious register. Yet, they also simultaneously draw on the negative register in this first category as the artist name Gonza Blatteskån- ska stages Gonza as a permanent outsider in both a Swedish and a global Hip-hop context.126 Instead of staging himself as an artist who speaks for the other in order to abolish marginalization, the other/’blatte’ here serves as a reminder that hegemonic politics can always abolish some marginalities ‘but can never abolish them all – it needs them as that upon which it constitutes itself.’DEJ The second category – ‘representation – the transnational other’ – then addresses the staging of another permanent outsider, in this case in both a Swedish and Chilean context. Although this transnational other is primarily described through an external identification as opposed to the self-identification of Gonza as ‘blatte’ in the first category, its staging can also be seen as an example of the use of the negative register. I here claim that Advance Patrol, instead of offering a solution to end marginalization, argue that pure national essentialisms necessarily create marginalized others that have to remain permanent outsiders in order for the essentialisms to function. They then describe the transnational other as connected to Sweden through learning and teaching ‘Swedish history’, and to Chile through ‘pride’, ‘blood’ and ‘home’. The latter connection is then imported to a Swedish context as the connections of ‘blood’ that are initially attributed to ‘Chile’ are extended to include all those who are identified as the other/immigrant-youth in Sweden. This import becomes possible as Advance Patrol stage themselves as their representatives/speakers by advocating a brand of social democratic solidarity from the 1970s connected to the immigrant past of their parent generation. Such a renewed collapse of the two meanings of representation only works once the staging of the other/Chilean is replaced by the staging of the other/’blatte’ who can become the future representative/speaker of a ‘new Sweden’. Nevertheless, the solution to end marginalization suggested here – ‘learning from the past’ – does not succeed entirely. The other that speaks for ‘a new Sweden’ remains the ‘blatte’, that is, the permanent outsider even in future projections. Their representation as

126 The word ”blatte” is a derogative term referring to racialized Swedes with an immigration background. 127 Moreiras 1999, p. 392.

73 both staging and speaking for thus shifts from the fictitious to the negative register as it initially offers a solution only to then withdraw it. Advance Patrol here once more reject an exclusive reliance on the fictitious register to then move on to reject an exclusive reliance on the negative register through the representations in the third and final category – ‘representation – the externalized other’. In this third and final category, Advance Patrol construct two types of externalized others – the externalized other/’Kurd’, and the complaining other/immigrant. The other/’Kurd’ can be contextualized in a number of different ways. First, as an affirmation of an already existing hegemonic image of an externalized other in a Swedish context, and thereby as staging of Advance Patrol as hegemonic ‘insiders’ drawing on the fictitious register. Second, as further stressing their staging as nonviolent and inoffensive artists that distance themselves from the violence of the other/’Kurd’. In this context, the most significant aspect of the construction of the other/’Kurd’ is that Advance Patrol not only create an other that differentiates them from other immigrants such as the transnational other discussed above. Here, they go one step further – they distance themselves from being the representatives of a unified marginalized ‘we’ by externalizing the other/’Kurd’. Although the second construction of an externalized other – the other/complaining immigrant is highly problematic as it suggests a firm connection between nationality and freedom of speech. In this context, I see it as a rejection of a pure reliance on the negative register. While the ‘passive’ other/immigrant is described as someone who solely complains, that is, solely draws on the negative register, Juan Havana stages himself as an ‘active’ representative/speaker. He at first ‘complains’ about those instances in which democracy does not live up to its promise of equality, while at the same time making suggestions to end such inequality. He thereby draws on both the negative register (by ‘complaining’) and the fictitious register (by offering solutions).

74 Conclusion In first article I have shown that Spivak’s concept of the double meaning of representation and the other can be used to study the play of difference in Hip-hop lyrics in a fruitful way. I have claimed that while Advance Patrol often speak for the marginalized other in their lyrics they do not at all times voice the grievances of all “immigrants” in Sweden. I argue, that they thereby disrupt the notion of a unified “we” that is represented through Hip-hop outlined by earlier research on Swedish Hip-hop. Advance Patrol are critical of the segregation and marginalization they perceive and experience in Swedish society. They do in other words not claim to be able to speak for a homogenous marginalized group. Their shifting representations do therefore not claim to speak the marginalized other’s truth. Instead, they represent, that is, speak for and stage it as a concept that can never be fully assimilated into a dominant hegemonic structure. The marginalized other represented in the lyrics of Advance Patrol is not entirely knowable; it remains both within and outside of the hegemonic system, resisting appropriation into forms of solidarity that claim to know or speak its “truth.”

75 Discussion and bridge In summary, in the first loop, I agree with earlier research on Swedish Hip-hop that claims that it must be discussed within a specific historical framework. I argue that the representations in the lyrics of Advance Patrol only become intelligible as part of Hip- hop culture that, in turn, has its roots in African American culture, and within the specific historical context of the emergence of the förorten in Sweden outlined above. In this sense, the lyrics of Advance Patrol can be discussed in terms of solidarity, both with an African American experience, and the experience of classed and racialized marginalization in the förorten. My analysis in the first article nevertheless also makes visible that, in terms of the creation and negotiation of different identities through Hip-hop, Advance Patrol create different representations or identity positions in reaction to being positioned as a specific “other”. In their lyrics, they both express solidarity, while they, at the same time, claim, construct, and negotiate an identity that marks them both as the transnational, or Chilean, and the externalized other. As Stuart Hall points out, cultural identities must always be thought of in terms of a dialogic relationship between similarity and continuity on the one hand, and difference and rupture on the other.DEK In this case, this means that while marginalized groups such as migrants are assigned and assume a collective “migrant” identity (similarity), different migration experiences matter, as groups are always historically positioned in slightly different ways within historical power structures (difference). In the following, I will discuss those instances, in which Advance Patrol construct identities that mark them as a specific “other” in connection to the narratives of the good Sweden (defined as based on solidarity with Chile), the old Sweden (defined as based on an essentialist definition of cultural identities) and remembering or forgetting the Pinochet regime. In the article, I briefly mention the lyrics and joint video of the songs “Ett land som är tryggt”/”Betongbarn” (A Country That is Safe/Children of the Concrete) as an example of Advance Patrol’s representation of a transnational or Chilean other. In the lyrics of

128 Hall 1990, p. 226.

76 “Ett land som är tryggt”, Juan Havana creates continuity with a Chilean migration experience in Sweden by claiming to be “active” just like his parents, who fled from Chile to Sweden during the 1970s. The images used in the accompanying video further support such continuity: the video displays black and white video footage that includes people being chased by the military, tanks rolling in the streets, and a group of protester holding an image of president Salvador Allende. These images are alternated with slightly yel- lowed photographs that depict a young family, all wearing clothes and hairstyles that can be associated with the 1970s. As the lyrics of both songs are in Swedish, and the accompanying video also alternates the images with newspaper headlines that mention the 1973 coup in Swedish, I argue that the video is not only directed at a Swedish audience, it also represents the coup in Chile from a Swedish point out view. Thereby, Advance Patrol locate their political activism as Hip- hop artist within, and create continuity with, a specific past in- between Chile and Sweden, namely, the narrative of the good Sweden that is here explicitly connected to the narrative of remembering the Pinochet regime. By “speaking for” and making visible marginalized groups and issues as a Hip-hop artist, Juan continues the political fight of a Chilean parent generation that stood up against Pinochet, and consequentially had to flee Chile during the 1970s and 1980s. Taking into account Beatriz Lindquist’s analysis of the Chilean community in Holma mentioned above, Advance Patrol’s activism can also be seen as continuity in terms of the förorten: there was already a community of Chilean political activists in place that used the word “ghetto” as referring both to society’s “other,” and to a local Chilean community before Hip- hop culture emerged in the förorten. As the song “Ett Land som är tryggt” features a sample of the song “Alturas” by Chilean folk music ensemble Inti-Illimani, it also places Advance Patrol within the context of a Chilean diaspora in general. Inti-Illimani is part of the nueva canción movement, a folk-inspired genre of socially conscious protest music with origins in Chile that I will discuss in greater detail below. The song “Altu-

77 ras” was featured on ”Viva Chile,” their first album recorded in exile in 1973.DEL Nevertheless, Advance Patrol also distance themselves from a Chilean parent generation in the lyrics of “Ett land som är tryggt.” Thereby, they stress both generational continuity and generational difference in this first song. Such difference is also marked in the lyrics and images of “Betongbarn,” the second song featured in the video. While “Ett land som är tryggt” describes the way in which their parent generation was warmly welcomed in Sweden during the 1970s, as Olof Palme was Prime Minister, rapper Gonza claims that he grew up with parents who were long-term unemployed during the 1990s, and that he is generally perceived as being criminal in Sweden. It can be argued that his parents are part of the group of migrants who have been facing great barriers to full participation in economic and social life in Sweden since the 1990s.DFC I argue that the joint video of these songs can be seen as an alternative way of teaching Swedish history that is directed at Swedish society in general.DFD It sets out to remind Swedes of the narrative of the good Sweden that is, a “special history” between Chile and Sweden that was marked by solidarity that, according to Advance Patrol, was forgotten in the 1990s. Advance Patrol thereby clearly show that they are aware of the different narratives surrounding Chileans during the exile period in Sweden. Remembering such a history that marks Chileans as “special” in a Swedish context can certainly also be discussed in connection to the narrative of the old Sweden. + "!%&$'&! = '$%> % ! *&$! ,"&$&&=)>"!"&)!&&"(="!"$>%! =&+> " & "!"$:% !%5 (! &$" draw on a narrative that identifies “Kurds” as violent and misogynistic and thereby, as a problem. As I point out in the article, the lyrics of the song “Åsiktsfrihet” argue that “passive” complaining immigrants should be expelled from Sweden and return “to the place they

129 The nueva canción movement was a folk-inspired genre of socially conscious protest music with origins in Chile that among others spoke up against US-backed military regimes during the 1960s and 1970s. I will discuss it in greater detail below. 130 de los Reyes 2006. 131 Katelyn Knox argues that Hip-hop can be analyzed as an alternative way to teach history. Katelyn Knox, ”Rapping Postmemory, Sampling the Archive: Reimagining 17 October 1961” Modern & Contemporary France 2014(22):3, p. 382.

78 come from.” These representations once more make visible that different groups are differently positioned within historical power structures. Yet, they also make visible that claiming a “special” Chilean identity in Sweden can be connected to the repression of other immigrant identities. Such a construction is therefore closer related to the narrative of the old Sweden that is based on an essential view of cultural identities. In this case, the narrative is not connected to nostalgia toward a version of the past that constructs Sweden as a homogenous “white” nation. It is rather a strategy used by Advance Patrol to become Swedish or claim belonging in a Swedish context. This latter aspect can also be discussed in terms of the theoretical framework used in the article. While Spivak wrote Can the Subaltern Speak? in order to discuss the possibilities of making visible those who are located outside of mainstream narratives, Advance Patrol are clearly not marginalized to such an extent. Although they, just as many other, but by no means all, Hip-hop artists grew up in the marginalized förorten, and set out to represent these areas through their music, they still speak from a relative position of power in – at least – three ways. First of all, as I have pointed out above, Hip-hop is highly visible in current Swedish mainstream culture. Advance Patrol can therefore not be seen as a completely subaltern or marginalized group. Hip-hop culture, in turn, contains specific codes that, as I have pointed out in the article, are all present in the work of Advance Patrol. They are thus not positioned as a marginal group in a Hip-hop context either. Second, as I have shown above, they are able to claim being part of the mainstream narrative of the good Sweden, as their Chilean parent generation was highly regarded in Sweden. Their narrative can in other words be seen as an attempt to return to a mainstream context, rather than becoming part of it for the first time. The third way in which Advance Patrol are speaking from a relative position of power becomes visible in the transnational context in-between Sweden and Chile. As there still is a huge economic gap between Sweden and Chile, there is also a significant difference between what is considered a marginalized, low-income area between the two countries. As I will discuss in further detail in the following,

79 loop, in a Chilean context, Swedish artists are therefore regarded as members of the middle class. In the excerpts of the lyrics of Advance Patrol discussed here, a Chilean identity is both marked by generational continuity and rupture, while it, at the same time is distinguished from other migrant groups that are constructed as violent, misogynistic and passive. It is thereby both connected to the narrative of the good Sweden and the narrative of remembering the Pinochet regime that is based on solidarity, as well as the narrative of the old Sweden that is based on an essential definition of cultural identities. Instead of contributing to the “disappearance of memory,” contemporary media and popular culture are in other words arenas in, and through which individuals express and negotiate social memory.132 While this first loop has primarily discussed the creation and negotiation of a Chilean identity in a Swedish Hip-hop context, the following loop will focus on &"!%&$'&"!" !!&&+ &$"' #:"#!:&)! !)!8$+5&) & "%$ ""&&!$$&(%"&"")!%%" $&+)& 5!&!$$&("&" )!%%"!!%%!& !&"!"' &'$ !&&%8

132 Zierold 2010, p. 399.

80 LOOP II: IDENTITY AND POSTMEMORY

In the second loop I discuss the creation and negotiation of a Chilean or Latino identity through Hip-hop in-between Chile and Sweden in terms of intersectionality and postmemory. I start by taking a closer look at the historical background of the narrative of the good Sweden that is based on solidarity with Chile and the narrative of remembering the Pinochet regime: the context of migration from Chile to Sweden that started in 1973, the subsequent Chilean diasporization process in Sweden, and the Swedish solidarity movement. I then move on to introduce the definition of intersectionality by sociologist Nira Yuval-Davis that is used as a theoretical framework in the second article. After a short summary of the results of this second article, I conclude the second loop by discussing the way in which the Chilean or Latino identity created and negotiated by Rodde can be discussed in terms of postmemory and in connection to the narrative of the good Sweden (defined as based on solidarity with Chile and multiculturalism), the narrative of the old Sweden and remembering and forgetting the Pinochet regime.

81 Remembering the regime: Chile and Sweden since 1973 The specific historical context within which I will discuss Rodde’s negotiation of difference in-between Chile and Sweden had its beginnings in the late 1960s, as the left-wing political alliance Unidad Popular (the Popular Unity), was founded. The UP was a coalition that included most of the Chilean Left: the Communist Party, the Social Democratic Party, the Independent Popular Ac- tion and MAPU (Movimiento de Acción Popular Unitario), and later, the Christian Left and the MAPU Obrero Campesino, a splinter group of the MAPU party. The UP stood behind the successful presidential candidacy of Salvador Allende, the co-founder of Chile’s Socialist Party, in 1970. Although Chile had been gov- erned by democratically elected civilian governments since the 1930s, Allende was the “first openly avowed Marxist president to access power in Latin America via legal and democratic means.”133 Under Allende’s leadership, the UP set out to define a “Chilean way to socialism,” an experiment for socialist change, that included economic and social reforms, as well as structural changes. These plans included the transfer of assets and resources from the private sector to the state, as well as income redistribution from rich segments of society to poorer segments.134 Allende’s election also gained considerable attention abroad. His presidency was overshadowed by both domestic and foreign tensions. On the domestic front, Allende, who was elected on a very narrow margin, faced economic problems and social turbulence, as well as increasing political polarization. The Revolutionary Left Movement clashed with the conservative and establishment forces, and armed right-wing elements plotted to destabilize the government. Allende’s presidency was also marked by tensions between socialist governments and the Nixon administration. Although the Cuban missile crisis had taken place eight years earlier, that is, in 1962, the US government still regarded Cuba and the Chilean way to socialism with suspicion. Chile was seen as a hotbed of revolution that could seriously jeopardize U.S. interest in Latin America,

133 Christiaens et al. 2014, p. 7. 134 Felipe Larrain & Patricio Meller “The Socialist-Populist Chilean experience, 1970– 1973” in The Macroeconomics of Populism in Latin America, Rudiger Dornbusch and Sebastian Edwards (eds.), Chicago 1991, p. 175.

82 while Allende was regarded as a pawn of Soviet communism. International tensions intensified during the Cold War, as Nixon ordered a massive two-day bombing of the Vietnamese cities Hanoi and Haipong in 1972. This decision was condoned by a number of organizations and governments, among them the Swedish government under social democratic Prime Minister Olof Palme. A result of Palme’s criticism was that Nixon withdrew the U.S. ambassador to Sweden from Stockholm, and expelled the Swedish ambassador to the United States from Washington.135 Palme, the successor of Tage Erlander who had been the Swedish Prime Minister since 1946, had become Prime Minister in 1969, the same year that the UP was founded in Chile. Palme’s administration quickly set out to change the Swedish government’s attitude, in regards to international politics in general, and toward the United States in particular: it became more involved and outspokenly critical. This also included the intensification of bilateral relations with countries that had social democratic or left governments such as Chile. Earlier research has shown, that the CIA was involved in the growth of opposition and turbulence in Chile, which contributed to the downfall of the Allende government and the coup d’état by general Augusto Pinochet in 1973.136 On September 11 the military attacked La Moneda, the presidential residence in the Chilean capital Santiago, arrested thousands of citizens and installed a military regime in the country. The coup, the death of Salvador Allende, and his emotional last message, and the subsequent torture of dissidents were broadcast to a worldwide audience where it “stirred the consciences of global public opinion.”137 As Fernando Camacho Padilla, who has written extensively on bilateral relations between Chile and Sweden before and after 1973 points out, foreign embassies in Santiago played a central role in the immediate aftermath of the coup. Among them, the Swedish embassy took in the highest number of civilians to channel out of the country. These individuals did not only include Chileans who were part of, or sympathized with, the UP, and therefore had to flee the country

135 Fernando Camacho Padilla, “Las relaciones entre Chile y Suecia durante el primer gobierno de Olof Palme, 1969–1976”, Iberoamericana 2007(7):25, p. 66. 136 Christiaens et al. 2014, p. 10. 137 Christiaens et al. 2014, p. 7.

83 after the coup. The embassy also took in Swedes who had come to Chile before the coup to work as volunteers supporting the work of UP, as well as other Latin American citizens who %"'& $'! 5!!")"! "$&" $" &$+$' 8DFK ! $DLJF5&)% %%"$&" 5 $ : %& &" (&"'!&$+5%)% $#$%"!!"!$& +& &$+$ 5%"!%$#&#$"&%&%!"$&%&" &"%)")$5"$$&"5#$"%'&+&$ 5&" (&"'!&$+8 After the coup, a large number of Chileans sought political refuge in Sweden. This initial wave was followed by high rates of migration from Chile to Sweden all throughout the 1980s. Sub- stantial numbers of these Chilean refugees continued their political activism in Sweden. They started to organize outposts of their respective political parties, and to collect money for those who had remained in Chile. The exile thereby became an extension of the political and social relationships in Chile.139 As there were previously established alliances, as well as ongoing cooperation between Swedish and Chilean political parties, these networks could start working in the immediate aftermath of 1973. Both the radical and the socialist party in Chile had established cooperation with the social democratic party in Sweden. The Chilean communist party worked with the Swedish communist party, and some of the political refugees in Sweden formed their own committee called the Salvador Allende committee.140 It has to be noted however, that there were other transnational alliances between Sweden and Chile that worked in support of the Pinochet regime.141 By 1973, there were also large civilian solidarity networks in place that could be activated during the 1970s and 1980s. In her book Drömmar och vardag i exil (dreams and everyday life in exile) Beatriz Lindqvist argues that many Chileans who fled the regime had a very ambiva- lent stance toward their new life in Sweden.DGE On the one hand,

138 Fernando Camacho Padilla, “Los asilados de las Embajadas de Europa Occidental en Chile tras el golpe military y sus consecuencias diplomáticas: El caso de Suecia”, European Review of Latin American and Carribean Studies 2006:81, p. 23. DFL Olsson 2007, p. 224. 140 Gradskova p. 10. 141 Camacho Padilla 2007 p. 59. 142 Lindqvist 1991, p. 41.

84 they were determined to maintain strong bonds with their home- land, while they, at the same, time had to adjust to their new lives in Sweden. The description of living life “con las maletas listas” (with packed bags) is therefore a returning expression among Chilean refugees during the 1970s and 1980s, signaling their readiness to return to Chile as soon as possible during this exile period.143 As the Pinochet regime faced growing domestic unrest and opposition all throughout the 1970s and 1980s, in spite of its efforts to repress such opposition, it started to allude to a gradual transi- tion to democracy from the late 1970s onward. As democratic elections finally took place in 1990, and Patricio Aylwin Azócar became the first democratically elected president after the military coup, around 1,8 million Chileans lived outside of Chile.DGG In Sweden, where the number of Chilean refugees was the highest in Europe, discussions surrounding questions of return and responsibility became more fervent after 1990. Some of the exiles chose to return to their home country, while others remained, and still others who had been living in Chile during the dictatorship chose to leave the country and move to Sweden. Those who returned faced considerable difficulties in readjusting to life in Chile. Many of them had spent more than seventeen years outside of Chile, a country that had changed considerably during their absence. The Pinochet regime had also contributed to discrediting those who had fled the country after the coup, among others by claiming that they had left in order to enjoy Western privileges instead of helping out during times of political and economic hardship.DGH After 1990, the Chilean society was also more focused on re- building a democratic order, than focusing on integrating former exiles that had returned to Chile. This return was especially difficult for the children of these exiles. Many of them had been born after their parents fled the country, which meant that they had grown up outside of Chile and had a hard time adjusting to what was perceived as a foreign country. The family of Hip-hop artist

143 Lindqvist 1991, p. 35; Philip Lalander, Respekt: gatukultur, ny etnicitet och droger, Malmö 2009, p. 32. 144 Sjöqvist & Palmgren 1990, p. 20. 145 Sjöqvist & Palmgren 1990, p. 29.

85 Rodrigo Rodde Bernal whom I discuss in the second article was among these exiles: they left Chile during the regime, returned during the 1990s and then moved back to Sweden after a few years. In the following, I will discuss what Erik Olsson calls the diasporization process of Chileans in Sweden, as well as the civilian networks of solidarity created during the 1970s and 1980s, in greater detail. The good Sweden: diasporization, solidarity and culture The group that social anthropologist Erik Olsson discusses in terms of a Chilean or Latin-American diaspora in Sweden includes both Chileans and migrants from countries such as Bolivia, Argentina and Uruguay. Olsson argues that group mobilization plays a key role in community formation, and that such formation always has to be read against the background of specific historical contexts. In his study, he analyzes what he calls the “diasporization process” that has furthered and reproduced identifications with, and experiences of, the Latin American community in Sweden.146 He specifically focuses on the mobilization of a Chilean or Latin American group identity after 1990, that is, the year that democratic rule was reinstated in Chile. Olsson argues that, before 1990, a Chilean or Latin American group identity in Sweden was based on, and could be mobilized through three main aspects: first, a shared language (Spanish); second, similar reasons to have come to Sweden: military coups in their countries of origin; and third, a shared wish to return to, and express solidarity with, leftist movements in these respective countries of origin. The Latin American exile in Sweden can, according to Olsson, therefore be described as a “historically accumulated experience of a political defeat.”147 As I have briefly mentioned above, Chileans who fled to Sweden were not only warmly welcomed by the political establishment, but also by civilian groups. The impact of Chilean exiles on European solidarity movements has nevertheless been a rather underre-

146 Olsson 2007, p. 219. 147 Olsson 2007, p. 222.

86 searched topic in international research.148 There is a tendency to discuss refugees in terms of migration and diaspora, whereas solidarity is discussed in terms of help offered by the global North to the global South. As Kim Christiaens, Magaly Rodríguez García and Idesbald Goddeeris note in the introduction to the 2014 anthology European Solidarity with Chile 1970s-1980s, the international solidarity directed toward those who had to flee the country turned Chile into an “iconic issue, that mobilized people much more than other Latin American countries with similar political repression.”149 Yet, while the anthology features chapters on international solidarity directed at Chile from Switzerland, the United Kingdom, West and East Germany, France, Belgium, Italy, Finland, Hungary and the Soviet Union, it does not include a chapter on the Swedish Chilekommittén, the Chile committee.150 The Chilekommittén was founded in 1972, and was therefore already in place after 1973 to welcome Chilean refugees as kindred political spirits, to greet them upon arrival, and to facilitate their subsequent adaptation to life in Sweden. As Christiaens et al. point out, “the power of solidarity with Chile was that it could mean different things to different groups.” The meaning and idea of solidarity can be analyzed in two ways: first, as recognition of closeness and commonalities, and second, as recognition of distance and difference with the “other.”151 Both of these ideas of solidarity were present in the solidarity movement in Sweden. On the one hand, Chile was described as very similar to Sweden, above all in political terms, that is, as a country with a leftist government. The solidarity movement was convinced that the military junta had

148 Christiaens et al. 2014, p. 11. 149 Ibid, p. 9. 150 Ongoing work on the Chilean diaspora in Sweden includes Yulia Gradskowa´s unpublished manuscript ”Vad angår oss Chile? Solidaritetskultur som en emotionell gemenskap” (How does Chile concern us? Solidarity culture as an emotional community). Gradskova was also involved in organizing a so-called vittnesseminarium (witness seminar) that addressed the organization and meaning of solidarity work directed at Chile and took place on the 9th of March 2016 at Södertörn University. Solidariteten med Chile, Södertörns högskola, http://www.sh.se/p3/ext/custom.nsf/calendar?openagent& key=09_03_solidariteten_med_chile_1453813122422 (2016-03-05). Historian Johan Bergman is currently also working on a project on solidarity between Sweden and Chile. Johan Bergman, forthcoming. Är deras sak vår? Svensk solidaritet med Chile 1971– 1991. 151 Christiaens et al 2014, p. 20.

87 to be removed from power, since what happened in Chile could happen in other, similar countries. The Chilekommittén therefore set out to make visible the cruelty of the Pinochet regime, and to share that information with as many people as possible, among others by publishing articles in their own journal called the Chilebulletin.152 The resistance against the regime was also framed as part of a general fight against fascism and imperialism, and thereby, as part of an international solidarity movement. Political, civic, and church organizations planned protests, collected money, and organized so-called study circles to inform and mobilize the general public on issues related to Chile. This work, that also included refugees from other Latin American countries who had to flee from similar conflicts in their home countries, aimed at creating solidarity, not only on an ideological, but also on an emotional basis.153 As mentioned above, there were also entrepreneurs and politicians in Sweden who regarded the Pinochet regime as a welcome neo-liberal experiment. As Alexandra Ålund and Carl-Ulrik Schierup point out, the Swedish emphasis on international solidarity was also the basis of an ambitious program to accept and integrate refugees in Swe- den.154 Multiculturalism became an important element in Swedish welfare-state politics, which I will discuss in greater detail in the third loop, in 1975. As increasing numbers of migrants from non- European countries started to arrive in the late 1980s and early 1990s, at the same time as Sweden was going through an economic crisis, issues regarding integration and multiculturalism became part of a heated political and public debate. The Swedish solidarity movement also contained aspects of the second form of solidarity outlined above. As the Chilekommittén worked toward creating a sense of community, it, at the same time, set out to spread an image of Chilean culture both within and outside the organization.155 The experience of Chilean culture in the form of music, theater, food, dance, clothes, jewelry and other

152 Gradskova, p. 2. 153 Tornbjer 2008, p. 60. 154 Alexandra Ålund & Carl-Ulrik Schierup, ”Prescribed multiculturalism in crisis” in Paradoxes of Multiculturalism. Essays on Swedish society, Alexandra Ålund & Carl- Ulrik Schierup, Aldershot 1991, p. 2. 155 Gradskova p. 15

88 cultural aspects played a central part in this solidarity work.156 As Yulia Gradoskova points out, the fact that Chilean culture was represented as exotic meant that the meetings became a way for Swedes to experience an exotic culture without having to leave Sweden. At the same time, a romanticized image of the intellectual, often expressive Latin-American political activist and revolutionary was created in Sweden.157 Culture thereby became an important “weapon in the political fight” that was used to attract Swedes to become engaged in solidarity work directed toward Chile.158 At the same time, exile had almost become an institution for many Latin American artists, writers and musicians, such as nueva canción groups Inti Illimani or Quailapayún, who had been forced to flee from Chile after 1973, as they had supported the Unidad Popu- lar.159 Many of these exiled writers and musicians visited Sweden, where members of the Swedish proggrörelsen also warmly welcomed them in the years after the coup. During the 1970s, progg- rörelsen was a considerable force in Swedish popular culture. Much like the nueva canción movement, it was a left wing and anti-capitalist movement that emerged in the late 1960s.160 Its political engagement included expressing solidarity with those segments of the Chilean population that were prosecuted, killed, repressed, or had fled the country after the military coup. Members of progg-rörelsen often participated in, and performed at big demonstrations, such as the protest to stop the Davis Cup-match between Sweden and Chile at Båstad in 1975. At that demonstra- tion, protesters chanted the song Victor Jara dedicated to the late

156 Olsson 2007, p. 223. 157 Olsson2007, p. 224. 158 Gradskova, p. 15. 159 Anna Svensson,"El exilio latinoamericano en Suecia: literatura y estudios", in Migrations and connections: Latin America and Europe in the Modern World : papers of the Fifty-fourth Annual Meeting of the Seminar on the Acquisition of Latin American Library Materials, Berlin 2009, p. 111. 160 Bengt Eriksson has criticized Håkan Lahger, who was part of the progressive movement himself, for only discussing the most visible aspects of the movement in his book Proggen: musikrörelsens uppgång och fall (Proggen – the rise and fall of the musical movement). Eriksson argues that he fails to elaborate on the fact that the musicians were the activists. Håkan Lahger, Proggen: musikrörelsens uppgång och fall, Stockholm 1999. Bengt Eriksson ”Inte `min progg`” in Gränslöst 1999(4). For a study of local practices in the progressive movement see: Thyrén 2009; For the nueva canción movement see: Morris 1984; Foxley 1988; Cervantes & Saldaña 2015.

89 nueva canción artist, written by singer and songwriter Mikael Wiehe. Wiehe himself was part of a solidarity concert organized on the 11th of September 1975 in Stockholm, where he performed together with among others Quilapayún. Victor Jara’s widow Joan Jara, former Swedish Prime Minister Tage Erlander, and the then current Prime Minister Olof Palme also attended the concert.161 The Swedish solidarity movement was in other words created, supported and maintained on both an official political level, and on a civilian level. However, things started to change for the Latin American exile group in Sweden during the 1980s. As democratic governments were reinstated in Argentina in 1983, in Uruguay in 1984, and finally, Chile in 1990, many exiled individuals decided to return to their home countries. Although many of them returned to Sweden, differences within the group became more visible during this period. Particularly the attachment of the children of the Latin Ameri- can exiles, who were either born in Sweden, or came to Sweden as small children, was not self-evident. These changes meant that new strategies were needed to define a Latin American identity in Swe- den. The two main issues that started to become important during that time were: the resistance against the rise of neoliberalism in both Sweden and Chile, and resistance against discrimination, racism and marginalization based on ethnic categories in Sweden. As I pointed out in the first loop, an economic crisis in Sweden was accompanied by increasing anti-immigrant sentiments during the late 1980s. Just as in many other Western societies, a heated political debate on what was called a multicultural society ensued in Sweden during the 1990s. In the second article, I discuss the way in which Swedish Hip-hop artist Rodrigo Rodde Bernal negotiates difference within this historical context. In the following, I will outline the theoretical concept of intersectionality that I use to trace his negotiation in the second article.

161 Mikael Wiehe ”Mikael Wiehe om mannen och låten, som vägrar dö” Vi http://www.vi-tidningen.se/mikael-wiehe-om-mannen-och-laten-som-vagrar-do/ (2016- 05-14)

90 Negotiating difference: Intersectionality and postmemory According to Werner and Zimmerman, the notion of “intersection” is the basic principle of historie croisée or, in this case, entangled history.DIE They argue that historical agents find themselves within different societal power structures that can both enable, or restrict their agency. One way to study such societal power structures is the concept of intersectionality that had its beginnings within black feminist studies. The term was coined by U.S. Ameri- can legal scholar and critical theorist Kimberlé Crenshaw in her 1991 article Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence Against Women of Color.163 As Avtar Brah and Anne Phoenix argue, the concept can be used to analyze “the complex, irreducible, varied and variable effects which ensue when multiple axis of differentiation – economic political, cultural, psychic, subjective and experiential – intersect in historically specific contexts.”164 In Sweden, the concept has been used widely within among others feminist, sociological and historical studies. Histori- an of economics Paulina de los Reyes, cultural geographer Irene Molina, and sociologist Diana Mulinari have for instance defined intersectionality as “an important part of (a) critique of hegemonic white/Nordic feminism and its blindness to race and ethnicity.”165 Yet, as Beatriz Lindquist adds, complex identifications cannot be reduced to categories, but have to be understood as effects of articulations of power relations and hierarchies in society.166 I argue that the task of an entangled history perspective, as applied in this dissertation, is thus to take into account that, while such abstract articulations of power relations and social divisions are about macro axes of social power, that work across national,

162 Werner & Zimmerman 2002, p. 630; See even: Hjorthén 2015, p. 29. 163 Kimberlé Crenshaw, ”Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence Against Women of Color” Stanford Law Review 1991:4; Heidi Safia Mirza, ”’A Second Skin’: Embodied Intersectionality, Transnationalism and Narratives of Identity and Belonging among Muslim Women in Britain”, Women Studies International Forum 2013(36), p. 6; Maria Carbin & Sara Edenheim, “The intersectional turn in feminist theory: A dream of a common language? European Journal of Women´s Studies 2013(20):3, p. 236. 164 Safia Mirza 2013, p. 6. 165 Carbin & Edenheim 2013, p. 236. 166 Beatriz Lindqvist ”Siete vidas, siete fragmentos de historia y una totalidad de experiencia”, in Siete vidas: historias de chilenos en Suecia, Angélica Cristina González & Luis Salas, Tumba 2013.

91 transnational and local levels, they “also involve actual, concrete people” that navigate within and between them.167 The aim of writing such entangled history is therefore to carefully analyze the possibilities that are open to individuals in different historical locations and contexts, and in what ways these individuals are able, or willing to oppose, or react to, such social divisions. As Helena Tolvhed points out, the aim of empirical analysis is to make visible the way in which different intersecting categories work in the specific contexts within which they are analyzed.168 There are many studies that trace the way in which power hierarchies produce economic, social and political inequality in women’s lives in different national contexts. An example of these studies is cultural theorist Heidi Safia Mirza’s analysis of Muslim women in Britain in which she uses the term “embodied intersectionality” in order to understand “how power comes to be written through and within the raced and sexed body.”169 As Jeff Hearn and Marina Blagojevic point out in the introduction to the anthology Rethinking Transnational Men: Beyond, Between and Within Nations, the complex intersection between differences and divisions can nevertheless also be applied to men in transnational settings.170An example of such an analysis is ethnologist Farhani Fataneh’s chapter in the same anthology that focuses on how Iranian-born men navigate race, masculinity, and the politics of difference in different diasporic spaces.171 Farhani aims at developing more explicit transnational and intersectional perspectives, by analyzing the way in which normative values and social practices surrounding masculinity enter men’s personal narratives. As sociologist Kalle Berggen points out, international Hip-hop research available in English has given limited attention to

167 Nira Yuval Davis, ”Intersectionality and Feminist Politics” European Journal of Women´s Studies, London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi 2006(13):3, p. 198. 168 Tolvhed 2010, p. 64. 169 Safia Mirza (2013), p. 6. 170 Jeff Hearn and Marina Blagojevic, ”Introducing and Rethinking Transnational Men” in Rethinking Transnational Men: Beyond, Between and Within Nations, Jeff Hearn, Marina Blagojeviâc & Katherine Harrison (eds.), London 2013, p. 6 ff. 171 Fataneh Farhani, ”Racializing Masculinities in Different Diasporic Spaces – Iranian- Born Men’s Navigation of Race, Masculinities, and the Politics of Difference”, in Rethinking Transnational Men: Beyond, Between and Within Nations, Jeff Hearn, Marina Blagojeviâc & Katherine Harrison (eds.), London 2013.

92 questions of gender and intersectionality.172 Berggren’s own study is a notable exception. It has to be noted however, that, while the second article applies an intersectional analysis, it does not explicitly focus on gender. The analysis applied in the second article follows the suggestion of sociologist Nira Yuval-Davis, who argues that social divisions should be analyzed according to the different levels within which they operate. 173 Yuval-Davis claims, that social divisions are not only historically and locationally specific; they also have different ontological bases that are irreducible to each other. Essentializing categories such as Chilean or “working class” as “specific forms of concrete oppression in additive ways” would, according to Yuval- Davis, inevitably “conflate narratives of identity politics with descriptions of positionality” and “identities within the terms of specific political projects.”174 She also notes that individuals who are “positioned in a specific location along one such axis” such as “immigration background” also tend to concentrate in a specific location of another one” such as “class.” In a Swedish context, such a conflation of class and location becomes apparent in the case of the förorten which, as I have argued in the first loop, became the marker of a segregated city along the lines of class, ethnicity, and race during the late 1980s and 1990s. Instead of defining and adding such categories to each other, Yuval-Davis suggests that an analysis of social divisions should set out to trace “different kinds of differences” by trying to make sense of the levels on which difference is created, and on which it operates. Yuval-Davis accounts for four levels: the organizational or institutional level, the intersubjective level, the representational level, and the experiential level. The first level consists of organizations and institutions, such as state laws or agencies, trade unions, voluntary organizations, and the family. The second level focuses on specific power- and affective relationships between individuals acting informally, and/or in their roles as agents of specific social institutions and organizations. The third level takes into account the social divisions created, sustained, and contested through

172 Kalle Berggren, ”Degrees of Intersectionality”, Culture Unbound, 2013:5, p. 191. 173 '( (%ECCI8 174 Yuval-Davis 2006, p. 195.

93 images and symbols, texts and ideologies, while the fourth and final level is based on the subjective experience of everyday life, that is, the experience of inclusion, exclusion, discrimination and disadvantage tied to specific aspirations and specific identities. I also argue that such a view of intersectionality can be combined with postmemory, a concept outlined by Marianne Hirsch. As briefly mentioned in the introduction, Hirsch defines postmemory as “both an inter- and transgenerational act of transfer” that is shaped by conventions, stories and conversations.”175 Hirsch argues that this act of transfer can be traced by accounting for contiguous, intersecting, multidirectional, and connective histories “without allowing them to occlude or erase each other.” This includes “exploring affiliative structures of memory beyond the familial”, and seeing memory as “neither collective nor re- collective but connective,” but as a structure that is created ”through the flux of contacts between people and digital technologies and media.”176 Following a summary of the second article in which I outline the way in which I use the theoretical framework of intersectionality in the article, I will also discuss the way in which postmemory can be used to discuss Rodde’s negotiations of difference.

175 Hirsch 2012, p. 4. 176 Ibid, p. 21.

94 SUMMARY OF ARTICLE II

NEGOTIATING DIFFERENCE IN THE HIP-HOP ZONE IN-BETWEEN CHILE AND SWEDEN

Oral History 2015, p. 51-61. Introduction The second article uses an oral history approach to discuss the Chilean diasporization process in Sweden after 1973 by focusing on the relevance of a Chilean migration experience within Swedish Hip-hop. It asks how Hip-hop artist Rodrigo Rodde Bernal, a member of the Sweden-based group Hermanos Bernal, negotiates difference within what will be called the Hip-hop zone in-between Sweden and Chile. Method and design The article is based on an oral history interview with Rodde, and is divided into four sections that consider the following: first, Rod- de’s definition of being Chilean in Sweden; second, the way in which he contrasts Chile with Sweden; third, his definition of himself as Swedish in Chile; and fourth, his attempts to become Chilean in Chile. In these four sections, the article traces the way in which Rodde negotiates difference on four levels: first, by connect- ing to his family (the familial level therefore replaces the organiza-

95 tional level in this case); second, by discussing and constructing difference on an intersubjective level; third, by both producing and acting on difference created on a representational level; and fourth, through his own experience of difference. Finally, the analysis also traces the way in which his negotiations construct, exclude or include each other.DJJ Results In the first section – on being Chilean in Sweden – I argue that Rodde described his initial connection to Hip-hop as based on both his personal experience of migratized difference in Sweden and through a specific connection to Chileans as an ethnic group represented through the Hip-hop group The Latin Kings. That connection was deepened on an interpersonal level as he set out to represent being a real Chilean through Hip-hop. Although Rodde did not describe himself as a member of a larger group of Swedish- Chilean Hip-hop artists in Sweden, he moved on to define being Chilean as being cultural, whereby being a Chilean Hip-hop artist becomes the epitome of being Chilean in Sweden. Consequently, Rodde’s representation of the cultural Chilean can also be seen as a representation of an already available image of being Chilean in Sweden that emerged during the exile period that can also be read within the general debate on multiculturalism in Sweden that started during the 1990s. In the second section – on Chile versus Sweden – I argue that Rodde negotiates difference on an experiential, familial and representational level. During our interview, he contrasted his own experience and his father’s memories of Chile as a warm, friendly and social place with a cold, closed and unfriendly Sweden, the place where he currently lives and where he is identified as different. By making such an image of Chile part of a Hip-hop context, he then moves it to a representational level, where it becomes a form of group mobilization in the context of the Chilean post-exile community discussed by Olsson.

177 Izabela Dahl & Malin Thor, “Oral history, constructions and deconstructions of narratives: Intersections of class, gender, locality, nation and religion in narratives from a Jewish woman in Sweden” Enquire 2009(3), p7.

96 In the third section – on being Swedish in Chile – I argue that Rodde negotiates difference both through the memory of his mother and his own experience as a Hip-hop artist in Chile. Still, he does not use his mother’s memory of Chile within a Hip-hop context, that is, move it to a representational level. As I have pointed out above, his representation of Chile in a Hip-hop context in Sweden is based on his experience of migratized difference, which means that in Sweden the representation of (Chilean) difference follows from an experience of (migratized) difference within the general context of multiculturalism. In Chile he experiences classed difference as he both represents himself and is identified as a Swedish Hip-hop artist. This means that in this third section experience of (classed) difference follows from the representation of (Swedish) difference. In the fourth and final section – on being Chilean in Chile – I argue that Rodde negotiates difference on an organizational, an intersubjective, a representational and an experiential level. The main argument of this section is that Rodde tried to transfer his migratized experience and his representation of the cultural Chile- an in a Hip-hop context in Sweden into a Chilean context. While he stressed the importance of transferring being a real Chilean from a familial level to a representational level by rapping in real Chilean Spanish, he was not able to establish such a definition on an intersubjective level in Chile. This entails that it was not possible for him to define being a Chilean in a Chilean context. Fur- thermore, he could not transfer his experience and representation of difference in Sweden into a Chilean context where he represents himself and is perceived as a Swedish Hip-hop artist with access to greater financial means and knowledge.

97 Conclusion In the second article, I have traced the ways in which the Hip-hop artist Rodrigo Rodde Bernal negotiates difference within what has been called the Hip-hop zone in-between Sweden and Chile on four different levels: the experiential, the interpersonal, the familial and the representational level. I have claimed that his negotiations can be firmly located within two historical contexts: the process of Chilean diasporization in Sweden that started in 1973, on the one hand, and the debate on multiculturalism that emerged in Sweden during the 1990s, on the other. As I will argue in the following, Rodde’s representation of being Chilean through Hip-hop can be used to shed light on the specific nature of the Chilean diasporization process in Sweden. While other diasporic experiences are often described through loss and repression of a cultural identity that has to be reclaimed through a “retelling of the past”, the beginning of a Chilean presence in Sweden did not start with such repression.DJK Chilean and other Latin American migrants were initially warmly welcomed to Swe- den, where they could freely engage in political and cultural work directed toward Latin America, in general, and Chile, in particular. Rodde’s representation of being Chilean through Hip-hop is, therefore, not a retelling of an initially repressed cultural identity. Rather, it is an attempt to reclaim, and thereby revive, the positive image of a politically and culturally active Latin American migrant that was created during the Chilean exile period. Thereby, it is also an attempt to remind Swedes of a time when Chileans were highly esteemed members of society, a time when they were not included in a group of marginalized immigrants Yet, while earlier research has argued that Hip-hop in Sweden challenges power hierarchies that create such marginalization and discrimination, I here claim that Rodde’s negotiations make visible a more complex situation. Rodde challenges racialized difference in Sweden while he, at the same time, affirms difference by defining being Chilean as being cultural through Hip-hop. Such an attempt could, of course, be read as a means to play with difference as I have outlined in the first loop. Read in the context of a multicul-

DJK Hall 1990, p. 224.

98 turalism debate in Sweden that defines difference as desirable, that is, as a means of inclusion into mainstream society, it can also be read as a means to become Swedish. If being different means being part of a group, individuals will set out to define their specific difference in order to define their membership within that group. This argument is further affirmed by the fact that Rodde can only define being Chilean within the context of a Chilean diasporization process in Sweden. In Chile, he is both unable to explain the migratized difference he experiences in Sweden and to define being Chilean as being cultural. In Chile, Rodde both identifies himself and is identified as a Hip-hop artist from Sweden, a country that is economically better off than Chile. As a consequence, Hip-hop is a means for Rodde to maintain and represent a connection to Chile and a Chilean diaspora, in general, as well as an interpersonal connection to The Latin Kings, in particular, while, at the same time, challenging racialized difference and defining himself as Chilean, that is, Swedish in Sweden. This intimates that his negotiations in the Hip-hop zone in-between Sweden and Chile only become intelligible within the specific contexts of a Chilean diasporization process and a general multiculturalism debate in Sweden.

99 Discussion and bridge In the following section, I will discuss the way in which Rodrigo Rodde Bernal negotiates “difference” through Hip-hop in-between Sweden and Chile in terms of both postmemory, and the narratives of the good Sweden (defined as solidarity with Chile and multiculturalism), the old Sweden, and remembering or forgetting the Pinochet regime. The intersecting levels on which Rodde negotiates difference can also be seen as focal points through which he creates and negotiates different identities in terms of the definition of postmemory outlined above. By focusing on the impact of historical power structures, my analysis in the second article also adds a new aspect to the concept of postmemory. While Hirsch developed the concept to trace the way in which traumatic memory in exile is “transferred to those who were not actually there to live an event,” my analysis shows that, in this case, the postmemory of Chile points less toward a traumatic past and more to an excluding present. On the one hand, Rodde only reluctantly mentioned a traumatic Chilean past by referring to the memories of his mother, which is why it could be argued that he draws on the narrative of forgetting the Pinochet regime. Yet, on the other hand, he primarily sets out to define a Chilean identity through Hip-hop as a result of being identified as the “other” in Sweden, rather than to deal with a traumatic past of his parent’s generation. Postmemory is here in other words more evoked by present, rather than past events. In terms of memory in motion, the perspective on memory studies suggested by Julia Creet, my analysis also shows that Rodde’s definition of a Chilean identity is connected to a Swedish historical context, rather than a Chilean context. Just as Advance Patrol, he sets out to become “Swedish” by creating continuity with the narrative of a good Sweden that, in this case, is also connected to the narrative of the old Sweden. Chileans once more become “special” by being different from other immigrants, here, by being “cultural.” During our interview, Rodde also expressed and awareness that Chileans had defined themselves and had been seen as “cultural” even during the exile period in Sweden. That means that he is also aware of different narratives surrounding Chileans in Sweden during the exile period. Such a definition also creates

100 continuity with the Chilean diasporization process in Sweden, as the Chilekommittén used culture as an important “weapon in the political fight” that was used to attract Swedes to become engaged in solidarity work directed toward Chile during the 1970s and 1980s.179 At the same time, Latin Americans in general, and Chileans in particular, were defined as politically active and expressive.180Rod- de’s creation and negotiation of a Chilean identity thereby add yet another aspect to the narrative of the good Sweden, namely a positive view on multiculturalism. In order to be able to define his specific difference as Chilean and, thereby, as Swedish, cultural difference has to be defined as desirable. Such a positive view on multiculturalism nevertheless only reflects one side of a contested debate that, in turn, can be connected to different constructions of collective, or national, memory. In that it here ascribes specific qualities to different migrant groups, it can be seen as part of the narrative of the old Sweden that defines cultural identities as essential. In other words, studying memory in motion in this case shows that Rodde creates a Chilean identity in order to create historical continuity in situ. The narrative of multiculturalism in Sweden is also present in the lyrics of Advance Patrol that I have discussed in the first loop of this article. Gonza claims to be “multi kultig” in the lyrics of the song “Ett Land som är Tryggt”. The fact that Rodde’s construction of a Chilean identity does not work in the same way in Chile further stresses the assumption that this identity is more geared toward a Swedish context than a Chil- ean context. My analysis also shows that he is identified as Chilean in Sweden, and Swedish in Chile. Yet, while his Chilean identification and identity in Sweden is based on being identified as the “other” based on his, or his parents migration background and

DJL Gradskova, p. 15. 180 Olsson 2007, p. 224. As those refugees who arrived from Chile to Sweden during the 1970s and 1980s were often very politically active, they dominated the political activities of the Latin American community in Sweden. This dominance is still visible in different ways. As linguist María Denis Esquivel Sánchez has shown, Chilean Spanish has for instance had a profound influence on the form of Spanish spoken in Sweden. She also points out that many of her interviewees who self identify as Chilean stressed a strong identity in language. This language identity extends to anyone who speaks Spanish. Yet, her Chilean interviewees also most frequently stated that they primarily interacted with “Swedish” individuals rather than with Chileans. Sánchez 2005, p. 70 and p. 78.

101 ethnicity, his Swedish identification and identity in Chile are based on both the time he has spent in Sweden, as well as class differences between the countries. In Chile, Rodde is most probably seen as a member of the middle class. As musicians, Hermanos Bernal therefore explicitly claim a Swedish identity while they, at the same time, claim to be Chilean by heart. Rodde also stresses the importance of using “correct Chilean Spanish” in his lyrics. As I have mentioned in the first loop, earlier sociolinguistic studies on Hip-hop have stressed that Hip-hop artists outside of the United States often use sociolects that consist of a mixture of different languages with Black English in their lyrics, in order to create a means of communication that is only accessible to cultural insiders. Yet, in this case, Rodde claims being part of a Chilean language community both inside and outside of Chile, thereby marking his membership in a transnational (language) community, rather than in a glocal Hip-hop community in Sweden. I argue that this is an aspect of Hip-hop culture that merits further sociolinguistic studies. In this second loop, I have introduced the concept of multiculturalism as part of both the narrative of the good Sweden that is based on solidarity, and the narrative of the old Sweden that is based on an essential view of cultural identities. In the following loop, I will add the concepts of ethnicity or race and gender to the definition of these narratives.

102 LOOP III: IDENTITY – RACE AND GENDER

In this third loop I engage in a comparative reading of the creation of a Chilean or Latino identity by two Swedish artists in terms of race and gender. In order to contextualize the way in which Rodri- go Rodde Bernal, and Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund create a Latino artist identity in-between Latin America and Sweden, I start by discussing the role of race and gender in earlier Hip-hop studies. I then also discuss the narrative of the good Sweden in terms of race and gender by focusing on different historical definitions of the construction of “Swedishness” – both against an internal and an external “other.” In this third loop I also outline the way in which I use cultural theorist Stuart Hall’s notion of difference to analyse masculinity and the play of identity and difference in popular music in the third article. After a short summary of the results of this third article, I engage in a discussion of the role of race or ethnicity and gender in the construction and negotiation of these identities in terms of: the narrative of the good Sweden (defined as solidarity with Chile, multiculturalism, gender-equality and individualism), and the narrative of the old Sweden.

103 Hip-hop studies – race and gender As earlier research has shown, much like other forms of popular culture, Hip-hop has been male-dominated from the very beginning, as it emerged in the South Bronx neighborhood of New York city in the 1970s.DKD Earlier research in the United States that has focused on the intersection of race and gender in Hip-hop culture has therefore often focused on constructions of heteronormativity and hypermasculinity.DKE An early example is Kimberlé Crenshaw’s 1991 article in which she introduces the concept of intersectionality that I have mentioned in the second loop. In it, Crenshaw analyzes the public debate surrounding the obscenity charges directed against the rap group 2 Live Crew, arguing against a reductive analysis of Hip-hop that limits attention to either race or gender.DKF In her book Hip-hop Wars, Tricia Rose gives a comprehensive overview over the public debate that has emerged surrounding, among others, the misogynistic tendencies in the commercial mainstream version of Hip-hop. 184 One of the problems she points out is that the misogynistic tendencies of other strands of popular culture that are not as closely associated with African American culture are mostly not as severely criticized. Another problem is that, as bell hooks points out, the contemporary forces of white supremacy demand that black males define their identity “in relation to the stereotype of black masculinity as hypermasculine, misogynistic and aggressive, “whether by embodying it or seeking to be other than it.”185 Other studies focusing on the constructions and negotiations of racial identities in popular music in the United States have outlined the way in which “white” performers have engaged in “black”

DKD Although Jeff Chang does not explicitly discuss the male dominance in early Hip-hop culture, the artists he includes in his book on the history of Hip-hop are primarily male. Chang 2006. DKE In their study of urban adolescent males’ coping responses, Spencer et al. define hypermasculinity as ”the exhibition of stereotypic gendered displays of power and consequent suppression of signs of vulnerability.” Margaret Beale Spencer, Suzanne Fegley, Vinay Harpalani & Gregory Seaton “Understanding Hypermasculinity in Context: A Theory-Driven Analysis of Urban Adolescent Males' Coping Responses”, Research in Human Development, 2004(1):4, p. 234. 183 Crenshaw 1991, p. 1283. 184 Rose 2008. 185 bell hooks, We Real Cool – Black men and Masculinity, New York and London 2004.

104 forms of popular culture such as jazz, rock or, most recently, Hip- hop.186 In the case of rock music, Elvis Presley is the artist that is mentioned and discussed most frequently. As cultural theorist Mark Anthony Neal points out, an analysis of how “white” artists assume “black” artist identities should not be based on an essentialized definition of culture that leads to the construction of “white” as cultural interlopers. An analysis of all forms of popular culture should instead trace the historical power relations behind the construction of such identities.187 As Miles White adds, a historical perspective is crucial to such an analysis, as the representations created within popular culture have been created and are negotiated in specific historical contexts against the background of societal power hierarchies which themselves are subject to constant change. The representations created within popular culture thus have to be analyzed as “aesthetic markers that depend upon certain histories and cultural memories”, rather than as tied to essential racial or ethnic categories.188 In her book New York Ricans from the hip hop zone, Raquel Z. Rivera adds that Hip-hop culture has not always been defined as a predominantly African-American cultural form.189 She claims that, while Hip-hop emerged as a community based culture in the South Bronx in the 1970s, its “ethno-racial scope” was narrowed to solely focus on “blackness” in the 1990s. Such a narrowed view does not take into account “the rich history of African American- Puerto Rican cultural cross-fertilization.” Rivera argues that while this history is based on a common “black experience,” it also provides a framework for the creation of identity “across ethnic and cultural difference between different communities.”190 She also argues that the effect of such a narrowed view has been that “Lati- nos” who become rappers in the United States are often seen as cultural interlopers, as “Latinidad” is associated with Cuban or

186 Marc Anthony Neal, “White chocolate soul: Teena Marie and Lewis Taylor”, Popular Music 2005(24):3, p. 369. 187Anthony Neal 2005, p. 370. 188 Miles White, From Jim Crow to Jay-Z: race, rap, and the performance of masculinity, Urbana, Ill., 2011, p. 2. 189 Raquel Z. Rivera, New York Ricans from the hip hop zone, Basingstoke 2003, p. 109. 190 Stuart Hall, ”New ethnicities”, in Stuart Hall Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies, David Morley and Kuan-Hsing Chen (eds.), London and New York 2005, p. 442.

105 Puerto Rican popular dance music such as salsa or bomba. Yet, in the United States, the category of “Latinos” encompasses individuals from a range of different cultural and linguistic backgrounds and connections to Central or South-America. That which, according to Rivera, becomes significant in a Hip-hop context, is that the category of Latino can be located in-between “black” and “white” within the racial imagination in the United States.191 That means that “U.S. Latino” rappers can create and negotiate artist identities that are associated with a form of “Latinidad” that is located in- between the categories of “black” and “white.” In the third article I argue that Swedish R&B artist Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund creates such a “U.S. Latino” artist identity, among others, by suggesting a connection to Miami-based rapper Armando Christian Pérez, also known as Pitbull. The construction of such artist identities is also tied to constructions and negotiations of masculinities. Miles White, who has analyzed the connection between race and masculinity in a historical context in the United States claims that Hip-hop privileges the performance of both race and masculinity, and that hardcore styles of Hip-hop such as “gangsta” rap have recast ideas about masculinity and the performance of the body in the United States. He adds that, “black and white males alike have used essentially the same set of signifiers to construct models of self and identity for themselves.”192 Historically, this is a phenomenon that can be traced back to the minstrel show, jazz, rock and, most recently, Hip-hop culture. As early as 1957, cultural critic and writer Nor- man Mailer pointed out that popular music in the United States had developed into a sphere where “young white men work through the idea of how their masculinity can be lived” in his essay The White Negro.193 An analysis of the creation and negotiation of artist identities within popular culture thus has to take into account constructions of both ethnicity/race and gender. Yet, as this dissertation applies an entangled history approach to such an analysis, the question becomes how these identities can be

191 Rivera 2003, p. 27. 192 White 2011, p. 2. 193 Norman Mailer, “The White Negro (Fall 1957)” Dissent magazine reprinted June 20, 2007 https://www.dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/the-white-negro-fall-1957 (2015-05-14)

106 discussed in their connection to different national and transnational contexts. As I have outlined in the first loop, earlier research has described Swedish Hip-hop as an alternative identity for male youth in the immigrant-dominated förorten. Yet, as Kalle Berg- gren, who engages in a study of the construction of masculinities in Swedish Hip-hop lyrics, points out, this earlier research has primarily focused on issues of class and ethnicity, rather than ethnicity and masculinity. In his book Ungdom och Kulturens Omvandlingar, (youth and cultural change) Ove Sernhede points out that many young Swedish middle-class men are attracted by the machismo and the romaticization of violence and misogyny prevalent in “gangsta” rap that started to emerge during the 1990s.194 He thus argues that Hip-hop not only provided an alternative identity for marginalized migrant youth living in the förorten, or those areas that are imagined as such; it also provided such an identity for middle-class men who, according to Sernhede, started to call themselves “black albinos.”195 However, these middle-class men did not use such an alternative identity as a means to overcome marginalization based on class or ethnicity/race. In this case, Hip-hop rather provided an alternative to a dominant Swedish culture and its ideals of masculinity, the historical emergence of which I will discuss in the following. Creating the good Sweden in terms of race and gender As Stuart Hall points out, representations of national culture should not be seen as representations of unity, but rather as discur- sive advices, that represent difference such as unity or identity.DLI Such representations have both including and excluding effects, and are connected to specific constructions and negotiations of both gender and race/ethnicity. Historian George Mosse, who has studied early European nation building, argues that, at the end of the eighteenth century, the male body became a symbol, or cultural

194 Sernhede 2006, p. 105. 195 Sernhede 2006, p. 106–107. 196 Stuart Hall cited in: Helena Tolvhed, ”Nation och maskulinitet mellan kontinuitet och omvandling” in Nationen på spel: kropp, kön och svenskhet i populärpressens representationer av olympiska spel 1948–1972, Helena Tolvhed, Umeå 2008, p. 82.

107 representation of, society and nation. Although Mosse primarily focuses on Germany, France and Great Britain, he claims that a specific masculine stereotype emerged in Europe at the end of the eighteenth century; a stereotype that was closely linked to the formation of European nation states, and the emergence of a new bourgeois society.DLJ Representations of national cultures are both ascribed through social norms and attributes, and upheld through the constructions of “countertypes.” At the end of the 18th century, such countertypes consisted of those who did not fit the ascribed social norms: criminals, traditional “outsiders”, or “unmanly” men and “unwomanly” women.DLK In their study of the constructions of masculinities in the Nordic countries between 1840-1940, historians Jørgen Lorentzen and Claes Ekenstam add that constructions of different masculinities were dependent, not only on maintaining a difference between the sexes, but also on the dynamics between constructions of different masculinities and un-masculinities.DLL In Sweden, what has been called the “Swedish model” that was based on the concepts of the folkhemmet (the “people’s home”), the Swedish welfare state, and neutrality, emerged after the Second World War. The model that was created as a response to class conflict and international threats from nazism and communism during the 1930s and 1940s, stressed unity and cultural identification and silenced conflict.ECC While such homogenizing tendencies were present in many other national contexts, the peculiarity of the Swedish case was that politicians from different parties, people’s movements, and cultural personalities advocated the inclusion of both the middle, and the working class into the folkhemmet. This presumably classless society was based on middle-class values, such as cleanliness, order, corporal discipline, and the maintenance of a binary gender order. These middle class values thus came to be defined as “typically Swedish,” and thereby “normal.” As Håkan

DLJ George L. Mosse, The image of man: the creation of modern masculinity, New York 1996, p. 17. 198 Mosse 1996, p. 13. DLL Jørgen Lorentzen & Claes Ekenstam, ”Män, manlighet och omanlighet i historien” in Män i Norden: manlighet och modernitet 1840–1940, Jørgen Lorentzen & Claes Ekenstam (eds.), Möklinta 2006, p. 33. 200 Ehn et al. 1993, p. 20; Hall 2000, p. 180 ff..; Bo Stråth, ”Poverty, Neutrality and Welfare. Three Key Concepts in the Modern Foundation Myth of Sweden”, in Myth and Memory in the Construction of Community: Historical Patterns i Europe and Beyond, Bo Stråth (ed.), Bryssel 2000, p. 376.

108 Thörn adds, the Swedish self-image created during that time also represented an almost unique combination of “nationality” and “international solidarity”, a self-image that was further stressed during the 1970s, as Olof Palme set out to establish Swedish foreign policy as an international voice of solidarity.201 Henrik Berg- gren and Lars Trägårdh nevertheless also note that this notion of solidarity goes hand in hand with the idea of Swedish (state) individualism that is based on a society that consists of autonomous individuals who display solidarity, security, and equality.202 Swe- den was thus gradually constructed as free of nationalism and national chauvinism, and, in more recent accounts, a country that has “more or less accomplished a non-racist society.” 203 This “Swedish model” has also been called modernitetsnational- ism (modernity nationalism) and välfärdsnationalism (welfare nationalism), as it was based on the idea of a modern, social democratic welfare society.204 An important aspect of this idea was the creation of a new masculinity in guise of the gender-equal “new man”.205 As Niclas Järvclo points out, this concept has been part of a political debate and reforms on gender equality in Sweden since the 1960s.206 Closely connected to the concept of “Swedishness”, that is, the definition of Swedish men as gender equal, this “new man” was defined through both continuity and change. While political reforms acknowledged that creating a society based on gender equality requires a new definition of masculinity, they, at the same time, stressed the unchanging nature of Swedish masculinity. Such an unchanging nature was, once more, achieved by stressing that change toward gender equality would not serve to

ECDHåkan Thörn, Globaliseringens dimensioner: nationalstat, världssamhälle, demokrati och sociala rörelser. Stockholm 2002, p. 96 and p. 108. 202 Henrik Berggren & Lars Trägårdh, ”Inledning: den osaliga nödvändigheten” in Är svensken människa?: Den svenska individualismens historia [Elektronisk resurs], 2014. ECF"% 0!&& & Paula Mählck, ”The racial grammar of Swedish higher education and research policy: The limits and conditions of researching race in a colour-blind context”, in Affectivity and race: studies from Nordic contexts, Rikke Andreassen & Kathrine Vitus (eds.), Burlington 2015, p. 59. 204 Johansson 2001, p. 15. 205 Roger Klinth focuses on the relationship between men and the Swedish state by studying the debates on gender-equal parenthood in Sweden since the 1960s. Roger Klinth, ”Inledning” in Göra pappa med barn: den svenska pappapolitiken 1960-95, Roger Klinth, Diss., Umeå, 2002. 206 Niklas Järvclo ”En man utan penis. Heteronormativitet och svensk maskulinitetspolitik” Lambda Nordica 2008(4), p. 21.

109 turn Swedish men into “unmanly” men. The continuity of Swedish masculinity was thus deeply rooted in heteronormative definitions of masculinity, as the Swedish “new man” was created against the backdrop of a definition of “Swedishness” that conflated Swedish- ness with middle-classness and heteronormativity.207 While a public debate ensued that started to reevaluate the ideal of folkhemmet during the 1980s and 1990s, the heteronormative concept of the “new man” has largely remained the same in the public debate. Some of the reasons for this reevaluation were the economic and social changes mentioned in the first and second loop: the economic crisis of the early 1990s, the increase of anti- immigrant sentiments, and the public and political debate on multiculturalism. Historians such as Gunnar Broberg and Mattias Tydén also contributed to such a reevaluation by discussing the limits of the folkhemmet.208 In their 1993 book entitled Försvenskningen av Sverige (the Swedization of Sweden) Billy Ehn, Jonas Frykman and Orvar Löfgren argue that, “more books and articles have been published on Swedish culture during the last decade than during the entire 20th century.”209 They, in turn claim that, apart from societal changes, the reasons for this increased interest in defining Swedishness can be found in the emergence of mass media, the increasing availability of travelling, and international contacts. Ehn, Frykman and Löfgren in other words argued that an increase of connections to, and communication with, a national “other” resulted in the need to define a national “self.” Such meetings between the “self” and the “other” have taken place both within and outside of a national framework. As pointed out above, such meetings increased within a national framework, as non-European migrants started to arrive in greater numbers in Sweden during the 1980s and 1990s. Although migration was by no means a new phenomenon, the presence of these migrants fuelled an identity debate in many European nations that, as sociologist Floya Anthias points out, is primarily concerned with

ECJ Farhani 2013, p. 154; Järvclo 2008, p. 20; Lars Jalmert outlines the definition of ”the Swedish man” in his like-named book in 1984. Lars Jalmert, Den svenske mannen, Stockholm, 1984. 208 Gunnar Broberg & Mattias Tydén “Oönskade i folkhemmet, rashygien och sterilisering i Sverige, Stockholm 1991. 209 Ehn et al. 1993, p. 9.

110 ethnic markers, and the construction of new frontiers along the lines of which migrant identities are defined as “hostile”, as their “culture” and “ways of life” are seen as incompatible with West- ern societies.EDC Migrants in other words became the internal “other” of the “self” of “Swedishness.” Studies that have focused on the creation of such “Swedishness” in its connection to definitions of the “other” within a national framework include sociologist Catrin Lundström’s book Svenska Latinas (Swedish Latinas) and Hynek Pallas’ book Vithet i svensk film 1989 – 2010.EDD Both place their studies within the field of critical whiteness studies, as they specifically set out to make visible Swedishness as whiteness. Lundström, who focuses on the informal boundaries for national belonging created among young women in a Latin American diaspora in Sweden, argues that whiteness is a central aspect of national belonging in Sweden. In his studies of Swedish feature films, Pallas, on the other hand, argues that whiteness becomes visible as the background against which the “other” is represented in these films.EDE Meetings between a national “self” and the “other” have also been studied within transnational frameworks. In such contexts, the representations of national cultures or stereotypes can be studies as constructed in a (power) relation to each other in specific historical and economic contexts. Earlier research that has specifically analyzed the construction of “Swedishness” within such a transnational framework includes Catrin Lundström’s book White Migrations: gender, whiteness and privilege in transnational migration.213 While the young women with ties to Latin America that she focused on in her earlier study were identified as migrants in Swe- den, the women whom she focuses on in White migrations identify

EDC Floya Anthias, ”Thinking through the lens of translocational positionality: an intersectionality frame for understanding identity and belonging”, Translocations: Migration and Social Change, 2008(4):1, p. 7. EDD Catrin Lundström, Svenska latinas: ras, klass och kön i svenskhetens geografi, Diss. Göteborg 2007; Hynek Pallas, Vithet i svensk spelfilm 1989–2010, Diss., Göteborg 2011. 212 U.S. American historian Nell Irvin Painter similarly argues that while there is a preoccupation in describing the “black experience” in the United States, the definition of whiteness is more vague and often nothing more than “the leavings of what is not black. Nell Irvin Painter, The History of White People, New York, N.Y. 2010, p. x. 213 Catrin Lundström, White migrations: gender, whiteness and privilege in transnational migration, Basingstoke 2014.

111 themselves as Swedish and “white”. Lundström argues that “white” people who move across national borders are generally not defined as migrants. Instead, they are seen as tourists, expatriates, mobile professionals or “just passing as a European or North American.”EDG While Lundström focuses on women, ethnologist Fataneh Farhani analyses the construction of masculinities in a transnational context among Iranian-born men, among others in Sweden. These studies show that hierarchies and intersecting forms of power relations are not only enacted and negotiated within the nation, but also between and within different nations and diasporic communities.215 In the following, I will outline the theoretical framework that I have used in the third article in order to engage in a parallel reading of the artist identities created by Rodrigo Rodde Bernal and Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund. The Play of identity and difference

Before outlining the theoretical framework used in the third article, I will briefly address some of the inherent problems of studying constructions of “race” and identity in greater detail. The first problem of such an analysis is that focusing on stereotypical representations of national cultures can contribute to creating and upholding such stereotypes. Georg Mosse’s study on masculinities and the modern nation-state has for instance been criticized for creating national stereotypes, without sufficiently addressing the fact that such constructions are constantly changing, as they are the results of ongoing debates, both within, and outside of national frameworks.EDI Critics have also argued, that the construction of such stereotypes serves to naturalize difference, and thereby to uphold a “we” against “them” mentality, instead of questioning it. Such a mentality is especially problematic in connection to the idea of “race.” By identifying “white” and “non-white” actors, one runs the risks of assigning “whiteness” itself an intrinsic value.217

EDG Lundström 2014, p. 2 EDH Farhani 2013, p. 154. EDI Pål Brunnström, ”Inledning”, in Ägare och kapital: klass och genus hos kapitalägare i Sverige 1918–1939, Pål Brunnström, Diss., Lund 2014, p. 47. 217 Ahmed 2007, p. 150.

112 Making racial categories part of an anti-racist agenda without applying a historical perspective, can also serve to render invisible the power hierarchies that have created and continue to maintain a racialized order.EDK In her book The History of White People, historian Nell Irvin Painter therefore stresses the fact that what today is called “whiteness” is an idea that has to be studied in close connection to power hierarchies, that is, the way in which different groups have been historically defined along the lines of different combinations of cultural and physical traits, often in connection to class.EDL Discussing representations of national culture in connection to national identity can also be problematic. As Floya Anthias points out, identity is a concept that “says both too much and too little.”EEC As an analytical category, it says “too much,” as it aims to incorporate a range of different elements such as: notions of a “core self,” the external identification of individuals, and identification processes. The concept of identity also relates to the construction of collectivities and identity politics, narrational and performative dimensions, as well as experiential, representational and organizational aspects. On the other hand, Anthias also points out that the concept says “too little,” as it does not focus on questions of structure, context and meaning. An argument that is built on the premise that different identities can be constructed against each other also in some way claims that these identities are stable over time. Such a view on identity, that demands that individuals are able to define “who they are” in a coherent and stable manner, is also difficult to combine with an intersectional perspective that analyzes the way in which individuals define their identities in the midst of intersecting power dimensions. In the following, I will outline the theoretical framework that is used in the third article, based on the notion that identities are constructed and negotiated within specific historical power structures. In order to create such a theoretical framework, I draw on the work of Stuart Hall who claims that constructions of difference are

218 Paulina de los Reyes, ”Vem är antirarismens politiska subjekt?” Dagens arena november 22, 2013, http://www.dagensarena.se/opinion/paulina-de-los-reyes-vem-ar- antirasismens-politiska-subjekt/ (2016-06-10) 219 Painter 2010, p. ix. EEC!&%ECCK5#8H8

113 always based on two different notions of difference.221 Much like the two meanings of representation and the other I have outlined in the first loop, Hall sees difference as a contested concept that, on the one hand, can be used to claim a “radical and unbridgeable separation” between fixed categories while it, on the other hand also acknowledges that identities are always open to negotiation and not a possessive attribute of individuals or groups.222 The first notion of difference can be used to trace the way in which stereotypes are constructed within different historical power structures. As noted above, “black” masculinity has been historically constructed as hypermasculine, misogynistic and aggressive, above all in the context of popular culture. The construction of Latino masculinity as largely synonymous with machismo or male chauvinism can, according to Norma Fuller, be traced back to Spanish colonial societies in Latin America in which “much more accentuated forms of feminine repression and masculine dominance were promoted than in Spanish society, or in native cultures.”223 Yet, in order to remain normative, the meaning of stereotypes must be constantly reproduced “via the mass media, the patriarchal family, and other socializing institutions,” which in turn makes it interesting to analyze the reproduction of such stereotypes in popular culture.224 Such stereotypes in turn become important for the contemporary creation and negotiation of identities, as those who are identified as members of such groups have to respond to these stereotypes “whether by embodying it or seeking to be other than it.”225 This notion points toward a second form of difference: a difference that is “positional, conditional and conjunctural,” and that acknowl-

EED Hall 2005(2), p. 448. EEE Hall 2005(2), p. 448; Anthias 2008, p. 7 EEF ”Ello se debería a que, en las sociedades coloniales ibéricas la dominación étnica, racial y de clase fue muy acentuada y propició formas de sojuzgamiento femenino y predominion masculino mucha más marcadas que en la sociedad española o en las culturas nativas.” Norma Fuller, ”Repensando el machismo latinoamericano” Mascu- linities and Social Change, 2012(1):2, p. 120; For a discussion of the impact of the macho stereotype on the study of men and masculinities in South America see: Matthew C. Gutman & Mara Viveros Vigoya, “Masculinities in Latin America” in Handbook of Studies on Men&Masculinities, Michael S. Kimmel, Jeff Hearn & Raewyn Connell (eds.), Thousand Oaks CA 2005. EEG Ronald Weitzer & Charis E. Kubrin, ”Misogyny in Rap Music – A Content Analysis of Prevalence and Meanings” Men and Masculinities, 2009(12):1, p .6. EEH hooks 2004, p. x.

114 edges that identities are always open to negotiation and not “a possessive attribute of individuals or groups”.226 Hall points out that this second form is more closely related to Derrida’s notion of differance, that is, the notion that meaning cannot be fixed. The third article engages in an analysis that combines these two notions of difference in order to outline the “play of identity and difference,” through which different stereotypes connected to nation, race and masculinity are created and negotiated within popular culture. Such play both constructs and draws on stereotypes, while it, at the same time, acknowledges that normative differences cannot hold. In the following summary of the third article I also outline the way in which this theoretical framework is used in the article.

EEI Hall 2005(2), p. 448; Anthias 2008, p. 7.

115 SUMMARY OF ARTICLE III

CREATING A LATINO ARTIST IDENTITY IN-BETWEEN SWEDEN AND LATIN AMERICA – A COMPARATIVE APPROACH

Kulturstudier 2015:2, p. 113–135. Introduction The third article engages in a close comparative reading of the creation of a Latino artist identity by two Swedish artists – Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund and Rodrigo Rodde Bernal. By focusing on the theoretical concept of white Swedish masculinity, it aims to deepen the understanding of how such identities are created within and against the background of specific historical contexts and locations. It asks how a “white” Swedish artist can create a Latino identity through music, and thereby sets out to contribute to earlier research on Swedish whiteness.

116 Method and design The article is based on oral history interviews with both Rodde and FreddeRico. It is structured in three main sections that will trace Fredrik’s creation of a Latino identity as a musician. They consider: first, the way in which Fredrik during our interview described his career as Latino artist FreddeRico, particularly in Central America; second, the construction of his Latino identity as an R&B artist viewed in the context of “black” pop music; and third, the way in which Fredrik creates a connection to Central, or Latin America outside of a music context by creating and negotiating in- between different stereotypes.227 At the end of every section, the article briefly contrasts Fredrik’s Latino identity as a musician against my earlier work on Rodrigo Rodde Bernal’s negotiation of difference in the Hip-hop zone in-between Chile and Sweden. Results When comparing those aspects of FreddeRico’s “U.S. Latino” artist identity discussed in the first section – being FreddeRico in- between Sweden and Central America - to Rodde’s construction of a Chilean identity, some fundamental differences become visible. While Rodde was quick to point out that his group Hermanos Bernal is not part of a bigger group of Swedish- Chilean Hip-hop artists, he claimed a close connection to other artists such as the production company The Salazar Brothers as well as a number of other musicians from Chile. FreddeRico on the other hand described himself as an individual artist who did not have any special connections to other musicians in Sweden or Latin America. While Rodde does have a family background in South America, he claims a “Swedish” artist identity in Chile, as he argues that as such he has a higher status and receives a higher salary. He only claims a Chilean artist identity in the context of a Chilean diaspora outside of Chile. FreddeRico, on the other hand, does not make a differ-

227 During our interview, Fredrik named both Central America and Latin America. While Central America is the geographical location in which Fredrik became successful as an R&B artist, he used the name Latin America, primarily when he was referring to cultural or linguistic differences between Sweden and Latin America.

117 ence between his artist identity in Sweden, Latin America or the United States. While he thus solely represents himself as an individual “U.S. Latino” artist, the music of Hermanos Bernal aims to “speak for” all those Chileans who do not live in Chile. In the second section – being FreddeRico in the context of “black” pop music – I argue that, as an artist, Fredrik not only refers to the “cool, detached, removed” sense of being that characterizes the stereotype of a Hip-hop masculinity; he also performs expressive angular gestures, typically associated with #:"# ' &'$ ! &$+ )& &+# " = > #$"$ ! && % ! repeatedly “appropriated and (re)presented in […] expressions of powerful masculinity for white males in popular culture.” I also argue that the video of “Don’t Go” can be seen as an example of what FreddeRico’s website promises: a “fresh mix of Hip- hop, R&B and pop”. Elements of Hip-hop become visible and audible in his angular gestures and performance, as well as in the fact that FreddeRico raps parts of the lyrics. Elements of R&B and pop, on the other hand, become evident in the higher timbre in which he sings the refrain, as well as the content of the lyrics that mainly address heterosexual desire and relationships. In his book The Death of Rhythm and Blues, cultural critic Nelson George somewhat provocatively argues that such a contemporary commercialized and therefore popular version of rhythm and blues profoundly differs from the original, more political orientation of the genre. Hip-hop artist Rodrigo Rodde Bernal, on the other hand, defines the Chilean identity that he constructs outside of Chile as “cultural”. As I have argued above, this identity can be seen as a representation created both within and for a Chilean diaspora. It can also be read as a means of reminding Swedish society of the 1970s, that is, of a time in which “Chileans” were warmly welcomed in Swe- den. As such, it is an attempt to become “Swedish” by defining his difference as specifically Chilean in the context of a multiculturalism debate that stressed difference as desirable, which emerged during the 1990s. The songs and videos produced by his group Hermanos Bernal are based on a sound and style of performance that can clearly be seen as part of the Hip-hop genre: the songs mainly consist of raps and sampled beats and the videos contain

118 the same angular gestures that can be seen in FreddeRico’s video discussed above. As opposed to FreddeRico’s lyrics, the lyrics of Hermanos Bernal often address political issues. When comparing the way in which Fredrik creates a connection between Sweden and Latin America with the way in which Rodde negotiates difference in-between Sweden and Latin America, it becomes evident that there are no big differences between their approaches. During our interviews, both FreddeRico and Rodde described Chile as warm and communicative and Sweden as cold and closed. Both added that they do have any plans to move to Latin America in general or Chile in particular. Both stressed the importance of speaking “correct (Chilean) Spanish” in order to create a connection to Latin America or Chile as an artist, and described Latin American or Chilean society as having a greater problem with sexism than Swedish society. It can thus be argued that during our interviews, both Fredrik and Rodde spoke from the same positionality. The reason why they set out to create a connection between Sweden and Latin America marks a fundamental difference, however. While Fredrik sets out to create such a connection as he perceives Sweden as lacking communication and “warmth”, Rodde bases it on three aspects: first, his familial connection to Chile; second, his connection to the production company The Salazar Brothers; and third, the fact that he experiences being identified as different in Sweden, an experience that W.E.B. Du Bois has described as the “sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others.”

119 Conclusion The third article has argued that there are a number of similarities between the negotiations of Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund and Rodrigo Rodde Bernal: both create a connection to Latin America or Chile through their music; both describe Latin America or Chile as warm, open and communicative and Sweden as cold; both acknowledge class differences between Sweden and Latin America and claim that Sweden is more gender equal than Latin America or Chile. While neither of them wants to move to Latin America, or succeeds in claiming a Latino or Chilean identity outside of music in Central America or Chile, both claim that language is important in creating a connection to the region. They also claim that Sweden is more gender equal than Latin America or Chile. In these negotiations, both Fredrik and Rodde thus draw on a form of difference that is “positional, conditional and conjunctural” that acknowledges that identities are always open to negotiation.228 In this respect, it can be argued that they both speak from the same positionality. There are also some fundamental differences in their negotiations. While Fredrik sets out to create a connection to Latin Ameri- ca based on a desire directed toward “the Other” that is rooted in what he describes as lacking in Swedish society, Rodde reaches out to Chile because of his familial connection to Chile and because he wants to create a connection to other artists, but also because he is identified as “different” in Sweden. Fredrik claims a “U.S. Latino” artist identity that is based on an individual decision and not a group identity that he “speaks for” through his music. Yet, outside of a music context he claims a European identity over a U.S. Amer- ican identity in order to distance himself from a problematic history between Latin America and the United States. Rodde on the other hand claims different artist identities in different contexts: in Chile, he claims a “Swedish” artist identity that results in a higher social status; outside of Chile he claims a Chilean artist identity that represents “Chile” in the Chilean diaspora; and in Sweden, he defines his difference as specifically Chilean in the context of a multiculturalism debate that defines difference as desirable, where-

228 Hall 2005(2), p. 448; Anthias 2008, p. 7.

120 by “being Chilean” becomes “being Swedish.” Such a definition has a historical dimension as it serves to remind Swedes of a time in which Chileans were warmly welcomed in Sweden. I argue that these differences can be explained against the backdrop of a form of difference that creates naturalized categories along the lines of “culture”, “ethnicity” and “race.” Fredrik’s whiteness makes it possible for him to freely choose a Latino artist identity without having to refer to, or represent a group identity. For him, history disappears in the context of pop music in which “race and ethnicity [are] commodified as resources for pleasure”.EEL As his whiteness, for the most part, cannot be traced as specifically “Swedish”, I further argue that it has to be seen as a universal, rather than a specific marker of power. Rodde on the other hand, who does not share such a positionality of whiteness, refers to a group identity as an artist, and thereby, at the same time to the specific historical context of a Chilean diaspora in Sweden. Being identified as “different” in Sweden, he uses Hip-hop in order to face what Stuart Hall calls the “internalization of the self-as other.”EFC A close comparative reading of these two artist identities within, and against the background of specific historical contexts and locations thus serves to make visible that both artists speak from racialized positionalities.

229 bell hooks, Black looks: race and representation., Abingdon 2015[1992], p. 47. 230 Hall 2005(2), p. 446.

121 Discussion and bridge In the following, I discuss the ways in which Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund and Rodrigo Rodde Bernal speak from racialized and gendered positionalities in connection to the narratives of the good Sweden (defined as solidarity with Chile, multiculturalism, gender- equality, and individualism) and the old Sweden. While Rodde’s creation and negotiation of a Chilean identity refers to the narrative of the good Sweden defined as solidarity with Chile, Fredrik’s construction and negotiation of a Latino identity is not based on such references. As Fredrik does not (have to) lay claim to a specific Swedish narrative in order to claim a Swedish identity, it can be argued that his whiteness automatically makes him Swedish. Such a notion of belonging is based on the narrative of the old Sweden that constructs a version of the past in which Sweden is a homogenous “white” nation. A historical analysis thus makes visible the reason why these two artists create and negotiate their identities in different ways: Fredrik and Rodde are positioned differently in historical narratives based on ethnicity or race in Sweden. There- fore, it can be argued that, in this case, whiteness becomes a form of freedom from history. In this respect, my analysis thus agrees with the findings of Catrin Lundström and Hynek Pallas, who argue that whiteness can be traced as a central aspect of national belonging in Sweden8 When venturing outside of Sweden, Fredrik and Rodde nevertheless share the identity position of the gender-equal “new man” that I here define as another part of the narrative of the good Sweden. I have argued that, during the interview, both Rodde and Fredrik positioned themselves as the heteronormative gender equal “new man”. Yet, in a transnational context, this shared Swedish gender- equal masculinity also becomes the invisible background against which they construct a Latino masculinity as less gender-equal. As pointed out above, the stereotype of Latino masculinity as machismo has also emerged within a specific historical context in different Latin American countries. Outside of Sweden, the narrative of the good Sweden that is based on solidarity, inclusive multiculturalism, and gender equality thus moves closer to a definition of cultural identities as essential, and thereby, the narrative of the old Sweden. The narrative of the good Sweden that is inclusive in a

122 Swedish context, in other words in this case becomes excluding outside of Sweden. While they thus create and negotiate their identities by referring to an imagined concept or knowledge of “the other,” they are also perceived as Swedish or European in Chile or Latin America. I argue that this perception is based on class rather than whiteness. Their identity constructions in other words once more make visible the uneven economic development between Europe and Latin America.231 In this specific case, Swedishness works as whiteness in Sweden, while it works as class outside of Sweden.232 In this respect, my analysis stresses the importance of paying close attention to the way in which imagined, and historically created, stereotypes based on ethnicity or race, gender, nation, and class influence the creation and negotiation of identities in a transnational context. It also shows the difficulties of studying a concept such as “whiteness” without contrasting it with those identities that are marked as “non-white.” Whiteness is here in other words seen as a concept that depends on marking the non-white. As I argue in the article, as artists, both Fredrik and Rodde create and negotiate identities in terms of “black” popular culture. Fredrik distances himself from what he calls the “political” and collective aspects of Hip-hop culture, and stresses his development as an individual artist. As outlined above, the idea of individualism goes hand in hand with the notion of solidarity that is, the narrative of the good Sweden that Rodde refers to in his creation and negotiation of a Chilean identity in Sweden. 233 Rodde’s Chilean identity is nevertheless not based on individualism. As noted above, Rodde positions himself as a Hip-hop artist, and as a member of a group of Chileans or Latinos that he “speaks for” through his music, based on being identified as the “other” in Sweden. This

231 Such a scenario also becomes visible in what Paul Gilroy calls the ”Black Atlantic” (Gilroy 1993). In her autobiographical book ”Lose your mother,” Saidiya Hartman describes her attempt to ”return” to Africa. She points out that she was perceived as ”American”, not only due to her cultural, but also due to her class background. Saidiya V. Hartman, Lose your mother: a journey along the Atlantic slave route. New York 2007. 232 Our cases are also difficult to compare. Lundström focuses on Swedes who identify as “white” who have migrated to a number of different countries, whereas my analysis focuses on artists who are indeed “just passing” through Latin America or Chile instead of moving there. 233 Berggren & Trägårdh 2014.

123 means that the aspect of the narrative of the good Sweden that stresses individualism is not as readily accessible for Rodde as it is for Fredrik. In this case, whiteness thus also becomes access to individualism and thereby freedom from external identification in terms of group identity. While I did not discuss this aspect with the artists during our interviews, it could also be argued that one of the consequences of this freedom is that Fredrik is free to choose (or appropriate) a Latino artist identity, while Rodde is defined by his Chilean or Latino background. In terms of gender, I argue that both Rodde and FreddeRico create artist identities that are based on expressing hegemonic power over women, as both primarily feature women as object of male desire in their lyrics and videos.234 Some examples are that most of FreddeRico’s song lyrics concern themselves with male desire directed at women, and that the video of the Hermanos Bernal song Chileno de Corazon features young bikini-clad women who are dancing in front of the camera as they take part in a bikini- contest. As sociologist Kalle Berggren points out, even as Hip-hop lyrics parody and resignify racist discourses – as I have pointed out in the first loop– they, at the same time, often “reproduce normative notions of gender and sexuality.”235 Yet, these forms of masculinity do not correspond with the gender equal “new man” both Fredrik and Rodde positioned themselves as during our interviews. Therefore, I would argue that, even in this case, popular music is an arena that allows them to experiment with, and position themselves outside of specific historical contexts by drawing on less gender-equal forms of masculinity while, at the same time, maintaining their positionality of the gender-equal “new man” outside of a music context. The fourth and final loop discusses the constructions and negotiations of a Chilean or Latino identity through Hip-hop in-between Chile and Sweden in terms of transnational memory work.

234 I here follow Kalle Berggren’s notion that, in certain cases, it is preferable to discuss masculinities as shared, rather than insisting on the existence of different forms of masculinities such as hegemonic, or protest masculinity. Berggren, 2013, p. 192. 235 Berggren 2013, p. 205.

124 LOOP IV: IDENTITY AND TRANSNATIONAL MEMORY WORK

In the fourth and final loop I discuss the creation and negotiation of a Chilean or Latino identity by both Swedish and Chilean artists in terms of transnational memory work. I start by outlining the narrative of remembering the Pinochet regime, that is, the history of Chile after 1973, the role of memory work in remembering the human rights violations committed by the regime, as well as earlier studies on Chilean Hip-hop. I then move on to discuss the concept of transnational memory work. After a short summary of the results of the fourth and last article, I discuss the constructions and negotiations of a Chilean or Latino identity through Hip-hop in- between Chile and Sweden, both in terms of transnational memory work, and in terms of: the narratives of the good Sweden (defined as solidarity with Chile, multiculturalism, gender-equality, and individualism), the narrative of the old Sweden, and the narratives based on remembering or forgetting the Pinochet regime.

125 Remembering the regime In the aftermath of the 1973 coup, general Augusto Pinochet shut down congress, and banned all unions and political organizations that were not in line with the political views of the regime. Alt- hough the military, the police, and the civilian personnel who aided Pinochet, did not encounter as much resistance as they had expected, they tortured, exiled, and killed thousands of civilians.EFI The military also shut down, or took over, almost all media centers, schools, universities, and hospitals. As Kristin Sörensen notes, this resulted in absolute censorship, and the suspension of many civil liberties.EFJ As I have mentioned in the second loop, the Allen- de presidency had been marked by political unrest. There were many well-off families who wanted, what they perceived as order, restored, to which Pinochet responded by claiming that the “Marx- ist cancer” in Chile had to be uprooted. The coup had a profound effect on Chilean society in general. Chile had always been a rela- tively stable country in an instable region, and had a long-standing tradition of democratic governments, and a military that had not become involved in political issues. In order to make its actions appear legitimate, the military claimed that its actions were not to be seen as a coup, but rather as a restoration of order after a brief period of Marxist rule. Chileans were promised the full reinstate- ment of democratic order as soon as possible. During the 1980s, Pinochet declared himself the president of Chile, and revised the country’s constitution to include a paragraph that made him sena- tor for life. Pamela Constable and Arturo Valenzuela argue that, in the aftermath of the coup, Chile became an increasingly internally divided Nation of Enemies, with some segments of the population supporting Pinochet, and others opposing him; a nation that was ruled by a culture of fear.238 While the country experienced the promised restoration of economic order during a boom in the late 1970s, it soon thereafter faced a severe economic crisis. Between 1982 and 1988, the minimum wage dropped by 30%, and the percentage of people living below the poverty line almost doubled

236 Constable & Valenzuelo 1991, p. 21. 237 Sørensen 2009, p. 2. 238 Constable & Valenzuelo 1991, p. 21; Stern 2006, p. xix.

126 from 28,5% in 1969 to 49,7% in 1988.239 This economic crisis coincided with a growing domestic opposition against the Pinochet regime, with a new generation of Chileans at the forefront. Public protests resulted in mass arrests that in many cases once more led to torture, isolation in prison without due process, disappearances and further radicalization.240 The military regime shut down congress, imposed an evening curfew, and appointed new military directors to those media networks that it allowed to remain open.EGD Civilians, as well as journalists and filmmakers were detained, tortured, or forced into exile, or disappeared. At this stage, the culture of fear was also perpetuated through memories of earlier violence that had been broadcast to the nation. An example of such a broadcast was the televised bombing of the presidential palace in 1973. As the upper, and some segments of the middle class in Chile celebrated the return of economic growth in 1985, a growing number of urban poor lived in poblaciones: overcrowded, low-income areas, facing an increasingly insecure labor market and diminished social spend- ing by the regime. It was at this time, that the youth people who were growing up in these poblaciones started to meet on street corners where they engaged in dance battles, inspired by U.S. American movies such as Breakdance that were brought to them by the Pinochet controlled TV stations. Military rule finally ended after a referendum in 1988, as 54% of Chileans voted against a renewed term for Pinochet, and 80% of the population voted for free elections.EGE In 1990, Christian Dem- ocrat Patricio Aylwin Azócar from the Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia – the Coalition of Parties for Democracy that consisted of political parties from the center to the left - was elected president. Democratic rule was volatile however, as Kristin Sørensen points out in her book, Media, Memory, and Human Rights in Chile, as different generals kept threatening to take over the government all throughout the 1990s.243 Augusto Pinochet also remained in his position as commander in chief of the military until

239 Quitzow 2001, p. 21; Raskovan 1989, p. 101–102. 240 Sjöqvist & Palmgren 1990, p. 102. 241 Sørensen 2009, p. 3. 242 Sjöqvist & Palmgren 1990, p. 15. 243 Sørensen 2009, p. 3.

127 1998. In such a political climate, media outlets did not dare to be openly critical of the regime, especially since Pinochet had been granted immunity for all crimes committed between 1973 and 1978. As a result, media rarely mentioned the regime, and if they did, they only discussed it in hushed tones. Many Chileans advocated the borron y cuenta (nueva) approach that was based on forgetting the past and instead focusing on the future.EGG As Søren- sen points out, even after the fall of the military regime, the Chile- an state “only allowed a narrow range of national identities to be expressed – primarily those that characterized the ‘military government’ as a necessary response to the socialist, democratically elected government of President Salvador Allende.”EGH The first turning point came in 1998, as Pinochet was detained in London, where he was staying at a hospital called The Clinic during his annual stay in the city. He remained in custody in Eng- land for two years, at the request of Spanish magistrate Baltasar Garzón, who demanded his extradition in order to try him for the torture, murder, and disappearance of Spanish citizens in Chile. Pinochet was released from the UK and returned to Chile in 2000. While Chilean politicians and media personalities had at first criticized his detention, courts in Chile soon started to investigate the possibility to prosecute him in his own country. They argued that, since those who had disappeared during the Pinochet regime had not been found, the crimes were ongoing, which meant that his immunity could not be applied to these cases. Although the Santia- go Appeals Court finally stripped Pinochet of his immunity, he died in 2006 without ever having been convicted of his crimes, as he was deemed unfit to stand trial in 2002.EGI The military coup and the Pinochet regime also had a fundamental impact on an international level that resulted from the extensive media coverage of the overthrow of Allende in 1973, and the subsequent political unrest in Chile. The Chilean case also became one of the first cases in which ”domestic violence and violations of human rights could not be stripped or isolated by national borders,

244 Sjöqvist & Palmgren 1990, p. 17; Camacho Padilla 2009, p. 88. 245 Kristin Sørensen, “Chilean Historical Memory, Media, and Discourses of Human Rights” in Global Memoryscapes, Contesting Remembrance in a Transnational Age, Kendall R. Phillips & Mitchell G. Reyes, Tuscaloosa 2011. 246 Sørensen 2009, p. 4.

128 […] as these were now put ‘under a magnifying glass’ before the eye of a worldwide public opinion through a web of global connections.”247 As a consequence, the human rights violations committed during the military regime in Chile fundamentally influenced the development of an international language of human rights during the 1970s, as governments and NGOs started to bring the issue of human rights to prominence in international relations. The case of Chile was also a milestone for the development of NGOs such as Amnesty International, and led to the creation of new rules and strategies at the level of the United Nations, as the UN General Assembly unanimously adopted its first resolution on torture. In the following, I will give a brief overview of earlier research on Hip-hop in Chile and then introduce the concept of transnational memory work as a means to combine transnational memory studies with entangled history.

Hip-hop in-between the United States and Chile The first academic study on Chilean Hip-hop is a B.A. dissertation in metropolitan studies published at New York University in 2001. Written by Rainer Quitzow, its title Hip Hop in Chile – Far From NYC (Lejos del Centro) alludes to the first Chilean Hip-hop album “Lejos del Centro” released by the group Panteras Negras (the Black Panthers) in 1990. In this study, Quitzow engages in a comparative historical reading of the development of Hip-hop culture in New York and Chile, based on the question whether Chilean Hip-hop “reflects the reality of Chilean youth,” or is “just another element of U.S. imperialism.”248 He states that Hip-hop came to Chile during the mid-1980s, where it slowly developed into a bigger movement that also contained elements of commercial Hip- hop, comparable to the development of Hip-hop in the United States during the 1990s. Important Hip-hop groups that emerged during that time included the aforementioned first Chilean rap group Panteras Negras, as well as the group La Pozze Latina (the Latin posse), that I mentioned in my fourth article. According to

247 Christiaens et al. 2014, p. 10. 248 Quitzow 2001, p. 4.

129 Quitzow, the beginnings of Chilean Hip-hop were thus not marked by the influence of a “powerful marketing scheme,” but were the result of the appeal of Hip-hop culture to “disenfranchised Chilean youth in Santiago’s poblaciones,” the emergence of which I have outlined above.249 The emergence of Chilean Hip-hop can, in other words, both be discussed as a sign of commercialism and U.S. imperialism, as well as a critique against such imperialism. In his study, Quitzow also identifies both parallels and differences between the development of Hip-hop in the United States, and its development in Chile. In both countries, Hip-hop started with breakdance, while rap music emerged at a later stage. B-boys in the Chilean poblaciones watched U.S. American movies such as Breakdance, and started to imitate the moves of the dancers. Hip- hop also emerged in areas with similar living conditions. In the United States, it emerged in the Bronx, a marginalized low-income inner city ghetto that had gone through major structural changes during the 1960s and 70s.250 In Chile, Hip-hop emerged alongside Pinochet’s autocratic project to create a neo-liberal state that created a growing mass of urban poor located in the poblaciones. In both of these areas, Hip-hop gave voice to “the tensions and contradictions in the public urban landscape during a period of substantial transformation,” and set out to “shift the urban terrain on behalf of the dispossessed” amidst a conservative backlash to more populist politics. Early versions of Hip-hop culture in both countries included the ideology of nonviolent competition, and offered an alternative to drugs and violence on the streets.251 Ac- cording to Quitzow, there are also differences between the ways in which Hip-hop emerged in the two countries: while Chile had experienced a dictatorship, the United States had not; there were and are also differences in definitions of racialized identities in the two countries: whereas, as I have discussed above, race and ethnicity are central aspects in the United States, Chileans do generally not think of themselves as part of different racial groups. Another important difference that Quitzow points out is the economic context in the United States and in Chile. He notes that,

249 Quitzow 2001, p. 40. 250 Chang 2006, p. 25 ff. 251 Quitzow 2001, p. 33.

130 while Hip-hop in Chile emerged within, and set out to represent a marginalized group of, Chilean society, it “still excludes an even more indigent sector of society that does not have access to even the limited consumer goods that enable youngsters to learn and develop a hip hop scene in the poblaciones.”252 Class is also a central aspect in the analysis of the development of the Chilean Hip-hop movement, both in a book by Pedro Poch Plá, and an article by María Emilia Tijoux, Marisol Facuse and Miguel Urru- tia.253 The foreword to Poch Plá’s book is written by historian Gabriel Salazar, who describes Chilean Hip-hop as an expression of a class-consciousness located in the poblaciones. Yet, where Quitzow sees the emergence of a community in the poblaciones that provides a “fresh and new” identity for those who were marginalized from a new Chilean national identity, Poch Plá and Tijoux el al. see Hip-hop as an act of political resistance; first, against the Pinochet regime, and second, against the continuation of his economic policies by the Concertación governments after 1990. While both Poch Plá and Tijoux et al. point out that Chilean Hip-hop contains commercial and individualistic tendencies, Sala- zar takes an activist stance and demands that Hip-hop artist become a more active part of the political struggle against consumer culture brought to Chile from the United States.254 Where Quitzow sees a break with the past, Poch Plá in other words sees the continuation of a class struggle that had existed before the emergence of Hip-hop culture in Chile. Quitzow also argues that this break with the past consisted of providing alternatives to traditional forms of popular culture in Chile. He claims that, by individualizing dance performance, breakdancing responded to the increasing individualism in Chilean society during the 1980s and 1990s; it provided an alternative to traditional Chilean dance cultures that were “limited to partner dancing such as cumbia or merengue or the Chilean national dance cueca.255 Quitzow also claims that the music of the nueva canción movement was “beginning to seem outmoded” in the 1980s, as it

252 Quitzow 2001, p. 35. 253 Poch Plá 2011; Tijoux et al. 2012. 254 Ironically, both consumer culture and the resistance against it can thus be traced back to the United States. 255 Quitzow 2011, p. 26.

131 “no longer seemed quite in tune with the Chilean reality.” Marco Antonio Cervantes and Lilliana Patricia Saldana on the other hand see a firm connection between Hip-hop and the nueva canción movement. They argue that both movements can be studied as “counterhegemonic movements against cultural imperialism in the U.S. and Latin America.”256 They also outline clear parallels between the music of the “godmother of nueva canción music” Violetta Parra who popularized indigenous instruments from the Andean highlands of Bolivia and Peru, the lyrics of Victor Jara who denounced the colonial legacies of race, class and gender hierarchies, and the work of Chilean Hip-hop artist Ana Tijoux. Cervantes and Saldana also stress the importance of the exiled nueva canción groups Inti-Illimani and Quilapayun that were created by leftist middle-class university students for introducing nueva canción music to international audiences. !&" ")!5 ) %'%% !&! "$ %&"$+ % & $ )"$ && ( '%!&"'$&$& 8

Entangled oral history and public memory work In this introductory chapter, I have combined an oral history, with an entangled history approach. In the fourth article, I explicitly use such a perspective in order to analyze the creation and negotiation of a Chilean or Latino artist identity by Hip-hop artists in Chile, and Hip-hop artists with a Chilean background in Sweden. I here specifically argue that such a combination can be especially fruitful for studying the history of Chile and its diaspora after 1973. Re- cent studies, that concern themselves with the Pinochet regime and its aftermath, have stressed the way in which Chilean society as a whole engages in public memory work in order to try to come to terms with the human rights violations that occurred during the regime. In the following section, I in other words discuss the context within which the narratives of remembering and forgetting the Pinochet regime emerged in greater detail. After 1990, there were three different truth and reconciliation commissions that based their work on interviewing those who had

256 Cervantes & Saldaña 2015, p. 85.

132 been incarcerated or tortured during the regime. The first two reports were: the Rettig Report (report of the National Commis- sion for Truth and Reconciliation) that was published in 1991, and the Valech Report (the report by the National Commision on Political Prison and Torture) that was published in 2004. The Valech Commission continued its work after the death of Pinochet in 2006, and published supplements to its earlier report in 2010 and 2011. While the Rettig Report does not mention torture, exile, or job blacklisting, these supplements outline the locations of the numerous torture centers in Chile, the methods of torture used, and the names of political prisoners. Since 2010, Chileans can access the findings of these three commissions at the Museo de la Memoria y los Derechos Humanos (the Museum of Memory and Human Rights) in Santiago. Pamela Constable and Arturo Valenzuela argue that, in the aftermath of the coup, Chile became an increasingly divided Nation of Enemies, with some segments of the population supporting Pinochet, and others opposing him.257 In 2004, Steve J. Stern published the first book of the trilogy The Memory Box of Pino- chet’s Chile, in which he outlines what he calls the “meaning of a collective trauma” after 1973. 258 In this trilogy, Stern provides detailed accounts of the ways in which the regime restricted communication, and tried to maintain a hegemonic grip on an “official” Chilean history. As Fernando Camacho Padilla points out in his article Combates entre la memoria y la historia de Chile (struggles between the memory and the history of Chile), writing history “from below” becomes especially important in the case of Chile, as such a perspective serves to make visible the complex and little known processes that were going on in secret.259 However, such individual accounts also have to be carefully analyzed in the specific historical and ideological context within which they are and were created. Camacho Padilla argues that the narratives of re-

257 Sørensen 2009, p. 5 and p. 32. 258 Stern 2004; Stern 2006; Stern 2010. Stern argues that: “Memory projects – to record and defined the reality of the Allende era and its culminating crisis of 1973, to record and defined the reality of military rule and its human rights drama – ended up becoming central to the logic by which people sought and won legitimacy in a politically divided and socially heterogenous society that experienced a great turn and trauma.” Stern 2006, p. xxi. 259 Camacho Padilla 2009, p. 91.

133 membering or forgetting the Pinochet regime are also connected to a specific way in which the time before 1973 is remembered.260 Those, who do not want to forget the atrocities committed by the Pinochet regime, tend to remember the political chaos and economic scarcity that allegedly resulted from the politics of the Unidad Popular during the 1970s. Yet, others, who want the public debate to deal with the human rights violations, committed in Chile between 1973 and 1990, stress these atrocities as more severe than any political chaos that preceded them. The way in which a Chile- an past is remembered in other words depends on the present motivations of those who remember it. In spite of the efforts of the Pinochet regime to limit communication both within Chile and with the outside world, the reactions of the international community influenced the way in which Chileans remembered the past. As Kristin Sørensen points out, the framing of Pinochet and his legacy as an international issue “allowed a hegemonic historical memory, sponsored by the state, to be contested and pluralized within the nation.”261 As I have argued in the second loop, this influence worked both ways, as the Chilean case greatly influenced the development of human rights legislation, and solidarity movements established themselves in different countries across the world. Contact and communication were also maintained between Chileans living in Chile and the Chilean diaspora that emerged after 1973. After the end of the Pinochet regime, communication between Chileans and the outside world increased, especially as a result of the new communication revolution of the Internet in the 2000s.262 A study of the ways in which such communication influences different ways in which the past is remembered, must also take into account class differences, as especially those Chileans living in the economically marginalized poblaciones, or on the countryside, do often not have access to the Internet. As Aleida Assman notes, studies that focus on transnational communication and what she calls “new memory-communities”

260 Ibid, p. 91. 261 Sørensen 2009, p. 6. 262 Communication revolution is by no means a new concept. Robert G. Albion discusses a ”Communications Revolution” in an article written for The American Historical Review as early as 1932."$&8 "!=;" '!&"!(" '&"!< " 5DLFE?FJ@7G8

134 should avoid moving directly from nationalism to the “global sphere of media circulation.” Instead of solely focusing on the connectivity of digital technologies and media itself, Assman suggests an increased focus on “the work of new transnational actors and institutional networks that are reshaping the global world from above and below.”263 This includes acknowledging that some borders continue to exist, or are re-erected. It is within such a framework that, in the fourth and final article, I set out to discuss the way in which Hip-hop artists in Chile, and Hip-hop artists in Sweden with a Chilean background, define what it means to be Chilean or Latino through their music.

263 Assman 2014, p. 548.

135 SUMMARY OF ARTICLE IV

FROM NUEVA CANCIÓN TO HIP-HOP: AN ENTANGLED HISTORY OF HIP-HOP IN-BETWEEN CHILE AND SWEDEN

This article has been accepted for publication in Scandia 2017:1.

Introduction During the 2000s Hip-hop artists in Chile and Hip-hop artists in Sweden with a Chilean background began to work together, and both set out to define what it means to be Chilean or Latino through their music. This article asks how these definitions can be understood and interpreted against the background of an entangled history in-between Chile and Sweden by using the theoretical and methodological frameworks of entangled history and oral history.

Method and design This article is primarily based on interviews I conducted with the following seven artists in Sweden and Chile: Cristian Salla Salazar Campos, from the production company The Salazar Brothers; Juan Havana Paez Larraguibel, from the group Advance Patrol, Rodrigo Rodde Bernal, member of the group, Hermanos Bernal; Eduardo

136 Lalo Meneses, co-founder of the group, Panteras Negras; Jimmy Fernández, co-founder of the group La Pozze Latina; Cesar Cestar Morales, member of the dancehall group, Shamanes Crew; and finally, Rapper Edwin Chumbeque Líbano Gamboa. The analysis also includes Chilean rapper Ana Tijoux. I did not interview Ana, but made field notes during a panel discussion on Chilean music in the world (musica Chilena en el mundo) which she participated in at the Balmaceda Arte Joven, a center for youth culture in Santiago in June 2015. My analysis also draws on two other interviews with Ana in which she elaborates on her definition of being Chilean in connection to music. The article consists of five empirical sections. It starts by discussing the historical contexts in which Hip-hop emerged in both countries during the 1980s. The second section focuses on the connections and influences that marked the emergence of Hip-hop in Chile, followed by a section that outlines the emergence of rap in Chile after 1990. In the fourth section I discuss the emergence of rap in Sweden by focusing on the seminal group, The Latin Kings, and their attempts at creating a so-called Latino identity as Hip- hop artists during the 1990s. In the fifth and final section, I focus on the cooperation between Chilean and Swedish artists before discussing the fact that artists in both countries claim a Chilean or Latino identity through their music against the background of an entangled history in-between Chile and Sweden. Results In the first section I argue that there are differences between the historical emergence of marginalized areas in Sweden and Chile and the way in which Hip-hop artists have related to them. In Sweden, Hip-hop became part of a public debate on the förorten that preceded the emergence of Hip-hop culture. Despite this, some Hip-hop artists such as The Latin Kings were critical of being limited to speaking for the förorten. In Chile, where Hip-hop culture emerged at the same time as the poblaciones started to grow during the 1980s, Hip-hop artists such as Lalo Meneses did not express the same need to distance themselves from the poblaciones. Another difference is that while the förorten is defined

137 as low-income, immigrant-dominated areas, the poblaciones are solely defined through the low income of their inhabitants, and one should note that there is a difference between what is regarded as low income in Sweden and what is considered as such in Chile. However, the similarities in both countries for the emergence of Hip-hop are the male-dominated networks and what sociologist Tricia Rose calls the masculine-coded styles of performance of Hip- hop as a genre.EIG In the second section I focus on the influences and connections that have had an impact on the development of Hip-hop in Chile. I argue that its emergence during the 1980s has to be read against the specific historical background of a regime that tried to limit communication, connections, and political activities that were not in line with the dictatorship. Hip-hop in Chile developed through the influence of translators and retornados by whom the b-boys in the poblaciones were informed about the struggles of the civil rights movement in the United States as well as the global reach of Hip-hop culture. These individuals were either older, had a different socio-economic background, or had spent time outside of Chile. By using an oral history approach which takes into account that individuals often change their assessment of past events over time, I point out that today Lalo claims continuity with the nueva canción movement by describing Hip-hop as a Trojan horse used to smuggle socio-political critique past the authorities during the dictatorship. Hip-hop thereby became a means to create historical continuity in opposition to a dictatorship that aimed at erasing the cultural and political influences that were present in the country before the coup d’état. Such a reassessment of the past can also be read within the context of Lalo’s individual life story: he may indeed have wanted to break with the past when he was younger, whereas in 2015, he stresses continuity. In the third section I outline the historical context in which rap emerged in Chile during the 1990s. The 1990 elections in Chile did not immediately result in the end of military influence and the beginning of a critique of the Pinochet regime. While the Panteras Negras represented themselves as the voice of the poblaciones, the

264 Tricia Rose, keynote held at the Critical Hip-hop Studies symposium, University of Turku, Finland, 17 October 2014.

138 form of Hip-hop that became visible in mainstream media was the less socio-critical rap of the retornados which did not engage an open critique of the Pinochet regime and the current government in its lyrics. The Panteras Negras were profoundly influenced by the political activism of the Black Panther Party in the United States, and here Lalo once again stresses continuity with the past by not only criticizing the current political situation, but also encouraging Chileans to realize that the 1990 democratic elections did not produce a clear break with the Pinochet regime. He claims that the democratically elected government simply continued the economic policies of the regime. They even withdrew their representatives from the poblaciónes that were in desperate need of economic and structural aid. In this situation, Hip-hop artists started to work with those tasks that the government should have handled. The structure of this work was influenced by Lalo’s travels to Europe: after realizing that European Hip-hop activists received money from the government for their work, he started demanding that the government finance his activities in Chile as well. Meanwhile, in Sweden, The Latin Kings emerged from within a slightly different socio-historical context. In the fourth section I focus on the historical context in which Hip-hop emerged in Sweden during the 1990s. In Sweden, Hip-hop became part of the public debate on the representation of the förorten in the context of a public debate on multiculturalism which emerged during the early 1990s. The members of The Latin Kings were attracted to Hip-hop, as it provided the means to become part of a global culture that consisted of youth from a range of backgrounds. That the group started to represent themselves as Latino through their music during the 1990s does not necessarily mean they were intent on creating continuity with a Latin-American or Chilean past: producing an album in Spanish was mainly a way to reach a wider audience for their music, particularly in America. Thus, the display of heterosexual masculinity and desire in the video can be seen as an attempt to cater to the tastes of a global or U.S. American Hip-hop audience. It is also important to note that their representation of the förorten in their lyrics and their connection to Chile are only two of many aspects that can be used to discuss both their work as musicians and their

139 personal lives. There was no cooperation between Swedish and Chilean artists during the 1990s. Ye, things changed during the 2000s, as many other Swedish Hip-hop artists also claimed a Chilean background through their music. In the fifth and final section, I focus on the influences and connections that have had an impact on Hip-hop culture in Chile and Sweden, and the way in which the artists who are part of this study create continuity with the past. Chilean and Swedish artists began to work together during the 2000s. Both Swedish artists with a Chilean background and Hip-hop artists in Chile have set out to define being Chilean in their specific historical locations, as well as creating a connection to the nueva canción movement. I further argue that the definition of Chileans as “cultural” in Sweden can be seen as a means to create a sense of belonging in Sweden and to remind Swedes of the specific immigration history of Chileans in Sweden. However, it is not an attempt to create remembrance of a repressed past, especially given that the 1970s was a time in which Chileans were heartily welcomed in Sweden. In Chile, defining Chileans as “cultural” works in a different way. Here, it is a means to contribute to the remembrance of a repressed past and to create historical continuity which includes the nueva canción movement of the 1970s as well as the time of the dictatorship and its aftermath. It can be argued that such remembrance becomes possible at this specific historical moment in which Chilean society is slowly starting to address the atrocities of the dictatorship following the death of Pinochet in 2006.

Conclusion In the fourth and final article I argue that the creation and negotiation of a Chilean or Latino artist identity by Hip-hop artists in Chile, and Hip-hop artists with a Chilean background in Sweden can be read in three ways: first, as a marketable artist identity; second, as a construction connected to the specific historical contexts of Sweden and Chile; and third, as a marker for global solidarity. As a marketable artist identity, the artists´ definition of themselves as Latino or Chilean can be seen as a means to reach a wider audience. Swedish artists such as The Latin Kings made such

140 an attempt during the 1990s through their song Latinos somos (We Are Latinos), and both Hermanos Bernal and Advance Patrol aim for a wider market outside of Sweden. By creating such a marketable artist identity, they appeal to the tastes of a global pop-music audience that often also includes drawing on stereotypical representations of heterosexual masculinity and desire. In contrast, Chilean artists stress the importance of making Chile visible on the global music market, as they describe the country as both geographically and culturally marginalized. The artists´ definition of themselves as Latino or Chilean can also be seen as a means to create continuity with the past by defining Chilean as “cultural” in their specific historical contexts. Chil- ean artists such as Lalo Meneses and Ana Tijoux create historical continuity which reaches back to a pre-colonial period in Chile: they set out to remember a past that includes the Mapuche Indians, the nueva canción movement of the 1960s and 1970s, the atrocities of Pinochet regime in the 1970s and 1980s, and the period after the regime. In this way, Hip-hop culture becomes part of public memory work and serves as resistance against the attempts to create historical ruptures, both by the Pinochet regime and the democratic governments that have succeeded it. I claim that in such a context, Hip-hop cannot be separated from representing the poblaciones: it becomes the voice to make them and their history visible and thereby included in a historical continuity. As a result, connections, translators, and influences become especially important. In this respect, their attempts are comparable to an Afri- can diaspora that, as Stuart Hall has pointed out, sets out to remember a repressed past.265 In Sweden, Hip-hop artists such as Rodde Bernal have defined themselves as Chilean in order to remind Swedes of the 1970s, as well as to create a sense of belonging in a multicultural society which stresses difference as desirable by defining their difference as specifically Chilean. They also create a connection to the nueva canción movement as well as continuity with their parent generation. However, they do not set out to remember a repressed past: Chileans who fled to Sweden after the coup d’état were heartily

265 Hall 1990, p. 224.

141 welcomed, and there are no perceptible attempts in Swedish society to forget the solidarity with Chile that prevailed in the 1970s. Swedish artists such as The Latin Kings often resist being reduced to their lyrical representation of the förorten, the Swedish suburbs that existed before Hip-hop became visible in mainstream media where it then became associated with the förorten. I claim that instead of setting out to create their own version of historical continuity, artists such as The Latin Kings, Hermanos Bernal, and Advance Patrol want to become part of an official Swedish history. By setting out to become Swedish, they also claim the freedom to be seen as individuals instead of representatives of the förorten or their immigrant background. The third and final way in which the artists’ definition of themselves as Latino or Chilean can be understood is as an identity based on solidarity. As Jane Tumas Serna has pointed out, both nueva canción and Hip-hop can provide the platform to create a Pan-Latin identity that unites people living in South and Central America in an anti-capitalist critique.266 This identity can draw on a narrative that includes remembering the nueva canción movement of the 1960s or a solidarity that is based on the common experience of being marginalized. Such solidarity can also be used as political mobilization in which case it becomes a form of identity politics. As such, it offers the opportunity to become part of something bigger for those who are marginalized. By using the combined framework of entangled history and oral history, this article demonstrates the way in which artist identities are constructed, used, and filled with meaning within specific historical contexts. It has shown that being Chilean or Latino acquires different meanings as individual artists change their understanding or interpretations of the past. Thereby, my article contributes both to the study of Hip-hop in, and in-between Chile and Sweden, as well as studies focusing on a Chilean diasporiazation process in Sweden. In both cases, Hip-hop artists create continuity with a Chilean or Swedish past, and thereby specific political struggles of their parent generation.

266 Jane Tumas Serna, “The Nueva Canción Movement and its Mass-Mediated Perfor- mance Context”, Latin American Music Review/ Revista de Música Latinoamericana 1992:2, p. 139–157.

142 Their identity constructions must nevertheless also be seen as positionalities that are created in the present, and as part of their individual life stories that are subject to change. While their younger selves might have held different views and had different values, their present location and position in Hip-hop culture determine the way in which they construct their identities based on specific interpretations of the past. By constructing their work as political and as a means to “speak for” the marginalized other, Hip-hop artists also affirm a dominant narrative of Hip-hop culture that is present in mainstream media. Thereby, they both legitimize themselves as Hip-hop artists, a legitimization that often also includes heteronormative masculinity, and become able to sell their music. I argue that the combination of an entangled history and oral history framework is fruitful, as it contributes an actor-based perspective on the creation and negotiation of identities across national boundaries. Such a perspective, which must always take into account that identities are created in the present, demonstrates that identities are both based on specific narratives of the past, and imagined within and across national boundaries.

143 Discussion In the following, I will discuss the creation and negotiation of identities by Chilean and Swedish artists in terms of transnational memory work in, and in-between Chile and Sweden, and in connection to the narratives of the good Sweden (defined as solidarity with Chile, multiculturalism, gender-equality, and individualism), the narrative of the old Sweden, and the narratives based on remembering and forgetting the Pinochet regime. As I have argued above, Hip-hop artists Eduardo Lalo Meneses and Ana Tijoux create a Chilean identity in terms of the narrative of remembering the Pinochet regime. They challenge both the silencing of the human rights violations committed during the regime, and the silencing of an indigenous past in Chile. It could be argued that this narrative is especially important for Lalo, since he lived in Chile during the Pinochet regime, and wants a younger generation of Chileans to remember this specific narrative of the past. Another explanation is that he is creating an artist identity based on such a narrative in the present: in his autobiography he explicitly positions himself as a politically active artist. Since the family of Ana Tijoux, who also stresses this narrative through her work as a Hip-hop artist, moved away from Chile during the 1980s, her activism can also to some degree be explained through the construction of her artist identity as a political activist. In both cases, their activism can also be seen as part of a transnational solidarity with individuals and groups who share similar experiences. There is, however, a slight difference between Lalo Meneses and Ana Tijoux in terms of which segments of the Chilean population they primarily represent through their work. Whereas Lalo primarily sets out to make visible the poblaciones through his music and Hip-hop activism, Ana often also features members of the rural population in her videos. As Paulina de los Reyes has pointed out in her study of the rural poor in Chile during the Pinochet regime, the rural population was often even more marginalized than the urban poor during that time period.267 In his study of Chilean Hip-

267 Paulina de los Reyes, The rural poor: agrarian changes and survival strategies in Chile 1973–1989, Diss., Uppsala 1992.

144 hop, Quitzow also notes that the emergence of Hip-hop in Chile often excluded the “most indigent poor that had no access to cable TV”, which is why they could not gain access to Hip-hop culture that was broadcast by the Pinochet-controlled TV-stations.268 The b-boys and Hip-hop artists living in the poblaciones today also have access to the Internet and thereby the ability to get in contact with the world outside of Chile, an access that is not as readily available to the rural population. The invisibility of the rural population in media outlets and the public debate also became apparent in the aftermath of the earthquake that shook Chile in February 2010.269 This shows that even in Chile, Hip-hop artists are more often than not, not among the most marginalized groups of society. In the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake the solidarity networks that were established during the Pinochet regime were reactivated, not only in Sweden but also in other countries such as France, England USA and Cuba.270 In its wake, the groups Advance Patrol and Hermanos Bernal cancelled their plans to go on tour in Chile that year. Instead, Hermanos Bernal started to collect money for the victims of the earthquake, among other things by performing at charity concerts organized in Sweden. Thus, in 2010 it once more became apparent that the narrative of remembering Pinochet, that was dominating the Chilean exile community until 1990, is closely linked to the narrative of the good Sweden, both in the works of Swedish Hip-hop artists with a Chilean background, and the solidarity networks in Sweden. This connection also becomes visible in Chile itself. The Museo de la Memoria y los Derechos Humanos (the Museum of Memory and Human Rights) in Santia- go prominently features evidence of the outpour of international solidarity in the aftermath of the 1973 coup. On the top floor of the museum there is a showcase that includes the following LPs: Jan Hammarlund’s tusentals stjärnor över Chile (Thousand stars above Chile), Chile angår oss (Chile concerns us) featuring various Chilean artists published by the Arbetarrörelsen, the Swedish

268 Quitzow 2001, p. 38. 269 As Paulina de los Reyes points out, rural areas in Chile are geographically isolated. Paulina de los Reyes ”Solidaritet med Chile – igen” Arbetarhistoria Antipodes 2010:2-3, p. 4. 270 de los Reyes 2010, p. 7.

145 Labor Movement, and Rebellisk Musik (rebellious music) by the group Karaxu, a French-Chilean group consisting of exiled Chile- ans.271 The narratives of remembering the Pinochet regime and the good Sweden based on solidarity are thus remembered in both Sweden and Chile. The other artists that I interviewed in Chile however did not as readily place themselves within such a narrative of historical struggle and could therefore be seen as drawing on the narrative of forgetting the Pinochet regime. Although both of their families lived in Chile during the time of the Pinochet regime, both Cestar and Chumbeque claim that this first narrative is primarily important to an “older” generation of Chileans. Chumbeque stressed that his family was not part of the resistance movement, and that none of them suffered during the regime. Although Cestar briefly mentioned the current political unrests in Chile that have resulted from reforms initiated by Chilean President Michelle Bachelet, he stressed that he is not political.EJE Jimmy Fernández, whose family did not stay in Chile during the regime, also stated that this narrative was primarily important to those who experienced the human rights violations in Chile first-hand. During our interview, he was outspokenly critical of the current corruption and greed among politicians. These reactions could also be explained as a strategy they used during our interviews. As they most probably saw me as a representative of Swedish public opinion, their reluctance to mention negative aspects of the Chilean past could also be interpreted as a means to reach out with a positive image of Chile to a Swedish audience. These reactions also make visible the power relations that “determine what is remembered (or forgotten), by whom, and for what end” that characterizes memory work. Although there are different ways in which the past can be remembered, individuals can also choose to distance themselves from specific narratives of the past. As I have briefly outlined in the methodological discussion, this dissertation itself is part of such memory work, as it demands that all of the artists included in it know “their”, that is,

271 It is interesting to note that while the group itself was not Swedish, the title of the LP featured in the museum is written in Swedish. 272 de los Reyes 2010.

146 some version of Chilean history. The fact that, above all, the artists that I interviewed in Chile reflected in different ways on their authority to claim a historical narrative based on national trauma is a cautionary tale for researchers who engage in oral history connected to traumatic pasts. While the dominant historical narrative in, and outside of Chile is described as traumatic, it cannot automatically be assumed that each individual wants to place her, or himself within such a narrative. By comparing the historical narratives that Rodrigo Rodde Ber- nal on the one hand, and Eduardo Lalo Menese and Ana Tijoux on the other, draw on, a distinctive difference between the African American diaspora and the Chilean diaspora becomes visible. While Rodde’s creation of a Chilean identity is an attempt to reclaim a positive image of Chileans in Sweden based on the narrative of the good Sweden, the identity created and negotiated by Lalo and Ana is closer related to an African American diasporic experience outlined by Stuart Hall: it is a means to reclaim a cultural identity by re-telling a repressed past.EJF In this case, a repression of the past is thus not present in the Chilean diaspora, but rather in Chile, the “home country” itself. The final aspect of the construction and negotiation of identities through Hip-hop in-between Sweden and Chile that I will discuss here is the difference between a Latino and Chilean identity, and their connection to a U.S. American context. As I have outlined in the second loop, a Chilean group identity almost became synonymous with a Latin American group identity in Sweden during the exile period. In a musical context however, a Chilean identity refers to the specific narratives in both Sweden and Chile discussed above, while a Latino identity can be seen as referring to both a Chilean diaspora, and a pan-Latino community, based on solidarity with the Global South.274 It can also be argued that, in an international context, a Chilean artist identity that refers to global solidarity works especially well, since Chile became an “iconic issue, that mobilized people much more than other Latin American

273 Hall 1990, p. 224. 274 Yet, not all South Americans view themselves as Latinos. The creation of such a pan- Latino identity also serves to make invisible (historical) conflicts between different South American countries.

147 countries with similar political repression” in the aftermath of the 1973 coup.275 Yet, as I have outlined in the third loop, in the context of mainstream Hip-hop in the United States, a Latino identity is not necessarily associated with Hip-hop culture. As Ana Tijoux noted during the panel discussion that I attended in Santiago, she is still perceived as “strange” in a U.S. American Hip-hop context, in spite of the fact that her song “1977” was part of the globally successful U.S. American TV series “Breaking Bad.” There are, in fact, complex historical and (popular) cultural relations between the United States and Chile and its diaspora. While most of the artists that I interviewed are very critical of U.S. imperialism they, at the same time, engage in a cultural form that emerged in the United States in order to express their resistance to such U.S. imperialism. This confirms the assessment that Hip-hop can both be discussed as a sign of commercialism and U.S. imperialism, as well as a critique against such imperialism.

275 Christiaens et al. 2014, p. 9.

148 AFTERWORD

At the end of my interview with Salla, he mentioned that The Salazar Brothers are planning to film a documentary in Chile. During their stay in Santiago, they are planning to get in contact with Eduardo Lalo Meneses for the first time. The aim of the documentary is to demonstrate that:

[…] we would not have become criminals, even if we had stayed in Chile. If we had stayed in Chile, we would have done the same things that we are doing here: working with music, and working with youth. We would not have become criminals, as they say. We do not have to be thankful for being rescued from being criminals.

Salla here refers to a narrative that expects migrants to be thankful for being rescued from the fate they would have encountered had they stayed in their home countries. Such an idea of obligation to gratefulness can be seen as based on a specific neoliberal ideology: human beings are only worth something if they “contribute to society” by working that is, earning money, whereas they are a “burden to society” when they are on the receiving end that is, receiving any form of benefits.EJI This debate also includes the question when such thankfulness should end. In present-day Swe- den, an obligation to thankfulness is often generally directed at all those who are identified as “migrants”. This includes individuals who grew up in Sweden, yet have parents who migrated to Sweden

276 Claudia Card, ”Gratitude and Obligation” American Philosophical Quarterly, 1988(25):2, p. 115–127.

149 from non-European countries. As the quote above shows, The Salazar Brothers oppose this idea. Their opposition can once more be seen as continuity with the Chilean post exile group that was also based on opposing both marginalization based on race/ethnicity and neoliberal policies and narratives. As mentioned in the introduction, both The Latin Kings and The Salazar Brothers have been part of a large number of Swedish documentaries and TV shows. One of the more recent shows that features The Salazar Brothers as producers is called Lyckliga gatan (the happy street). It is described as follows by the TV station TV4:

Lyckliga gatan featured on TV4 describes unique musical meetings across generations and genres with the aim to create new interpretations of both well-known Swedish songs from the “Swedish musical treasure”, and hits from the Hip-hop genre.

In one of the episodes of this show, Swedish Hip-hop artist Gee Dixon covers the song “Jag vill tacka livet” (I want to thank life), originally performed by Swedish singer and songwriter Arja Sai- jonmaa. In the episode, The Salazar Brothers, including Masse, who did not want to talk about his connection to Chile during our interview, mention that the song itself is a cover of the like-named song “Gracias a la vida” by nueva canción singer Violetta Parra. At a later stage, the episode features Saijonmaa in her living room where she is joined by rapper Gee Dixon, and the host of the show Matar Näääk Samba.EJJ Saijonmaa shows them a video of the funeral of Prime Minister Olof Palme, who was assassinated on the 28th of February 1986, at which she performed the song.EJK The three then discuss her work within the solidarity movement during the 1980s. Rapper Gee Dixon, who does not have any connections to Chile himself, then claims that he becomes “part of something greater than myself” by covering the song.

277 Matar Samba is a Swedish rapper whose mother is from Finland and whose father is from Gambia. His artist name ”Näääk” is a reference to the finnish word ”neekeri” that is, negro. 278 TV4, “Arjas låt större än Gee Dixon någonsin kunnat ana – Lyckliga gatan”, 8 January 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=icL4fYvntSw (2016-06-29)

150 At the end of the episode, Dixon performs a cover of “Jag vill tacka livet” (produced by The Salazar Brothers) together with rapper Stor, another artist who has familial ties to Chile and inter- prets these connections as important to him as a Hip-hop artist.EJL In the lyrics of the song, Dixon “thanks life” for everything he has achieved in spite of all the obstacles he has been confronted with. At an earlier stage, rapper Carlito informed the viewers of the program that his parents fled from Chile, and that they, that is, what he calls the “second generation” are now “closing the circle”. As I have mentioned in my introduction, The Salazar Brothers are dominant actors in the Swedish Hip-hop scene. As both they, and other Hip-hop artists stress their connections to Chile and the importance of the solidarity expressed toward Chile in the 1970s in TV shows such as Lyckliga gatan, they create continuity with the Chilean exile period in Sweden. Just as Chilean refugees were the dominant force in the exile community, the children of these refugees today set out to establish themselves as the dominant force in the Swedish Hip-hop community, as other Hip-hop artists start relating to a “Chilean” past as well. In the lyrics of the song “Jag vill tacka livet”, thankfulness also becomes something that is not only expected from migrants. Thankfulness is here directly connected to the solidarity movement of the 1970s and Prime Minister Olof Palme. I argue that this once more stresses the narrative that Chileans are, in fact, Swedish.

279 TV4,” Gee Dixons tolkning av Arja Saijonmaas Jag vill tacka livet – Lyckliga gatan (TV4)” 8 January 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PxFVNgWEzKM (2016- 06-29)

151 CONCLUDING DISCUSSION

In this dissertation I have focused on the intersection of Hip-hop culture and the Chilean diaspora in Sweden after 1973 as a means to understand the way in which cultural identities are connected to different pasts. By using an entangled history approach, I have set out to answer two research questions: how and when do Hip-hop artists in Sweden and Chile create and negotiate their identities? How are these creations and negotiations connected to different narratives in Sweden and Chile - the narrative of the good Sweden and the old Sweden on the one hand, and the narrative of forgetting or remembering the Pinochet regime on the other? In the following, I will discuss the way in which this dissertation contributes to studies on the Chilean diaspora in Sweden on one hand, and Hip-hop studies on the other. While earlier studies by, for instance Beatriz Lindqvist or Erik Olsson, have focused on the Chilean diasporization process in Sweden in general, this study has solely focused on the children of Chilean refugees in Sweden who became Hip-hop artists in the post-exile period, and their connections to Hip-hop artists in Chile.280 Instead of solely focusing on the way in which these Chileans have adapted to their life in Sweden, I have outlined the way in which they draw on the specific past between Sweden and Chile to position themselves as Hip-hop artists, by using an entangled history approach that applies a cultural studies perspective to migration history. In conclusion, I argue that those Swedish Hip- hop artists with a Chilean background that I have included in this study create continuity with a Chilean past in Sweden, and with

280 Lindqvist 1991; Olsson 2007.

152 their parent generation that belongs to the Chilean or Latin Ameri- can exile community in Sweden. This continuity can be read in – at least – three different ways. First of all, the Hip-hop artists provide a new means to mobilize a Chilean or Latino group identity in Sweden for the post exile community. Thereby, they also provide a means to overcome the identity crisis that the Chilean community in Sweden faced after the end of the Pinochet regime that Erik Olsson has pointed out. Second, the Hip-hop artists are today positioning themselves as an important group within the Hip-hop community, much in the same way that Chileans were the dominant group within the Latin American exile community in Sweden during the 1970s and 1980s. In both cases, the solidarity that provides in-group cohesion is not limited to Chileans. During the 1970s and 1980s other Latin American refugees, as well as Swedes who did not have a background in Latin America were part of the solidarity movement. Today, Hip-hop artists extend their solidarity to other members of the Hip-hop community who have experienced marginalization based on ethnicity or race. The third aspect of continuity between the exile community and the Hip-hop community is the central meaning of “culture.” During both periods, Chileans in Sweden were defined and often defined themselves as “cultural”. To be sure, there are also differences between then and now. While solidarity was mainly connected to (political) ideology during the 1970s, the mobilization of a Chilean or Latino identity through Hip-hop is today based on a narrative of the past that combines the narrative of remembering the Pinochet regime with the narrative of the good Sweden. The identity is in other words not only based ideology, but also on nostalgia. There is also a difference in terms of which historical narratives are dominant in Chile and Sweden today compared to the 1970s and 1980s. The critical narrative of the Pinochet regime was repressed in Chile during the 1970s, but was kept alive outside Chile in the Chilean diaspora during that time. However, after the end of the regime, the narrative became less important in the Chilean diaspora, while it turned into one of the central aspects of public memory work in Chile.

153 In Chile, the combined narrative of international solidarity and remembering the Pinochet regime has today been institutionalized: it has been made part of Museo de la Memoria y los Derechos Humanos (the Museum of Memory and Human Rights) in Santia- go. In this context, the institutionalization of this narrative is a means to oppose the forgetting of the atrocities of the Pinochet regime. For Chilean Hip-hop artists, the narrative of remembering Pinochet is also a means to oppose the continuation of neoliberal policies that created the poblaciones in Chile. As became evident in the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake in Chile, the current Swedish solidarity expressed toward Chile is also based on opposing these policies, as well as the way in which the government used its power to control specific parts of the population in this aftermath.281 In addition to solidarity, Hip-hop artists in Sweden add another aspect to the narrative of the good Sweden: a positive view on multiculturalism that was created in the 1990s. As I have shown above, this concept can also be problematic as it sets out to define cultural identities as different from each other, which means that it is related to the narrative of the old Sweden that is based on an essentialized view on such cultural identities. Although the aim of multiculturalism is to include different identities in a national framework based on the narrative of the good Sweden, it is also tied to a specific definition of Swedishness that excludes other identities. Defining the narrative of the good Sweden as based on gender equality can, for instance, serve to essentialize Latin Ameri- can masculinity as based on machismo. Individuals who are defined as “other” in a specific national framework are, in other words part of the creation and negotiation of a national identity in the exact same way as those who are not defined as the “other”. That means that they can also become part of discourses that externalize other marginalized identities within and outside of the national framework, in order to claim membership in a national community. I argue that in addition to creating continuity with a Chilean parent generation, there are two other important reasons why Swedish Hip-hop artists with a Chilean background set out to

281 Paulina de los Reyes 2010, p. .4–7.

154 define a Chilean artist identity. The first reason can be traced back to the success and visibility of The Latin Kings during the 1990s, and The Salazar Brothers in the late 2000s. As most of the younger artists that I interviewed mentioned the huge influence of The Latin Kings on their choice to become Hip-hop artists, the question arists whether they would have set out to define a Chilean identity in the same way if Salla and Chepe from The Latin Kings had a different background. The Salazar Brothers later also became very important for Hip-hop artists in both Sweden and Chile as they produced many of their songs. This finding makes visible how important it is to trace interpersonal relationship and connections in, and in-between national contexts in historical research. Such connections can often be crucial for the understanding of the emergence and development of different phenomena. The third reason why Swedish Hip-hop artists have set out to define a Chilean identity through their music is marginalization based on ethnicity/race that they and others experienced in Sweden during the 1990s. In fact, I argue that this marginalization and exclusion, which is based on the narrative of the old Sweden, is the most important reason why the artists have set out to create historical continuity by claiming a Chilean identity in Sweden. The artists use historical continuity to create belonging to Sweden and a legitimate identity as Swedes. This identity, in turn, draws on the narrative of the good Sweden that is based on solidarity, a positive view on multiculturalism, and gender-equality. Yet, as I have argued in the third loop, the construction of such a Swedish identity cannot draw on the aspect of the narrative of the good Sweden that is based on individualism. While Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund, a Swedish artist who does not have familial connections to Latin America can choose to be an individual artist who does not belong to a group, the artists with a Chilean background struggle with being seen as individual artists free from their Chilean or migrant group affiliation. FreddeRico does not set out to claim a specific past in Sweden, as he is automatically considered Swedish, whereas artists who are identified as migrants in Sweden must claim a specific past to be considered Swedish. I thus argue that, in this case, whiteness is connected to individualism in Sweden, which means that the aspect of individualism that has

155 been defined as part of the narrative of the good Sweden is not automatically accessible to non-white groups and individuals. My study also contributes with a historical perspective to earlier sociological research on Swedish Hip-hop. Earlier studies mainly focus on the way in which Hip-hop creates solidarity in the förorten, or those areas that are perceived as such in the public discourse. Yet, my study shows that the migration backgrounds of individual Hip-hop artists can be studied in terms of different solidarities. I have shown that artists set out to claim historical continuity in Sweden through Hip-hop. A historical perspective on Hip-hop culture also shows that Hip-hop artists, just as all marginalized identities are marginalized to different degrees throughout history. As the artists included in this thesis can claim a Chile- an past based on the narrative of solidarity that is, the good Swe- den and remembering the Pinochet regime, they are both able to create a marketable artist identity in Sweden and in an international context, and to refer to a historically dominant narrative in Sweden. Since they thereby claim an identity that is not foreign in a Swedish context, their position in Swedish society cannot be seen as completely marginalized. By drawing on such an identity, they also claim an artist identity that is different from other marginalized identities in Sweden, which means that they do not at all times represent the marginalized other through their music. My dissertation also opens up for a number of further studies. Future research could for instance focus on the Chilean diaspora in Sweden from a generational perspective by asking how those Chileans who came to Sweden during the exile period react to the attempts of Swedish Hip-hop artists to define a Chilean or Latino identity through their music. A sociolinguistic analysis of how these Hip-hop artist use Spanish in their lyrics could also contribute with some interesting results. Another possibility would be to include other countries such as France, Norway and Germany to the study of Hip-hop in the Chilean diaspora. The history of the international solidarity movements could also be discussed in relation to Chilean exile organizations such as the Red europea de chilenos por los derechos cívicos y politicos (the European network of Chileans for civic and political rights). In terms of identity constructions, further research could focus on the ways in which a

156 Latino identity is constructed and perceived in different Latin American countries, since not all individuals living in these countries define themselves along such lines. Finally, future research projects could also compare The Salazar Brothers with other very successful songwriters and producers such as Max Martin who has written songs for the Backstreetboys, Kelly Clarkson, and Taylor Swift, and is specifically defined as Swedish in the context of international pop music.282 More important than that, however is the question of how the results of my dissertation contribute to a public debate in the Global North that is increasingly relying on an essentialist view on cultural identities. My answer to this question is based on two interconnected aspects. First, my results show that marginalization and exclusion are the primary reasons why individuals set out to define Chilean, that is, a “foreign” identity in Sweden. That means that cultural identities become more pronounced through marginalization and exclusion. Although this is by no means a revolutionary finding, my research also shows that the historical narratives that this identity is based on refer to a Swedish, rather than a purely Chilean context: the definition of a Chilean identity here becomes the definition of a Swedish identity. In other words: even if identities seemingly remain the same as they do not change their names, a historical analysis in this case makes visible that they serve to create belonging in situ, rather than contributing to the creation of a “nation within a nation” in Sweden.

282 Sasha Frere-Jones ”The Sound of Sweden – Who rules the pop charts? Swedes.” New Yorker, December 1, 2014 http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/12/01/sound-sweden (2016-07-11)

157 REFERENCES

Interviews Interview with Juan Havana Paez Larraguibel, Hip-hop artist; recorded by Susan Lindholm 19 December 2012 in Malmö. Interview with Rodrigo Rodde Bernal, Hip-hop artist; recorded by Susan Lindholm, 18 November 2013 in Kalmar. Interview with Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund conducted by Susan Lindholm on the 12th of October 2014 in Lund. Interview with Edwin Chumbeque Líbano Gamboa, Hip-hop artist; recorded by Susan Lindholm, 14 June 2015 in Valparaiso. Interview with Eduardo Lalo Meneses, Hip-hop artist; recorded by Susan Lindholm, 16 June 2015 in Santiago. Interview with Cesar Cestar Morales, artist; recorded by Susan Lindholm, 17 June 2015 in Santiago. Interview with Jimmy Fernández, Hip-hop artist; recorded by Susan Lind- holm, 17 June 2015 in Santiago. Interview with Cristian Salla Salazar Campos, artist and producer; recorded by Susan Lindholm, 14 July 2015 in Stockholm.

Other sources The Latin Kings portafolio: den sanna berättelsen om Chepe, Dogge och Salla, Stockholm 2005.

Electronic sources Comisión Mexicana de Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos A.C., “Ana Tijoux – La rabia tiene Voz”, 9 February 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TKlgS-ho8Z0 (2015-19-12) Democracy Now! “Chilean Musician Ana Tijoux on Politics, Feminism, Motherhood & Hip-hop as ‘A Land for the Landless’” 11 July 2014, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EJ3Gr58dpWM (2015-10-12).

158 TV4, “Arjas låt större än Gee Dixon någonsin kunnat ana – Lyckliga gatan”, 8 January 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=icL4fYvntSw (2016- 06-29) TV4,” Gee Dixons tolkning av Arja Saijonmaas Jag vill tacka livet - Lyckliga gatan (TV4)” 8 January 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v= PxFVNgWEzKM (2016-06-29)

Bibliography Ackfeldt, Anders, Sights and Sounds of Islam – Islamic Semiotics and U.S. Hip-hop Culture, forthcoming. Ahmed, Sara ”A phenomenology of whiteness” Feminist Theory 2007(8):2, p. 149-168. Ahmed, Sara, “Melancholic Migrants”, in The Promise of Happiness, Sara Ahmed, Durham NC 2010. Albion , Robert G., “The ‘Communication Revolution’ The American Histori- cal Review, 1932(37):4, p. 718-720. Alim, Samy H., ”Intro: Straight Outta Compton, Straight aus München: Global Linguistic Flows, Identities, adn the Politics of Language in a Global Hip Hop Nation” in Global linguistic flows: hip hop cultures, youth identities, and the politics of language, Samy H. Alim, Awad Ibrahim & Alastair Pennycook (eds.), New York, N. Y., 2009. Anthias, Floya, ”Thinking through the lens of translocational positionality: an intersectionality frame for understanding identity and belonging”, Translocations: Migration and Social Change, 2008(4):1, p. 5-20. Anthony Neal, Mark, “White chocolate soul: Teena Marie and Lewis Tay- lor”, Popular Music 2005(24):3, p. 369-380. Asante, Molefi K., It's bigger than hip-hop: the rise of the post-hip-hop generation, New York 2008. Assman, Aleida, “Transnational Memories”, European Review 2014(22):04, p. 546–556. Assmann, Jan & Johan Czaplicka, “Collective Memory and Cultural Identity” New German Critique 1995:65, p. 125-133. Berggren, Henrik & Lars Trägårdh, ”Inledning: den osaliga nödvändigheten” in Är svensken människa?: Den svenska individualismens historia [electronic resource], 2014. Berggren, Kalle, ”’No homo’: Straight inoculations and the queering of masculinity in Swedish hip hop” Norma 2012(7):1, p. 50-66. ------, ”Degrees of Intersectionality”, Culture Unbound, 2013:5, p. 189-211. ------, Reading rap: feminist interventions in men and masculinity research, Diss., Uppsala 2014.

159 Berggren, Lars, ”Går det att skriva arbetarhistorisak synteser?” Historisk Tidskrift, 2003(123):1, p. 181–200. Bergman, Johan, forthcoming. Är deras sak vår? Svensk solidaritet med Chile 1971–1991. Bredström, Anna & Magnus Dahlstedt, Folkhemsrap? Motstånd och ‘anstän- dighet’ I svensk hip hop, Norrköping 2002. Broberg, Gunnar & Mattias Tydén, “Oönskade i folkhemmet, rashygien och sterilisering i Sverige, Stockholm 1991. Brunnström, Pål, ”Inledning”, Ägare och kapital: klass och genus hos kapi- talägare i Sverige 1918–1939, Pål Brunnström, Diss., Lund 2014. Camacho Padilla, Fernando, “Las relaciones entre Chile y Suecia durante el primer gobierno de Olof Palme, 1969–1976”, Iberoamericana 2007(7):25, p. 65–85. ------, Fernando, “Los asilados de las Embajadas de Europa Occidental en Chile tras el golpe military y sus consecuencias diplomáticas: El caso de Suecia”, European Review of Latin American and Carribean Studies 2006:81, p. 21–41. ------, ”Combates entre la memoria y la historia de Chile: Conflictos sobre el pasado reciente” Stockholm Review of Latin American Studies 2009:5, p. 87–98. Carbin, Maria & Sara Edenheim, “The intersectional turn in feminist theory: A dream of a common language? European Journal of Women´s Studies 2013(20):3, p. 233–248. Card, Claudia, ”Gratitude and Obligation” American Philosophical Quarter- ly, 1988(25):2, p. 115–127. Cervantes, Marco & Lilliana Saldaña, “Hip-hop and nueva canción as decolonial pedagogies of epistemic justice” Decolonization: Indigeneity, Educat- ion&Society 2015:1, p. 84–108. Chang, Jeff, Can't stop won't stop: hiphop-generationens historia, Göteborg 2006. Christiaens, Kim, Magaly Rodriguez Garcia & Idesbald Goddeeris, “A Global Perspective on the European Mobilization for Chile (1970s–1980s) in Eu- ropean Solidarity with Chile 1970s–1980s, Kim Christiaens, Magaly Ro- driguez Garcia & Idesbald Goddeeris (eds.), Frankfurt am Main 2014. Constable, Pamela and Arturo Valenzuelo, A Nation of Enemies: Chile under Pinochet, New York 1991 Creet, Julia, ”Migration and Memory”, in Memory and migration: multidisciplinary approaches to memory studies, Julia Creet & Andreas Kitzmann (eds.), Toronto 2011.

160 Crenshaw, Kimberlé, ”Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence Against Women of Color”, Stanford Law Review 1991:4, p. 1241–1299. Dahl, Izabela & Malin Thor, “Oral history, constructions and deconstructions of narratives: Intersections of class, gender, locality, nation and religion in narratives from a Jewish woman in Sweden”, Enquire 2009(3), p. 1–24. Danielsson Malmros, Ingmarie, ”Inledning” in Det var en gång ett land-: berättelser om svenskhet i historieläroböcker och elevers föreställningsvärl- dar, Ingmarie Danielsson Malmros, Diss., Höör, 2012. Dankic, Andrea, Att göra hiphop. Musikskapande processer som praktik och position, forthcoming. de los Reyes, Paulina, The rural poor: agrarian changes and survival strategies in Chile 1973–1989, Diss., Uppsala 1992. ------,”Förord”, in Arbetslivets (o)synliga murar – diskriminering i arbetslivet” Paulina de los Reyes (ed.), Stockholm 2006. ------, ”Solidaritet med Chile – igen” Arbetarhistoria Antipodes 2010:2-3, p. 4–7. Denis Esquivel Sánchez, María, ‘Yo puedo bien espanol’ Influencia sueca y variedades hispanas en la actitud lingüística e identificación de los his- panoamericanos en Suecia, Umeå 2005. Dimitriadis, Greg, “Framing Hip-hop – New Methodologies for New Times” Urban Education 2015(50):1, p. 31–51. D’Urso, Alexandra, Life Stories and Sociological Imagination: Music, Private Lives, and Public Identity in France and Sweden, Newcastle upon Tyne 2013. Ehn, Billy, Jonas Frykman & Orvar Löfrgen, Försvenskningen av Sverige: det nationellas förvandlingar. Stockholm 1993 Eriksson, Bengt, ”Inte `min progg`” in Gränslöst 1999(4), p. 31–33. Erll, Astrid & Ansgar Nünning (eds.), A Companion to Cultural Memory Studies: An International and Interdisciplinary Handbook, Berlin 2010. Estvall, Martin, ”Vi är som vanliga människor: att skapa muntliga källor med meningsmotståndare” in Muntlig historia, Malin Thor & Lars Hansson (eds.), Lund 2006. Fanon, Frantz, “On National Culture”, in The Wretched of the Earth, London 1963. Farhani, Fataneh,”Racializing Masculinities in Different Diasporic Spaces – Iranian-Born Men’s Navigation of Race, Masculinities, and the Politics of Difference”, in Rethinking Transnational Men: Beyond, Between and With- in Nations, Jeff Hearn, Marina Blagojeviâc & Katherine Harrison (eds.), London 2013.

161 Foxley, Ana Maria, “Quilapayún, Inti Illimani, Illapu,” Mensaje 1988:374, p. 505–507. Fuller, Norma, ”Repensando el machismo latinoamericano” Masculinities and Social Change, 2012(1):2, p. 114–133. Gates Jr., Henry Louis, “Introduction” in The Signifying Monkey, A Theory of African-American Literary Criticism, Henry Louis Gates Jr., Oxford 1988. Gillis, John R., ”Memory and Identity: the History of a Relationship”, in Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity, J.R. Gillis Princeton 1994, p. 3–26. Gilroy, Paul, The black Atlantic: modernity and double consciousness, Cam- bridge 1993. Glaser, Joakim, ”Vem är det som talar och vad är det som sägs” in Muntlig historia: i teori och praktik, Malin Thor Tureby & Lars Hansson (eds.), Lund 2015. Gradoskova, Yulia, ”Vad angår oss Chile? Solidaritetskultur som en emotionell gemenskap” unpublished manuscript. Gutman, Matthew C. & Mara Viveros Vigoya, “Masculinities in Latin America” in Handbook of Studies on Men&Masculinities, Michael S. Kimmel, Jeff Hearn & Raewyn Connell (eds.), Thousand Oaks CA 2005. Hall, Patrik, Den svenskaste historien: nationalism i Sverige under sex sekler, Stockholm 2000. Hall, Stuart, ”Cultural identity and Diaspora”, in Identity: Community, Culture, Difference, J. Rutherford (ed.), London 1990, p. 222–237. ------, ”What is this ’black’ in black popular culture?” in Stuart Hall – Critical dialogues in cultural studies, David Morley and Kuan-Hsing Chen (eds.), London/New York 2005. (1) ------, ”New ethnicities”, in Stuart Hall – Critical dialogues in cultural studies, David Morley and Kuan-Hsing Chen (eds.), London/New York 2005. (2) Hardy Raskovan, Clarisa, La Ciudad Escindida – Los problemas nacionales y la Region Metropolitana, Santiago 1989. Hartman, Saidiya V., Lose your mother: a journey along the Atlantic slave route. New York 2007. Hearn, Jeff and Marina Blagojevic, ”Introducing and Rethinking Transna- tional Men” in Rethinking Transnational Men: Beyond, Between and With- in Nations, Jeff Hearn, Marina Blagojeviâc & Katherine Harrison (eds.), London 2013 Hellsing, My, ”Inledning”, in Hovpolitik: Hedvig Elisabeth Charlotte som politisk aktör vid det gustavianska hovet, My Hellsing, Diss., Örebro 2013.

162 Hirsch, Marianne, “Introduction”, in The Generation of postmemory: writing and visual culture after the Holocaust, Marianne Hirsch. New York 2012. Hjorthén, Adam, Border-crossing commemorations: entangled histories of Swedish settling in America, Diss., Stockholm 2015. hooks, bell, We Real Cool – Black men and Masculinity, New York and London 2004. ------, Black looks: race and representation., Abingdon 2015[1992]. Hübinette, Tobias & Paula Mählck, ”The racial grammar of Swedish higher education and research policy: The limits and conditions of researching race in a colour-blind context”, in Affectivity and race: studies from Nordic contexts, Rikke Andreassen & Kathrine Vitus (eds.), Burlington 2015. Jalmert, Lars, Den svenske mannen, Stockholm, 1984. Jezierski, Wojtek, Total St Gall: medieval monastery as a disciplinary institution. Diss. Stockholm 2010. ------, ”Monografins elände” Historisk tidskrift 2016(136):2, p. 232–242. Johansson, Alf W., ”Svensk nationalism och identitet efter andra världskri- get”, in Vad är Sverige? Röster om svensk nationell identitet, Alf W. Jo- hansson (ed.), Stockholm 2001. Järvclo, Niklas, ”En man utan penis. Heteronormativitet och svensk maskulinitetspolitik” Lambda Nordica 2008(4), p. 18–37. Kalela, Jorma, “The Challenge of Oral History – The need to rethink souce criticism” in Historical perspectives on memory, Anne Ollila (ed.), Helsinki 1999 Kim, Soon Nam, “Whose voice is it anyway? Rethinking the oral history method in accounting research on race, ethnicity and gender” Critical Per- spectives on Accounting 2008(19):8, p. 1346–1369. Kimvall, Jacob, The G-word: virtuosity and violation, negotiating and transforming graffiti, Diss., Stockholm 2014. King, Nicola, Memory, Narrative, Identity: Remembering the Self, Edinburgh 2000. Klinth, Roger, ”Introduktion”, in Göra pappa med barn: den svenska pappapolitiken 1960-95, Roger Klinth, Diss., Umeå, 2002. Knox, Katelyn, ”Rapping Postmemory, Sampling the Archive: Reimagining 17 October 1961” Modern & Contemporary France 2014(22):3, p. 381–397. Lahger, Håkan, Proggen: musikrörelsens uppgång och fall, Stockholm 1999. Lalander, Philip, Respekt: gatukultur, ny etnicitet och droger, Malmö 2009. Lilliestam, Lars, Svensk rock: musik, lyrik, historik, Göteborg 1998. Lilja, Elisabeth, ”Att planera för integration”, in Den ifrågasatta förorten: identitet och tillhörighet i moderna förorter, Elisabeth Lilja, Stockholm 1999.

163 Lindberg, Ulf, Rockens text: ord, musik och mening, Diss. Lund 1995. Lindqvist, Beatriz, Drömmar och vardag i exil: om chilenska flyktingars kulturella strategier, Diss., Stockholm 1991. ------, ”Siete vidas, siete fragmentos de historia y una totalidad de experiencia”, in Siete vidas: historias de chilenos en Suecia, Angélica Cristina González & Luis Salas, Tumba 2013. Lorentzen, Jørgen, & Claes Ekenstam, ”Män, manlighet och omanlighet i historien” in Män i Norden: manlighet och modernitet 1840–1940, Jørgen Lorentzen & Claes Ekenstam (eds.), Möklinta 2006. Lundström, Catrin, Svenska latinas: ras, klass och kön i svenskhetens geografi, Diss. Göteborg 2007. ------, White migrations: gender, whiteness and privilege in transnational migration, Basingstoke 2014. Majumdar, Rochona,Writing postcolonial history, London 2010. Massey, Doreen, ”A Global Sense of Place” in Space, Place and Gender, Minneapolis 1994. Mitchell, Tony, ”Introduction – Another Root – Hip-Hop outside the USA” in Global Noise – Rap and Hip-Hop outside the USA, Tony Mitchell (ed.), Middletown, Connecticut 2001, Moreiras, Alberto, ”Hybridity and Double Consciousness”, Cultural Studies 1999(13):3, p. 373–407. Morris, Nancy E., Canto porque es necesario cantar: The New Song Move- ment in Chile, 1973–1983, Albuquerque, New Mexico 1984. Mosse, Georg L., The image of man: the creation of modern masculinity, New York 1996. Neunsinger, Silke, ”Cross-over! om komparationer, transferanalyser, historie croisée och den metodologiska nationalismens problem” Historisk tidskrift 2010(130):1, p. 3–24. Nilsson Mohammadi, Nilsson,”Berättelse och minne, muntlig historia som flervetenskaplig tolkning”, in Muntlig historia: i teori och praktik, Malin Thor Tureby & Lars Hansson (eds.), Lund 2015. Norén, Carin, Myten om det mångkulturella samhället: En diskursanalys av mångfaldsrelaterade begrepp och etnicitet i svensk kulturpolitik, Borås 2004. Ogbar, Jeffrey Ogbonna Green, Hip-hop revolution: the culture and politics of rap, Lawrence 2007. Olavarría, Juan Pablo, Karla Henríquez, Cristina Correa & Rodrigo Hidalgo, ”Hip-hop en Chile”, Comunicación y medios 2002:13, p. 111–118.

164 Olsson, Erik, ”Bortom exilen – diasporiseingen av chilenare i Sverige” in Transnationella Rum – Diaspora, migration och gränsöverskridande relationer, Erik Olsson (ed.) Umeå 2007. Olsson, Sören & Anders Törnquist, Förorten: insatser och utveckling under 40 år. Stockholm 2009 Osumare, Halifu, The Africanist aesthetic in global hip hop: power moves, New York, NY 1997. Painter, Nell Irvin, The History of White People, New York, N.Y. 2010. Pallas, Hynek, Vithet i svensk spelfilm 1989–2010, Diss., Göteborg 2011. Poch Plá, Pedro, Del Mensaje a la Acción. Construyendo el Movimiento HipHop en Chile. 1984–2004 y más allá, Santiago 2011. Portelli, Alessandro, The Death of Luigi Trastulli and Other Stories: Form and Meaning in Oral History, Albany N.Y. 1991. Potter, Russel A., Spectacular Vernaculars: hip-hop and the politics of post- modernism, Albany 1995. Quitzow, Rainer, Hip-hop in Chile: far from New York (Lejos del Centro), New York 2001. Rivera, Raquel Z., New York Ricans from the hip hop zone, Basingstoke 2003. Rose, Tricia, Black Noise: rap music and black culture in contemporary America, Hanover N.H., 1994. ------,The hip hop wars: what we talk about when we talk about hip hop-- and why it matters, New York 2008. ------, keynote held at the Critical Hip-hop Studies symposium, University of Turku, Finland, 17 October 2014. Safia Mirza, Heidi,”’A Second Skin’: Embodied Intersectionality, Transnationalism and Narratives of Identity and Belonging among Muslim Women in Britain”, Women Studies International Forum 2013(36), p. 5– 15. Schulz-Forberg, Hagen, ”Introduction: Global Conceptual History: promises and pitfalls of a new research agenda” in A Global Conceptual History of Asia, 1860–1940, Hagen Schulz-Forberg (ed.), London 2014, Serna, Jane Tumas, “The Nueva Canción Movement and its Mass-Mediated Performance Context”, Latin American Music Review/ Revista de Música Latinoamericana 1992:2, p. 139–157. Sernhede, Ove, Alienation is my nation: hiphop och unga mäns utanförskap i Det nya Sverige, Stockholm 2002 ------, Ungdom och kulturens omvandlingar: åtta essäer om modernitet, ungas skapande och fascination inför svart kultur, Göteborg 2006.

165 Sernhede, Ove & Johan Söderman, Planet Hiphop: om hiphop som folkbildning och social moblisering, Malmö 2010. Sjöqvist, Börje & Lars Palmgren, Att fly från Chile – och att återvandra: två rapporter, Santiago 1990. Spencer, Margaret Beale, Suzanne Fegley, Vinay Harpalani & Gregory Seaton “Understanding Hypermasculinity in Context: A Theory-Driven Analysis of Urban Adolescent Males' Coping Responses”, Research in Human Devel- opment, 2004(1):4, 229–257. Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty, ”History” in: Spivak A Critique of Postcolonial Reason: toward a history of the vanishing present Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Cambridge, Mass., 1999. Stern, Steve J., Remembering Pinochet's Chile: on the eve of London, 1998. Durham [NC] 2004. ::::::::5Battling for hearts and minds: memory struggles in Pinochet's Chile, 1973–19885'$ [NC] 20068 ::::::::5Reckoning with Pinochet: the memory question in democratic Chile, 1989–2006. Durham [NC] 2010. Stougaard Pedersen, Brigitte & Mads Krogh (eds.), Hiphop i Skandinavien, Århus 2008. Street, John, Music and Politics. Cambridge 2012. Stråth, Bo, ”Poverty, Neutrality and Welfare. Three Key Concepts in the Modern Foundation Myth of Sweden”, in Myth and Memory in the Con- struction of Community: Historical Patterns i Europe and Beyond, Bo Stråth (ed.) Bryssel 2000. Svanberg, Johan, ”Erfarenheter och sociala minnen, berättelser och motberät- telser: möten mellan svenskar och ester i Olofström efter 1945” Historisk tidskrift 2009(129):4, p. 623–649. Svensson, Anna,"El exilio latinoamericano en Suecia: literatura y estudios", in Migrations and connections: Latin America and Europe in the Modern World : papers of the Fifty-fourth Annual Meeting of the Seminar on the Acquisition of Latin American Library Materials, Berlin 2009. Söderman, Johan, Rap(p) i käften: hiphopmusikers konstnärliga och pedagogiska strategier, Diss. Lund 2007 Sørensen, Kristin, Media, Memory, and Human Rights in Chile, New York 2009. Sørensen, Kristin, “Chilean Historical Memory, Media, and Discourses of Human Rights” in Global Memoryscapes, Contesting Remembrance in a Transnational Age, Kendall R. Phillips & Mitchell G. Reyes, [elektronic resource], Tuscaloosa 2011. Thomson, Alistair, “Moving Stories: Oral History and Migration”, Oral History, 1999(27):1, p. 24–37.

166 ------, ”Four paradigm transformations in Oral History”, The Oral History Review 2006(34), p. 49–70. Thor, Malin, “Oral history – mer än en metod”, Historisk tidskrift 2001(121), p. 325–345. Thor Tureby, Malin, ”Oral history i en internationall kontext”, in Muntlig historia: i teori och praktik, Malin Thor Tureby & Lars Hansson (eds.), Lund 2015. Thyrén, David, ”Inledning”, in Musikhus i centrum: två lokala praktiker inom den svenska progressiva musikrörelsen: Uppsala Musikforum och Spräng- kullen i Göteborg, David Thyrén, Diss. Stockholm 2009. Thörn, Håkan, Globaliseringens dimensioner: nationalstat, världssamhälle, demokrati och sociala rörelser, Stockholm 2002. Tijoux, Maria Emilia, Marisol Facuse & Miguel Urrutia ”El Hip-hop: Arte popular de lo cotidiano o resistencia táctica a la marginación?” Polis, Re- vista de la Universidad Bolivariana 2012:33, p. 429–449. Tolvhed, Helena, ”Nation och maskulinitet mellan kontinuitet och omvandling”, in Nationen på spel: kropp, kön och svenskhet i populärpressens representationer av olympiska spel 1948–1972, Helena Tolvhed, Umeå 2008. ------, ”Intersektionalitet och historievetenskap”, Scandia 2010(76):1, p. 59– 72. Tornbjer, Charlotte, ”Moralisk chock och solidaritet. 1973 och det svenska engagemanget för Chile” in 1973 En träff med tidsandan, Marie Cronqvist, Lina Sturfelt & Martin Wiklund, Lund 2008. Waldemarsson,Ylva, ”Politiska makthavare och historisk källa”, Arkiv, samhälle och forskning 2007:2, p. 8-25. Weitzer, Ronald & Charis E. Kubrin, ”Misogyny in Rap Music – A Content Analysis of Prevalence and Meanings” Men and Masculinities, 2009(12):1, p. 3–29. Werner, Michael & Bénédicte Zimmerman, ”Vergleich, Transfer, Ver- flechtung. Der Ansatz der Histoire croisée und die Herausforderung des Transnationalen”, Geschichte und Gesellschaft, 2002(28):4, p. 607-636. White, Miles, From Jim Crow to Jay-Z: race, rap, and the performance of masculinity, Urbana, Ill., 2011. Young, Robert C., Postcolonialism: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford 2003 Yuval Davis, Nira, ”Intersectionality and Feminist Politics” European Journal of Women´s Studies, London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi 2006(13):3, p. 193–209. Zierold, Martin, ”Memory and Media Cultures”, in A Companion to Cultural Memory Studies: An International and Interdisciplinary Handbook, Astrid Erll & Ansgar Nünning (eds.), Berlin 2010.

167 Ålund, Alexandra & Carl-Ulrik Schierup, ”Prescribed multiculturalism in crisis” in Paradoxes of Multiculturalism. Essays on Swedish society, Alex- andra Ålund & Carl-Ulrik Schierup, Aldershot 1991.

Electronic references de los Reyes, Paulina, ”Vem är antirarismens politiska subjekt?” Dagens arena november 22, 2013, http://www.dagensarena.se/opinion/paulina-de-los- reyes-vem-ar-antirasismens-politiska-subjekt/ (2016-06-10) Frere-Jones, Sasha, ”The Sound of Sweden – Who rules the pop charts? Swedes.” New Yorker, December 1, 2014 http://www.newyorker.com/ magazine/2014/12/01/sound-sweden (2016-07-11) Hellsing, My, ”10 skäl att få lägga samman” 16th of June 2014, http://www.tidskriftenscandia.se/?q=node/1038 (2016-07-04). Mailer, Norman, “The White Negro (Fall 1957)” Dissent magazine reprinted June 20, 2007 https://www.dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/the-white- negro-fall-1957 (2015-05-14) Malik, Kenan, ”Muslims are not a ’different’ class of Briton: we´re as messy as the rest” The guardian 15 may 2016 http://www.theguardian.com/ commentisfree/2016/may/14/muslims-class-islam-citizen-britain (2016-07- 09) Solidariteten med Chile, Södertörns högskola, 9th of March 2016 http://www.sh.se/p3/ext/custom.nsf/calendar?openagent&key=09_03_solid ariteten_med_chile_1453813122422 (2016-03-05). Wiehe, Mikael ”Mikael Wiehe om mannen och låten, som vägrar dö” Vi http://www.vi-tidningen.se/mikael-wiehe-om-mannen-och-laten-som- vagrar-do/ (2016-05-14)

Discography Advance Patrol. 2003. Utskrivna. Playground Music. ------. 2005. Ett land som är tryggt. Playground Music. ------. 2006. Aposteln. Playground Music. ------. 2007. Enligt AP. Gonza Music. Hermanos Bernal. 2008. Directo de Suecia. Zero Shine Music. Los Reyes Latinos. 1995. Bienvenido a mi barrio. Warner Music Sweden. The Latin Kings. 1994. Välkommen till förorten. Warner Music Sweden.

168

Representing the Marginalized Other

The Swedish Hip-hop Group Advance Patrol

Susan Lindholm

Hip-hop, Swedish Suburbs and the Marginalized Other Husby, a suburban district of Stockholm made international headlines in the spring of 2013. The New York Times observed that Swedes reacted with bewilderment and surprise to the ‘spasm of destructive rage’ that was unleashed during riots in the immigrant- dominated suburb (Higgins 2013). The nation´s ‘reputation for tolerance’, it read in The Telegraph, was being tested (Freeman 2013). The fact that such violence erupted in spite of an in comparison still well functioning welfare state was explained as a result of an increasing income inequality, unemploy- ment, discrimination and hidden racism. As Spiegel Online put it, a ‘new urban underclass’ felt ‘well taken care of, but not needed’ (Lüpke-Narberhaus 2013). The emergence of such an ‘urban underclass’ can be traced back to the growth of a number of low-income, immigrant-dominated areas during the 1980s and 1990s. Youth living in these areas – most notably the suburbs of the country´s three largest cities – Stockholm, Gothenburg and Malmö – soon developed a deep sense of alienation and exclusion from mainstream society. The 1990s and 2000s witnessed the eruption of violence related to issues of segregation and increasing income inequality in a number of such suburbs as Hjällbo in Gothen- burg or Rosengård in Malmö. The riots in Husby are thus only the most recent example of youth violence in Swedish suburbs (Nilsson and Westerberg 2011). In this context, Hip-hop, that had its public breakthrough in Sweden in the mid-1990s quickly developed into a viable alternative identity for youth with parents from a wide range of different backgrounds (Sernhede 2007). Based on a strong identiﬁcation with the experiences of African Americans in the United States, it became a platform for making audible marginalized voices from the suburbs (Sernhede and Söderman 2011). Although Swedish Hip-hop today has developed into a cultural phenomenon that at- tracts artists and fans across the social spectrum, those artists who claim a suburban background in their lyrics are often perceived as societal critics who speak for, or repre-

Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) 2014 – Swedish Journal of Music Research Vol. 1 2014, pp. 105-125. © The author and the publisher Svenska samfundet för musikforskning 2014. All rights reserved.

Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 105 Representing the Marginalized Other sent marginalized others, while they at the same re-present, that is, stage themselves as individual artists. Earlier research on the representation of marginalized others in Swedish Hip-hop has primarily focused on this first aspect of representation as speaking for. It has defined Hip-hop as an expression of collective solidarity located in the suburbs that represents the grievances of marginalized others (Sernhede 2007). This article takes a closer look at such representations by analyzing the connection between both forms of representation – as speaking for and staging – and the construction of different forms of ‘others’ in the lyrics of the Swedish Hip-hop group Advance Patrol between 2003 and 2006. Their lyrics are especially interesting in this context as I here aim to make visible different forms of representation of the marginalized other in Swedish Hip-hop. In their lyrics, Advance Patrol not only stage themselves as artists who speak for a marginalized other and artists who distance themselves from such representations by creating an externalized other. Their lyrics also stage them as what will be called a transnational other in-between Chile and Sweden and thereby affiliate them with a number of Swedish Hip-hop artists who claim a past in-between Chile and Sweden. Such artists include Pato Pooh and Stor, as well as groups and collectives such as Hermanos Bernal, the rappers surrounding Chorizo Records and the pioneering group The Latin Kings. This article outlines these different representations in Advance Patrol´s lyrics and discusses the way in which they shift – between on one hand affirming, and on the other hand criticizing the concept of the marginalized other. It thereby also makes visible different forms of representations through which they both become and distance themselves from being the representatives of a marginalized ‘we’ that has been the basis of earlier research (Sernhede 2007).

Representation and the Other In deﬁning the double meaning of representation and the other that I consider necessary for the analysis of the societal critique voiced through Hip-hop, I mainly draw on Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak´s essay Can the Subaltern Speak? In it, Spivak amongst others argues that in the attempt to discuss marginalized or subaltern voices, a careful distinction has to be made between two meanings of representation. On one hand, as re-presentation as in the arts, that is, as in a portrait or in staging, and on the other hand as political representation, that is, speaking for an individual or a group. In this article, such re-presentations are outlined as Advance Patrol´s stagings as Hip-hop artists, as well as the transnational other in-between Chile and Sweden. Their

106 Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 Representing the Marginalized Other representations on the other hand are defined as those instances in which they speak for others in different contexts. It is important to note however, that representation as staging and speaking for are here not seen as categories that can readily be distinguished from each other in the analysis of Hip-hop lyrics. A number of Hip-hop artists dubbed ‘conscious’ or political who find their skills as artists ‘frequently overshadowed by (their) message’ (Locker 2013), would most likely agree with John Street´s assessment that the boundaries between music and politics are ‘largely illusionary’ (Street 2012 p. 11). I nonetheless argue, that in order to outline the societal critique voiced through Hip-hop lyrics, an analytical distinction has to be made between the two meanings of representation. Such a differentiation becomes necessary, as Hip-hop lyrics not merely present a political point of view, but explicitly set out to speak for and stage the marginalized other. While discussing this marginalized other, there is also a careful distinction that has to be made between two meanings of the other – the other inside, and the other outside of the binary logic of ‘we’ against ‘them/the others’ (Birla 2010 p. 88). The other inside such a binary logic is here defined as a concept that can be created and used to make concrete suggestions to end marginalization (Moreiras 1999 p. 392). As such, it is utilized as a form of what cultural theorist Alberto Moreiras calls ‘tactical essentialism’ that draws on a ‘fictitious register’. That means that it tactically creates imaginary or ‘fictitious’ essentialisms in order to reach certain political goals (Moreiras 1999 p. 392). In this article, those representations – staging and speaking for – in the lyrics of Advance Patrol that offer concrete solutions to the problem of marginalization are seen as related to this first meaning of the other. The other outside of the binary logic of ‘we’ against ‘them/the others’ is also described as ‘radical alterity’ by Spivak (Birla 2010 p. 88). ‘Radical alterity’, or inherent difference means that this other cannot be captured through the language of binary logic. It is here defined as a concept that remains outside of the binary logic by embracing and affirming marginalization without offering concrete solutions to end it. Although Moreiras does not explicitly connect his argument to the two meanings of representation and the other, I claim that this second meaning of the other draws on what he calls the ‘negative register’ (Moreiras 1999 p. 393). In this article, those representations (staging and speaking for) in the lyrics of Advance Patrol that affirm marginalization without offering concrete solutions are seen as examples of this second meaning of the other.

Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 107 Representing the Marginalized Other

In the following, I describe my method and design and brieﬂy introduce the group Ad- vance Patrol before setting out to discuss the ways in which the two meanings of representation and the other are connected in their lyrics between 2003 and 2006.

Method and Design The lyrics of the Hip-hop group Advance Patrol are here studied as a source that refers to the world outside of their music (Lindberg 1995). By focusing on their lyrics, rather than the interplay between rapped lyrics, music, images and videos or on their individual ‘flows’, that is, their rhythms or rhymes as individual artists, this article can be seen as connected to sociolinguistic studies of Hip-hop lyrics (Alim et al. 2009, Terkourafi 2010). In a Swedish context, it is related to Kalle Berggren´s sociological study of Swedish rap lyrics by male artists (Berggren 2013). As all song lyrics, the lyrics of Advance Patrol exist in both oral and written form and can therefore be understood and interpreted in a number of different ways depending on the mode of analysis (Lilliestam 1998). Even if audio and video recordings do have an impact on Advance Patrol´s lyrics and although my initial selection process consisted of listening to their rapped lyrics and watching their videos, I have here primarily chosen to focus on their lyrics. My final analysis thus remains more within the tradition of reading, rather than listening to their lyrics and music. I only consider the interplay of lyrics and videos in one case – the joint video of ‘Ett Land som är Tryggt’/’Betongbarn’ – in which the lyrics were adapted to fit the video, which thereby becomes what can be called an ‘authorized interpretation’ of the two songs (Lindberg 1995 p. 14). At this point I also point out the way in which Advance Patrol create a connection to Chile through their choice of music. After reviewing Advance Patrol´s lyrics directed at the Swedish market between 2003 and 2006, I developed three categories for the different types of representations that I identified in them. In the following, these categories will be exemplified by excerpts from three albums – Utskrivna (2003), Ett Land som är Tryggt (2005), and Aposteln (2006). All excerpts are presented in both their Swedish original and my English translation. The first category that I will discuss concerns itself with Advance Patrol´s representations as Hip-hop artists, both in a Swedish context and within the framework of the global Hip- hop community. In a second category, I outline their representations as the transnational other navigating in-between Chile, the former home country of their parents and Sweden, while the third and last category addresses Advance Patrol´s representations in the context of their constructions of externalized others. All three categories are then discussed under

108 Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 Representing the Marginalized Other the term shifting representations in order to answer the central question of this article, namely, how Advance Patrol represent the marginalized other in their lyrics between 2003 and 2006.

Advance Patrol Advance Patrol most prominently consists of rappers Juan Havana (Juan Hektor Paez Larraguibel) and Gonza (Gonzalo Rodrigo del Rio Saldias) whose parents emigrated to Sweden from Chile in the 1970s and 1980s, as well as DJ Lucutz (Lucas Simon Alsén). Chafic Mourtada, an earlier member of the group died in 2002. Both Juan Havana and Gonza were born in 1981 and grew up in low-income, immigrant-dominated suburbs in Malmö, a fact that they frequently address as Hip-hop artists. Advance Patrol released their debut album Utskrivna (The Undocumented) in 2003 and a follow-up featuring five songs under the name Ett Land som är tryggt (A Country that is Safe) in 2005. Their second full-length album Aposteln (The Apostle) that contains three of the five songs featured on Ett Land som är tryggt was released only a year later. Whereas most of the lyrics on these first albums are performed in Swedish, their third album Enligt AP (According to AP) from 2007 includes more samples of Latin American rhythms and more raps in Spanish. Following a successful collaboration with Chilean artist Cestar from the Shamanes Crew, Advance Patrol went on tour in Chile between 2006 and 2009. Their fourth and last album to date El Futuro (The Future) released on The Pirate Bay in 2009 solely features lyrics performed in Spanish, as it was mainly aimed at the Chilean or Latin Ameri- can market. As this article focuses on representations in a Swedish context however, it solely includes excerpts from Advance Patrol´s Swedish albums Utskrivna (2003), Ett Land som är Tryggt (2005) and Aposteln (2006) (Wikipedia 2013, confirmed by Juan Ha- vana via e-mail).

Representation – the Artist(s) In her book Black Noise Tricia Rose calls attention to ‘hip-hop´s proliﬁc self-naming’ as ‘a form of reinvention and self-deﬁnition’ as artists take on Hip-hop names and identities that refer to their role, their expertise or their ‘claim to fame’ (Rose 1994 p. 36). A discussion of the ways in which Advance Patrol stage themselves as Hip-hop artists will thus have to start with a discussion of their group name, as well as their individual names as artist. As the lyrics of ‘Operation Sverige’ (Operation Sweden), a song featured on their debut album ‘Utskrivna’ (The Undocumented) suggest, one way of understanding the group name Advance Patrol is to view it as a reference to the military term ‘advance guard’.

Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 109 Representing the Marginalized Other

Gatuvan, gatusmart, hoppar över lumpen Alltid på min vakt för vi är lämnade åt slumpen Trampar genom djungeln tillsammans med en armé Alla av samma rank, pass på att ha nån ofﬁcer Vi är en ny generation vars operation Är att upplysa vår nation om vissas situation Samlad i en pluton från andra sida klyftan Vi är rösterna som dom där uppe vill ha tysta Löser våra tvister, men jag har ﬁenden i sikte Operation Sverige (2003)

Street skilled, street smart, I skip military service Always on my watch as we are left to chance I tread through the jungle together with an army All of the same rank, pass on having any ofﬁcer We are a new generation whose operation Is to inform our nation about the situation of some Gathered in a platoon from the other side of the gap We are the voices that those up there want to silence. Solving our disputes, but I have the enemy in sight Operation Sweden (2003)

Society is here described as hierarchically divided into an upper and a lower stratum, with the former leaving the latter ‘to chance’. As a consequence, the members of a ‘new generation’ from the lower stratum have created an army with the aim to inform the nation about the ‘situation of some’. By staging themselves as those who speak for this army in which all are ‘of the same rank’, Advance Patrol blur the distinction between their staging as artists and their speaking for ‘(their) people’ on a national level. As this strong and coherent group is constructed within a male-dominated military context, Advance Patrol´s representations as staging and speaking for a group also entail a mobilization of ‘elements of masculinity’ (Berggren 2013 p. 205). As their staging as artists, it can also be seen as referring to an avant-garde in the arts. Both Juan Havana and Gonza, the most proliﬁc members of Advance Patrol have used different names during their careers. By way of his most commonly used artist name, Juan Havana, Juan Paez refers to a location or place, namely the city of Havana, Cuba. This choice of name can be regarded as a staging of a South, or Latin American artist.

110 Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 Representing the Marginalized Other

Through yet another alias – Magyver Juan – he refers to MacGyver, the star of a popular like-named U.S. television series aired between 1985 and 1992, known for his resourcefulness and preference of non-violent conflict resolutions. As Magyver Juan – with a slightly altered spelling – he thus stages himself as generally non-violent, and as someone who can skillfully turn difficult situations to his advantage. Advance Patrol´s other member, Gonzalo del Rio Saldias has most commonly used the artist names Gonza Blatteskånska, Extravagonza or simply Gonza. As Gonza Blatteskån- ska includes the word ‘blatte’, a derogative term referring to racialized Swedes with an immigration background, it can on one hand be seen as a way of staging the other in a Swedish context, and thus as a means to combat negative connotations by appropriating or parodying racist discourses (Berggren 2013 p. 204). On the other hand, it can also be interpreted as a means to stage himself as an artist in an international Hip-hop context, and thereby a means to establish credibility as a Hip-hop artist. ‘Skånska’, the second part of his artist name simply refers to a person from Scania, the southernmost province of Sweden in which the city of Malmö is located. Finally, the artist name Extravagonza stages Gonza as an ‘extravagant’ artist. 1 The group continues to stage themselves as artists in a number of ways in their debut album ‘Utskrivna’ (the released/the undocumented) – first, as artists within the global Hip-hop community by describing themselves as inmates or patients who have just been released from (possibly) a mental institution in its title. They thereby allude to what Jeffrey Ogbar calls the Hip-hop concept of ‘the badman’ or the ‘gangster’ who poses a challenge to virtually all authority (Ogbar 2007 p. 76). By that they also stage themselves as the criminal other/immigrant-youth that refers to a stereotype of youth or immigrant criminality in a Swedish context. In the lyrics of ‘Vi är dom’ (We are them/those), the first song on the album they nevertheless also stage themselves as redeemed and inoffensive artists.

Jag är den som ser till att klubben välter Den som talar om folk som svälter Allvarlig, inte alls farlig Kärlek och holk precis som Bob Marley Vi E Dom (2003)

1 These artist names – especially Magyver Juan and Extravagonza – could also be analyzed as as ironic play with words. Gonza could in many instances discussed in this article also be discussed as a ‘trickster ﬁgure’.

Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 111 Representing the Marginalized Other

I am the one who sees to it that the club tips over The one who talks about people that are starving Serious, not at all dangerous Love and weed just like Bob Marley We are them/those (2003)

Gonza here stages himself as a ‘not at all dangerous’ artist and entertainer who stands for ‘love and weed just like Bob Marley’, a form of staging that is the opposite to the stereotype of ‘the badman’ described above. In the same song he also stages himself as someone who ‘loves to play the clown’, which he connects to both taking drugs and staging himself as an artist in a Hip-hop battle.

Jag e den som älskar att spela pajas Min hjärna har pajats för mycket maja Den som suddar din stad från atlas Varje gång du försöker battla Vi E Dom (2003)

I am the one who loves to play the clown My brain has been broken, too much weed The one who erases your city from the atlas Every time you try to battle We are them/those (2003)

In a Hip-hop context, Gonza displays what Halifu Osumare calls a Hip-hop ‘attitude’ by staging himself as an individual artist capable of erasing cities ‘from the atlas’ (Os- umare 2007 p. 27). Marihuana both ‘makes him a clown’ and enables him to ‘battle’ even though it has ‘broken his brain’. 2 Aggression is in other words contained within the Hip- hop community and not directed against society at large. In the excerpts discussed under this ﬁrst category, Advance Patrol thus re-present or stage themselves as artists within the global Hip-hop community, as well as the (often inoffensive) other in a Swedish context that represents or speaks for those who are located in the ‘lower stratum’ of society while containing aggression within a Hip-hop context.

2 As mentioned above, Gonza who here stages himself as a ‘clown’ could also be discussed as a ‘trickster’.

112 Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 Representing the Marginalized Other

Representation – the Transnational Other Whereas the excerpts discussed so far do not address the other as connected to a spe- ciﬁc immigration history, the song ‘Dialogen’ (The Dialogue) on Advance Patrol´s second album Aposteln (The Apostle) displays what I call their staging as a transnational other in-between Sweden and Chile.

Gonza De va de han, han snackade du vet Vi och Dem, vadå Vi och Dem? Juan Mmm, liksom, hur kan man liksom uttala sig på det sättet? Helt svensk, liksom ja vi ska sätta in blatten i systemet, vi ska få han svensk, o vi få ska han, blanda sig med alla kulturer. (…) Aah, de går inte sånt där Gonza Saken e att, som du sa innan Juan, jag drar till Chile, va e ja där? ja vet shi egentligen. Svensk? Ja e en svensson där, en potatis, rakt av. Gonza Va e ja här? för folk en blatte. (…) De var ﬂera år sen tretton år sen jag kom hit ﬂyttade hit Kom bort från skit stället som styrdes av Pinochet en bandit (…) Uppväxt här släkten där svensk historia den jag lär (…) Men lyssna här jag är väldigt stolt över den fetta blod som jag bär Jag svär blodbandet där, hemlandet där Dialogen (98 års områdesversion) (2006)

Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 113 Representing the Marginalized Other

Gonza It was that he, he talked, you know, We and Them, what about We and Them? Juan Mmm, like, how can you like express yourself in that way? Entirely Swedish, like yes we will put the ‘blatte’ into the system, we will get him to be Swedish, and we will get him, to mix with all cultures… (…) Aah, stuff like that does not work. Gonza The thing is that, like you said before Juan, I go to Chile, what am I there? I know sh… actually. Swedish? I am a ‘Svensson’ there, a potato, straight off. Gonza What am I here? For people a ‘blatte’ (…) It was many years ago, thirteen years ago I came here moved here Got away from the shitty place that was ruled by Pinochet a bandit (…) Grown up here relatives there Swedish history is what I am teaching/I am learning (…) But listen up I am really proud of the fat blood that I am carrying I swear blood ties there, home country there The Dialogue (area version of the year 98) (2006)

In this excerpt, Advance Patrol stage the transnational other by describing themselves as outsiders in both a Swedish and a Chilean context. They thereby also afﬁliate themselves with a number of other Swedish Hip-hop artists who claim a past in-between Chile and Sweden through their music. Such artists include Pato Pooh and Stor, as well as groups

114 Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 Representing the Marginalized Other and collectives such as Hermanos Bernal, the rappers surrounding Chorizo Records and the pioneering group The Latin Kings. Advance Patrol here create a transnational other through an external essentialism and identiﬁcation as ‘blatte’ in a Swedish context, and as ‘Svensson’ (son of a Swede) or ‘potato’ in a Chilean context, while it has to be noted that ‘blatte’ has a much more negative connotation than ‘Svensson’ or ‘potato’. As a result, the transnational other resists becoming ‘Swedish’ and ‘mixing with all cultures’, while at the same time insisting on learning and teaching ‘Swedish history’. In the following excerpt from the song ‘A Country that is Safe’ Advance Patrol once more stage themselves as the other/’blatte’.

Naj jag är inte som mina föräldrar vad jag vill förmedla är att tiden har förändrats. En Chilenare är ju aldrig punktlig, men jag e. För jag e multi kultig. De e min situation och då e Sveriges nästa generation (…) Denna blatten kan bli Sveriges nästa ledare. Det låter skrämmande i mångas öron, jag är ju främmande i mångas ögon. Ett nytt Sverige håller på att växa fram där alla blandade raser tar varandra i hand. Ett nytt Sverige håller på att växa fram ta min hand så skapar vi ett underbart land. Ett Land som är Tryggt (2005/2006)

No, I am not like my parents What I want to convey is that times have changed. A Chilean is never punctual, but I am. For I am multi culty This is my situation and then is Sweden’s next generation (…) This ‘blatte’ can become Sweden’s next leader. It sounds scary in the ears of many, For I am strange in many people´s eyes.

Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 115 Representing the Marginalized Other

A new Sweden keeps evolving Where all mixed races take each other’s hand. A new Sweden keeps evolving Take my hand and then we will create a wonderful land. A Country that is Safe (2005/2006)

In this song, they also further stress their connection to Chile and other musicians with a Chilean background working outside of Chile by using a sample of the song ‘Alturas’ by Chilean folk music ensemble Inti-Illimani that was featured on ‘Viva Chile’, their ﬁrst album recorded in exile in 1973. After repeating his staging as harmless (‘I am not prone to violence’) Gonza also stages himself as multicultural and part of ‘Sweden´s next generation’ by distancing himself from the stereotypes and the negativity associated with Chileans (‘a Chilean is never punctual, but I am’). There are thus two types of others in this excerpt as the staging of the other/Chilean is externalized and rejected, and being replaced by the staging of the other/’blatte’. In this other/’blatte’, the two meanings of representation as staging and speaking for coincide, as he can become the future ‘leader’ or representative/speaker of a ‘new Swe- den’. Nevertheless, such a scenario is located in a utopian future and can only be realized by distancing oneself from the stereotypes of the past in a hostile present in which the other/’blatte’ is externally identiﬁed as ‘scary’ and ‘strange’. In this hostile present, the connection of the transnational other to Chile through ‘pride’ and ‘blood’ discussed above is extended to include those living in the suburbs in the song ‘Children of the Concrete’. Here, the staging of the other/immigrant-youth located in the suburbs collapses with his speaking for immigrant youth:

Betongbarn, knyter vidare på blodsbandet (…) Aggressivitet är vår personlighet (…) Jag är uppväxt med föräldrar som är långtidsarbetslösa (…) Jag blir så trött på att bli dåligt bemött Så jag blandar upp en fet holk För att mitt hopp har dött Betongbarn (2005/2006)

116 Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 Representing the Marginalized Other

Children of the concrete, tying on the ties of blood (…) Aggression is our personality (…) I have grown up with parents who are long-term unemployed (…) I am so tired of being treated badly So I roll a big joint As my hope has died Children of the concrete (2005/2006)

The harmless artist is here replaced by representation as both staging and speaking for the other/immigrant-youth, the child of the concrete who is aggressive and ‘tired of being treated badly’. The two songs - ‘A Country that is Safe’ and ‘Children of the Concrete’ – are then also joined in a video that can be seen as an ‘authorized interpretation’ of the two songs (Lindberg 1995 p. 14). In it, the grim representation as staging and speaking for of the other/immigrant youth is made to stand in stark contrast to the positive attitude towards Chilean immigrants displayed by the social democratic party under the leadership of Olof Palme during the 1970s.

När Olof var boss, sträcktes handen mot oss Palme gav oss skydd, ett jobb, ett ställe att bo på (…) när många blundade hjälpte Sverige min familj (…) Snabba ryck när man är på ﬂykt från förtryck Till ett land som är tryggt Ett Land som är Tryggt (2005/2006)

When Olof was in charge, a hand reached out to us Palme gave us protection, a job, a place to live. (…) When many closed their eyes Sweden helped my family. (…) Quick moves when you are ﬂeeing from oppression To a country that is safe. A Country that is Safe (2005/2006)

Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 117 Representing the Marginalized Other

I therefore argue that the lyrics of the joint video can be viewed as an attempt to ‘teach Swedish history’ with a ‘lesson’ to be learned from the 1970s in which Swedish politicians extended a helping hand to Chilean immigrants, as opposed to the present in which the children of these immigrants living in the suburbs grow up with parents who are long-term unemployed, facing a hopeless future. In the excerpts discussed in this second category, Advance Patrol thus stage the transnational other as connected to a past in-between Chile and Sweden, a present in which the other/’blatte’ remains an outsider, and a future in which the other/’blatte’ potentially can become the speaker of a ‘new Sweden’. They also stage themselves as speakers of all those who are externally identiﬁed as the other/’blatte’ by extending their ‘ties of blood’ that result from the transnational other´s connections to a past in-between Chile and Sweden.

Representation – the Externalized Other The following excerpts nevertheless question such a universal staging of and speaking for all those who are externally identiﬁed as the other in a Swedish context. In the song ‘Åsiktsfrihet’ (Freedom of Speech) featured on their 2003 debut album, a homogenous immigrant ‘we’ is disturbed, as criticism is voiced against honor killings.

Låt mig säga några ord, (lyssna) vill inte ge mig på nån kurd (men) Vad fan e hedersmord? Ey, det vill vi inte ha ombord Åsiktsfrihet (2003)

Let me say a few words (listen) I don´t want to attack any kurd (but) What the hell is an honor killing? Ey, we don´t want to have that on board Freedom of Speech (2003)

‘Kurds’ are here externalized as violent others who commit honor killings and those who have to be expelled from ‘onboard’ of the ‘we’. They are also not included and confronted through a ‘battle’ within the Hip-hop community. The song ‘Estupidos’ (The Stupid Ones) on the same album extends such critique to immigrants who ‘talk about Sweden here and there’.

118 Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 Representing the Marginalized Other

Den här går ut till dem som bara klagar och klagar Men inte gjort en minsta lilla skit i sina dagar Invandrare som snackar om Sverige hit och dit Var kommer du ifrån kompis? Ba stick då dit! Estupidos (2003)

This goes out to those who are only complaining and complaining But have not done the least little shit in their days Immigrants that talk about Sweden here and there Where are you from my friend? Just leave for that place then! The Stupid Ones (2003)

The others to be expelled from Sweden by returning ‘to the place they come from’ are in this context complaining ‘passive’ immigrants. Yet, as there is no clear deﬁnition of the term ‘immigrant’ or ‘the place they come from’, it remains unclear who is allowed to ‘talk about Sweden’, and who is supposed to ‘leave’ to what place. While the ﬁrm connection between nationality and freedom of speech suggested here is highly problematic, I here read the externalized ‘passive’ immigrant in contrast to Juan Havana´s staging as ‘active’ in the lyrics of ‘A Country that is Safe’:

Jag ska bli president nån dag Låta viss general få ta sitt ansvar Min mamma sa ‘Juan, du har egna strider Din kamp är när du berättar och skriver’ Vill inte låta alltför naiv, men jag är aktiv Klarar inte av att stå brevid Vill kunna mer om politik Och skriva om många människor liv Förtryck och krig Skriv berätta, skrik av lättnad Håll inte tyst om saker världen bör veta Det här är vår kamp och du har säkert din Ett Land som är Tryggt (2005/2006)

Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 119 Representing the Marginalized Other

I will become president some day. Let a certain general take his responsibility. My mother said Juan you have your own fights Your fight is when you narrate and write. Do not want to sound too naïve but I am active Cannot cope to simply stand aside. Want to know more about politics And write about many people´s lives, oppression and war. Write narrate, cry of relief Do not keep quiet about things the world should know This is our fight and you for sure have yours A Country That is Safe (2005/2006)

Juan Havana thus connects his staging as the transnational other to being ‘active’ and learning, that is, ‘knowing about politics’ and expressing that knowledge. Being ‘active’ is here associated with speaking for others in writing, while the externalized other/complaining immigrant in ‘The Stupid Ones’ is connected to passivity without any reference to political representation as speaking for. In the excerpts discussed under this third category, Advance Patrol thus construct two externalized others – the other/’Kurd’ and the other/complaining immigrant that both stand in contrast to their representation as staging and speaking for the other/’blatte’ outlined above.

Shifting Representations In the following, I will summarize the three categories of representation outlined above and discuss the way in which they are shifting between the two meanings of the other by simultaneously (not dialectically) drawing on the fictitious and the negative registers. I will thereby also make visible different forms of representations through which Advance Patrol both become and distance themselves from being the representatives of a marginalized ‘we’ that has been the basis of earlier research (Sernhede 2007). The first category - ‘representation – the artist(s)’ - addresses three different forms of representations. First, Advance Patrol´s staging as artists in a Swedish context as the mostly harmless other; second, their staging as artists in the context of a global Hip-hop community, and third, their attempts as artists to speak for those who are located in the ‘lower stratum’ of society. In this first category Advance Patrol stage themselves as the other that speaks for the ‘lower stratum’ of society by blurring the distinction between the two meanings of

120 Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 Representing the Marginalized Other representation. They use a form of tactical essentialism that creates a ‘we’ that is being ignored by ‘them’ and offer a concrete solution to end marginalization, namely making society, that is, ‘them’ live up to the democratic promise by including ‘us’. By offering a solution they thus draw on the fictitious register. Yet, they also simultaneously draw on the negative register in this first category as the artist name Gonza Blatteskånska stages Gonza as a permanent outsider in both a Swed- ish and a global Hip-hop context. Instead of staging himself as an artist who speaks for the other in order to abolish marginalization, the other/’blatte’ here serves as a reminder that hegemonic politics can always abolish some marginalities ‘but can never abolish them all – it needs them as that upon which it constitutes itself’ (Moreiras 392). The second category – ‘representation – the transnational other’ – then addresses the staging of another permanent outsider, in this case in both a Swedish and Chilean context. Although this transnational other is primarily described through an external identification as opposed to the self-identification of Gonza as ‘blatte’ in the first category, its staging can also be seen as an example of the use of the negative register. I here claim that Advance Patrol, instead of offering a solution to end marginalization, argue that pure national essentialisms necessarily create marginalized others that have to remain permanent outsiders in order for the essentialisms to function. They then describe the transnational other as connected to Sweden through learning and teaching ‘Swedish history’, and to Chile through ‘pride’, ‘blood’ and ‘home’. The latter connection is then imported to a Swedish context as the connections of ‘blood’ that are initially attributed to ‘Chile’ are extended to include all those who are identified as the other/immigrant-youth in Sweden. This import becomes possible as Advance Patrol stage themselves as their representatives/speakers by advocating a brand of social democratic solidarity from the 1970s connected to the immigrant past of their parent generation. Such a renewed collapse of the two meanings of representation only works once the staging of the other/Chilean is replaced by the staging of the other/’blatte’ who can become the future representative/speaker of a ‘new Sweden’. The solution to end marginalization suggested here – ‘learning from the past’ – does nevertheless not entirely succeed. The other that speaks for ‘a new Sweden’ remains the ‘blatte’, that is, the permanent outsider even in future projections. Their representation as both staging and speaking for thus shifts from the fictitious to the negative register as it initially offers a solution only to then withdraw it. Advance Patrol here once more reject and exclusive reliance on the fictitious register to then move on to reject an exclusive reliance on the negative register through the representations in the third and final category – ‘representation – the externalized other’.

Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 121 Representing the Marginalized Other

In this category, Advance Patrol construct two types of externalized others – the externalized other/’Kurd’, and the complaining other/immigrant. The other/’Kurd’ can be contextualized in a number of different ways. First, as an affirmation of an already existing hegemonic image of an externalized other in a Swedish context, and thereby as staging of Advance Patrol as hegemonic ‘insiders’ drawing on the fictitious register. Second, as further stressing their staging as nonviolent and inoffensive artists that distance themselves from the violence of the other/’Kurd’. Yet, the in this context most significant aspect of the construction of the other/’Kurd’ is that Advance Patrol here not only create an other that differentiates them from other immigrants such as the transnational other discussed above. Here, they go one step further – they distance themselves from being the representatives of a unified marginalized ‘we’ by externalizing the other/’Kurd’. Although the second construction of an externalized other – the other/complaining immigrant is highly problematic as it suggests a firm connection between nationality and freedom of speech, I in this context see it as a rejection of a pure reliance on the negative register. While the ‘passive’ other/immigrant is described as someone who solely complains, that is, solely draws on the negative register, Juan Havana stages himself as an ‘active’ representative/speaker. He at first ‘complains’ about those instances in which democracy does not live up to its promise of equality, while at the same time making suggestions to end such inequality. He thereby draws on both the negative register (by ‘complaining’) and the fictitious register (by offering solutions). So how can these shifting representations be used to answer the question of how Advance Patrol represent the marginalized other in their lyrics between 2003 and 2006? This article has set out to provide a more detailed account of the representation of the marginalized other in Swedish Hip-hop that might become even more detailed by taking into account the impact of music and performance on Hip-hop lyrics. It has argued that while Advance Patrol, here used as an example of Hip-hop artists claiming a suburban background, often speak for the marginalized other, they do not at all times voice the grievances of all ‘immigrants’. They thus disrupt the notion of a unified ‘we’ that is represented through Hip-hop and thereby also describe the marginalized other as not entirely representable or knowable. That means that while they are critical of segregation and marginalization in Swedish society, issues that have ignited violence in Swedish suburbs since the mid-1990s and most recently in Husby, Advance Patrol do not claim to be able to speak for a homogenous marginalized group.

122 Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 Representing the Marginalized Other

That means that their shifting representations do not make truth claims about the marginalized other but represent, that is, speak for and stage it as a concept that can never be fully assimilated into a dominant hegemonic structure. The marginalized other represented through Swedish Hip-hop here remains both within and outside of the hegemonic system, resisting appropriation into forms of solidarity that claim to know or speak its ‘truth’.

References Alim H. Samy, Awad Ibrahim & Alastair Pennycook 2009. Global Linguistic Flows: Hip Hop Cultures, Youth Identities, and the Politics of Language. New York: Routledge. Berggren, Kalle 2013. ‘Degrees of Intersectionality.’ Culture Unbound Vol. 5 (2013), pp. 189-211. Birla, Ritu 2010. ‘Postcolonial Studies: Now That´s History.’ Can the Subaltern Speak? Reﬂections on the History of an Idea, ed. Rosalind C. Morris. New York: Columbia University Press, pp. 87-100. Freeman, Colin 2013. ‘Stockholm riots leave Sweden´s dreams of perfect society up in smoke.’ The Telegraph 25 May. Available from: www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/sweden/10080320/Stockholm- riots-leave-Swedens-dreams-of-perfect-society-up-in-smoke.html [25 October 2013]. Gilroy, Paul 1993. The Black Atlantic: modernity and double consciousness. London: Verso. Higgins, Andrew 2013. ‘In Sweden, Riots Put an Identity in Question.’ New York Times 26 May. Available from: www.nytimes.com/2013/05/27/world/europe/swedens-riots-put-its-identity-in- question.html?_r=0 [25 October 2013]. Lilliestam, Lars 1998. Svensk Rock: Musik, Lyrik, Historik. Göteborg: Bo Ejeby Förlag. Lindberg, Ulf 1995. Rockens Text: Ord, Musik och Mening. Stockholm/Stehag: Brustus Östlings Bokförlag Symposium. Locker, Melissa 2013. ‘Talib Kweli on the Burdens of Being Hip-hop´s Outspoken Conscience.’ Time Entertainment 19 June. Available from: entertainment.time.com/2013/06/19/talib-kweli-on-the-burdens-of-being-hip- hops-outspoken-conscience/ [25 October 2013]. Lüpke-Narberhaus, Frauke 2013. ‘Schwedische Vorort-Jugendliche: Jenseits von Bullerbü.’ Der Spiegel Online 4 September. Available from: www.spiegel.de/schulspiegel/ausland/nach-krawallen-in-schweden-jugendliche- kaempfen-fuer-stockholm-husby-a-917408.html [25 October 2013]. Moreiras, Alberto 1999. ‘Hybridity and Double Consciousness.’ Cultural Studies 13:3, pp. 373-407. Nilsson, Torbjörn and Anders Ivarsson Westerberg 2011. Våldsamma upplopp i Sverige- från avvikelse till normalitet. Myndigheten för samhällsskydd och beredskap (MSB), Enheten för lärande av olyckor och kriser. Ogbar, Jeffrey Ogbonna Green 2007. Hip-hop revolution: the culture and politics of rap. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas. Orange, Richard 2013. ‘Swedish riots spark surprise and anger.’ The Guardian 25 May. Available from: www.theguardian.com/world/2013/may/25/sweden-europe-news [25 October 2013]. Osumare, Halifu 2007. The Africanist Aesthetic in Global Hip-Hop: Power Moves. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Rose, Tricia 1994. Black Noise: Rap Music and Black Culture in Contemporary America. Hanover, N.H.: Wesleyan University Press.

Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 123 Representing the Marginalized Other

Sernhede, Ove 2007. Alienation is my nation: hiphop och unga mäns utanförskap i det nya Sverige. Stockholm: Ordfront. Sernhede, Ove and Johan Söderman 2011. Planet Hiphop – Om hiphop som folkbildning och social mobilisering. Malmö: Liber. Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty 1988. ‘Can the Subaltern Speak?’ Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, eds Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Street, John 2012. Music and Politics. Hoboken: Wiley. Terkouraﬁ, Marina 2010. The Languages of Global Hip-hop. London: Continuum.

Websites [Accessed 20 July 2014] Advance Patrol, 'Ett land som är tryggt/Betongbarn', Youtube. [Accessed 20 July 2014]

Discography Advance Patrol 2003, ‘Åsiktsfrihet’ on Utskrivna (CD). Stockholm, Playground Music. Advance Patrol 2003, ‘Estupidos’ on Utskrivna (CD). Stockholm, Playground Music. Advance Patrol 2003, ‘Operation Sverige’ on Utskrivna (CD). Stockholm, Playground Music. Advance Patrol 2003, ‘Vi E Dom’ on Utskrivna (CD). Stockholm, Playground Music. Advance Patrol 2005, ‘Ett Land som är Tryggt’ on Ett Land som är Tryggt (CD). Stockholm, Playground Music. Advance Patrol 2005, ‘Betongbarn’ on Ett Land som är Tryggt (CD). Stockholm, Playground Music. Advance Patrol 2006, ‘Dialogen (98års områdesversion)' on Aposteln (CD), Playground Music.

Abstract Hip-hop artists are often perceived as societal critics who speak for, or represent a marginalized other, while at the same time re-presenting or staging themselves as individual artists. This article sets out to provide a more detailed account of the representation of such a marginalized other in Swedish Hip-hop by tracing the ways in which representation – as both speaking for and staging – is connected to the marginalized other in the lyrics of the Malmö-based Hip-hop group Advance Patrol. In their lyrics, Advance Patrol not only stage themselves as artists who speak for a marginalized other and artists who distance themselves from such representations by creating an externalized other. Their lyrics also stage them as what will be called a transnational other in-between Chile and Sweden and thereby connect them with a migration history in-between Chile and Swe- den. It argues that the representations in their lyrics between 2003 and 2006 shift – between criticizing the logic of ‘we’ against ‘them’ that creates the marginalized other, and an afﬁrmation of such marginalization. These shifting representations thus represent it as a concept that can never be fully assimilated into a dominant hegemonic structure, a

124 Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 Representing the Marginalized Other concept that resists appropriation into forms of solidarity that claim to know or speak its ‘truth’.

Keywords Hip-hop, Representation, The Other, Advance Patrol, Sweden

The Author Susan Lindholm is a Ph.D. candidate in History at Malmö University, Sweden. Her research interests include constructions of self and other within and through historical and locational contexts. Her dissertation explores Hip-hop culture in-between Chile and Sweden. E-mail: [email protected]

Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning vol. 96(2) - 2014 125

"VUVNO ", -/",9 y¤

i}Ì>Ì}Ê`vviÀiViÊÊÌ iÊ« «Êâi LiÌÜiiÊ-Üi`iÊ>`Ê i CZ4VTBO-JOEIPMN

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

,FZXPSETEJBTQPSBJOUFSTFDUJPOBMJUZNVMUJDVMUVSBMJTN)JQIPQ4XFEFOBOE$IJMF

ÄË?ËÄ¬?Í?Ë¬jjËWjWÍjaËÍË~Á?Í^ WÖ¬ËjaËMßËÖ~ÖÄÍË+WjÍËË¤ÈÏ±Ë0jËÍjÞÍËÄ .ÝjaÄË¬¬Ë?ÄËwÍjËMjjËajÄWÁMjaË?ÄË?Ë~M? M?ÄjaËË?ËÁ?ËÄÍÁßËÍjÁÜjÝËÝÍË¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍ WÖÍÖÁjËÍ?ÍË?ÄËWÁj?ÍjaË?ËwÁËwËÄ¬?Í?ËÄa?ÁÍß -aÁ~Ë½-aaj¾Ë jÁ?ËÝ^Ë?ÄË?ËjMjÁËwËÍj ?~ÄÍË~Á?ÍËßÖÍËËÍjËÄÖMÖÁMÄË®w ÁÁÍj¯Ëw .ÝjajM?ÄjaË~ÁÖ¬ËjÁ?ÄË jÁ?^Ë¬jÁwÁÄËÄ .Ýjaj¾ÄËÍÁjjË?Á~jÄÍËWÍjÄËrË.ÍW^ËÍjMÖÁ~ Á?¬ÄËÄjßËË.¬?ÄË?aËaÁjWÍÄËÄËÖÄWË?ÍË? ?aË ? ËrËÝWË?ÁjËwÍjËW¬?ÁjaËÝÍËjÁ j?Ëa?Ä¬Á?±Ó WÍßË j~MÖÁaÄË Ë ÍjË 2ÍjaË .Í?ÍjÄ±£ Äj¶ÖjÍß^Ë.ÝjaÄË¬¬Ë?ÄË?ßËMjjËÄÍÖa "À>Ê ÃÌÀÞ]Ê}À>ÌÊ>`ÊÌ iÊ i> jaË?ÄË?ËWjWÍÜjËWÖÍÖÁjËÍ?ÍË?ÄËÖÍjaËßÖÍËËÍj `>Ã«ÀÃ>ÌÊ«ÀViÃÃÊÊ-Üi`i w ÁÁÍj ÝÍË?ËÝajËÜ?ÁjÍßËwË~Á?ÍËM?W ËÄË¤ËÁjÜjÝËwËÍjËWÍÁMÖÍËwËÁ?ËÄÍÁß ~ÁÖaÄËMjaË?ËWË~?]ËÍËW?j~jËÄW? ÍË~Á?ÍËÄÍÖajÄ^ËÄÍ?ÁË0ÄË?Á~ÖjÄËÍ?Í jÁ?ÁWjÄËÍ?ÍËWÁj?ÍjËjWWË?aËÁ?W?Äja ~Á?ÍË?ÄËMjWjËjËwËÍjËÄÍË¬ÁÍ?Í ?Á~?Ä?Í±ËÝjÜjÁ^ËÄÍ?WjÄËËÝWË¬¬ ÍjjÄËwËÁ?ËÄÍÁßËÁjÄj?ÁW±Î Öa~~ËMßËÍjËÖjÁ ?ÁÍÄÍÄËj~Í?ÍjËÄÖWËWÄÍÁÖWÍÄËwËawwjÁjWjËÝÍ ÖÄË?W?ajWË¬ÖMW?ÍÄË?aËÁ~?Ä?ÍÄËwWÖÄ~ ÍÁ?Ä?Í?ËWÍjÞÍÄË?ÜjËÍËMjjËÍjË?ËwWÖÄËw Ë~Á?ÍË?aËÁ?ËÄÍÁßËÍ?ÍË?ÜjËjjÁ~jaËÄWj ¬ÁjÜÖÄË.ÝjaÄËÁjÄj?ÁW± Íj^ËÄËÄÍ?ÍjjÍËÄÍËÁ~ÄËÍÁÖjËÍa?ß±{ #Á?ËÄÍÁß 0ÄË?ÁÍWjËwWÖÄjÄËËÄÖWËj~Í?ÍËwËawwjÁ ?ßËÄjÁÜjËÍË?jËÜÄMjËÝË~Á?ÍÄËwjjË?MÖÍ jWjËÝÍËÝ?ÍËÝËMjËW?jaËÍjË¬¬ËãjË ~Á?Í^ËÝWËÄËÝßËÍjËÍ?Ë¬ßÄW?ËÁjW?Í MjÍÝjjË.ÝjajË?aË j^ËÍÝËWÖÍÁjÄËÍ?ÍË?Áj ÄËwÍjËÄjjË?ÄËßËjËjÜjÍËÝÍËÍjË~Á?Í ajÄWÁMjaË?ÄËWjWÍjaËÍËj?WËÍjÁËÍÁÖ~Ë~Á? jÞ¬jÁjWj±ËÄË0ÄË¬ÍÄËÖÍ^ËÍjÁjËÄËjÜjÁÍj ÍËwÁËÍjË?ÍÍjÁËÍËÍjËwÁjÁËwÝ~ËÍjËÍ?Áß jÄÄË?Ëa?~jÁËËajw~ËaÜaÖ?Ë~Á?ÍÄËÁ yÔ ", -/",9 "VUVNO

~Á?ÍËWÖÍjÄË½ßËËÍjÁÄËwËÍjÁË~Á?Í ÄjWÍ~Ë¬ÝjÁËajÄÄËÍ?ÍËW?ÖÄjËjWWË?a Á~Ä¾^Ë?ÄËÍjËÄÍÁßËwË~Á?ÍË?ßËMjËjÄÄËÄ~w Á?W?ÄjaËawwjÁjWj±£ä ÄËÍËÍÖÁjaËÖÍ^ËW?j~~ W?ÍËÍ?ËÍjÁËaÜaÖ?ËÁËWjWÍÜjËWWjÁÄËÁ ÄÖWË¬ÝjÁËjÁ?ÁWjÄËMjW?jË?ËWjÍÁ?ËÄÄÖjËÝÍ ÄÄÖjÄ±x 0jÁjwÁj^ËÍËÄË¬ÁÍ?ÍËÍËÍjËÍ?Í^ËÝjË ÍjË.ÝjaÄË¬¬ËWÖÍÖÁjËÍ?ÍËjjÁ~jaË?ÄË?Ë? ?Á~ÖjËÍ?ÍË jÁ?¾ÄË~Á?ÍËjÞ¬jÁjWjË?aËÄËÝÁ ÄÍÁj?Ë~jÁjËaÖÁ~ËÍjËa¤åÄ±££ ?ÄË?Ë¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍËWÁj?ÍjË?ËãjËMjÍÝjjË.Ýjaj Äj¶ÖjÍß^ËMßË?Ä~ËÝË jÁ?Ëj~Í?ÍjÄ ?aË jËÝÍËÝWËjËj~Í?ÍjÄËawwjÁjWj^Ë awwjÁjWjËËÍjË¬¬ËãjËMjÍÝjjË.Ýjaj jÍjÁËW?ËÍ?ÍËÄËjÞ¬jÁjWjËwË~Á?ÍËW?ËMj ?aË j^ËÍÄË?ÁÍWjËaÄWÖÄÄjÄËÄËj~Í?ÍÄËÝÍ ÁjaÖWjaËÍË?Ë¬¬ËWÍjÞÍ^ËÁËÍ?ÍËÄËÝÁË?ÄË? ÍÝËWÍjÞÍÄ]ËÍjË j?Ëa?Ä¬ÁÄ?ÍË¬ÁWjÄÄËÍ?Í ¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍËW?ËMjËÍjaËÍËÄË~Á?ÍËjÞ¬jÁ ÄÍ?ÁÍjaËË¤ÈÏËËÍjËjË?aÇË?aËÍjËajM?ÍjË jWj±Ë-?ÍjÁ^ËË?ÄËËÝ?ÍËÝ?ßËÄËÄ¬jWwWË j? ÖÍWÖÍÖÁ?ÄËÍ?ÍËjjÁ~jaËË.ÝjajËaÖÁ~ËÍj ~Á?ÍËjÞ¬jÁjWjËË.ÝjajËMjWjÄËÁjjÜ?Í ¤åÄËËÍjËÍjÁ±ËÄËÄÖW^ËÍÄË?ÁÍWjËÄË¬?ÁÍËwË? ÝÍË?Ë¬¬ËWÍjÞÍ± ?Á~jÁËÁjÄj?ÁWË¬ÁjWÍËËÝWËËwWÖÄËËawwjÁjÍ -aaj¾ÄËw?ßËÍ?ßËW?jËÍË.ÝjajËaÖÁ~ËÍj ?Ä¬jWÍÄËwË¬¬ËWÖÍÖÁjËMjÍÝjjË.ÝjajË?a ¤oåÄË?ÄË¬?ÁÍËwË?Ë~ÁÖ¬ËwË j?ËÁjwÖ~jjÄËÝËwja ?ÍËjÁW?±Ë0ÄË?ÁÍWjË?ÄËWÍÁMÖÍjÄËÍË? ÍjËWÖÍÁßË?wÍjÁËÍjË¤ÈÏËWÖ¬±ËËÄËaÄWÖÄÄËw MÁ?ajÁËaÄWÖÄÄËËÖÄWËË~jjÁ?Ë?aË¬¬ ÍjËa?Ä¬ÁÄ?ÍË¬ÁWjÄÄËwË j?ÄËË.Ýjaj^Ë Á Ë¬?ÁÍWÖ?Á^ËMjÍÝjjËawwjÁjÍË?Í?ËWÍjÞÍÄ±£Ó #ÄÄËÖÍjÄËÍÝË?ËÍjË¬jÁaÄËÝÍËÝW 8jËÍËÄjjÄË-aajË?ÄË?ËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍ?ÍÜjËwË?Ë~ÁÖ¬Ëw ÄÖWË?Ë¬ÁWjÄÄËW?ËMjËW?Íja]ËËjË?a^Ë?Ë¬jÁa .ÝjaÄË j?Ë¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍÄËÝËaÁjWÍËÍjÁ wËjÞjËÍ?ÍËÄÍ?ÁÍjaËË¤ÈÏÇË?aË?Ë¬jÁaËwË¬ÄÍjÞj ÖÄWËÍÝ?ÁaÄË?Ë j?Ëa?Ä¬Á?^ËÍËÝË?ÄË?Á~Öj Í?ÍËMj~?ËË¤oËÝÍË?ËajWÁ?ÍWËjjWÍËË j Í?ÍËÄË?ÍÍj¬ÍÄËÍËWÁj?ÍjË?ËaÜaÖ?ËW?ÁjjÁË?ÄË? ËÍjËÍjÁ±È 8jËÍjËjÞjËWÖÍßËÝ?ÄË?Ája ?ÁÍÄÍËMjÍÝjjË.ÝjajË?aË jË?ÁjËÍË¬Á?Áß MßË¬ÍW?Ë?aËWÖÍÖÁ?Ë?WÍÜÄË?aËÄa?ÁÍßËaÁjWÍja M?ÄjaËËMjW~ËÁËMj~Ë¬?ÁÍËwËÄÖWË?Ë~ÁÖ¬± ?ÍË jË?aË?ËWjWÍÜjËaÁj?ËwËÁjÍÖÁ~ËÍË j^ .WjËÍÄË?ÁÍWjËj~?~jÄËË?ËWÄjËÁj?a~ËwËÍj ÍjË¬ÄÍjÞjËWÖÍßË?aËÍËwaËjÝËÄÍÁ?Íj~jÄ ÍjÁÄjWÍ~ËjÜjÄËÍÁÖ~ËÝWË-aajËj~Í?ÍjÄ wÁË~ÁÖ¬ËMÄ?ÍË?ÄË¬ÍW?ËÁjÄÄÍ?WjËÍËÍj awwjÁjWj^ËÍË?ÄËaÁ?ÝÄËËÍjËWWj¬ÍËwËÍjÁÄjWÍ +WjÍËÁj~jËË~jÁËÄjÁÜjaËÍËÖÍjËÍjË~ÁÖ¬± ?ÍßËÍ?ÍË?ÄËÍÄËÁ~ÄËËM?WËwjÄ^ËÝjÁjËÍËÄ ÍÖ~Ë?ËÁjÍÖÁËÍË jËMjW?jË¬ÄÄMjË?wÍjÁË¤o^ ?¬¬jaËÍËÄÍÖaßËÍjËÍjÁÁj?ÍÄ¬ÄËwËÄW?ËaÜ ÍË?ßËjMjÁÄËwËÍjË¬ÄÍjÞjËWÖÍßË ÄÄ±£Î ÄËÄW~ÄÍË!Á?Ë:ÖÜ? ?ÜÄË?ÄË¬Íja .ÝjajËajWajaËÍËÜjËM?W±Ç 0jË¬ÄÍjÞjË¬jÁa ÖÍ^ËÄW?ËaÜÄÄË?ÁjË?Ý?ßÄËÄÍÁW?ßË?aËW? ?ÄË?ajËÍjÁ?ËaÜÄÄËÁjËÜÄMj^Ë?Ä^Ë?MÜjË?^ ÍÄ¬jWwW^ËÝWËÄËÝßËÍjßËaj¬jaËË¬?ÁÍWÖ?Á ÍjËWaÁjËwËÍjÄjË j?ËÁjwÖ~jjÄËË~jÁË?ÖÍ ÄW?^Ë¬ÍW?Ë?aËjWWË¬ÁWjÄÄjÄ±£{ 0jÁjwÁj^ ?ÍW?ßËajÍwjaËÍjÄjÜjÄËÝÍË?Ë j?ËM?W ÄjËÄÖ~~jÄÍÄËÍ?ÍËÍjßËÄÖaËMjË??ßÄjaË?WWÁa~ËÍ ~ÁÖa±Ë ÍjËwÖÁËjÜjÄËÝÍËÝWËÍjßË¬jÁ?Íj]ËÍjËÁ~? ÍËÄË¬ÁÍ?ÍËÍËÍj^ËÝjÜjÁ^ËÍ?ÍËÝjËÍjËjÞj Ä?Í?ËÁËÄÍÍÖÍ?^ËÍjËÍjÁÄÖMjWÍÜj^ËÍjËÁj¬Áj ~ÁÖ¬ËÖÄjaËÄÍÁ?Íj~jÄËwÁËMÄ?ÍËÍ?ÍËÄÍÁjÄÄja ÄjÍ?Í?Ë?aËÍjËjÞ¬jÁjÍ?±Ë j?ÄË?ÄË?ËÄ¬jWwWËjÍWË~ÁÖ¬^ËÍÄËÝÁËÝ?Ä Ý~ËÍjËÄÖ~~jÄÍËwË:ÖÜ? ?ÜÄ^ËËÝËÍÁ?Wj ¬Á?ÁßËM?ÄjaËË¬ÍW?Ë?WÍÜÄ±Ë0?ÍËj?ÍËÍ?Í ÍjËÝ?ßËËÝWË-aajËj~Í?ÍjÄËawwjÁjWjËËwÖÁ ÍjÁÄ^ËÄÖWË?ÄËÁjwÖ~jjÄËwÁËÁ~jÍ?^Ë+?Á?~Ö?ßË?a jÜjÄ]ËwÁÄÍ^ËMßËWjWÍ~ËÍËÄËw?ßË®ÍjËw?? 2ÁÖ~Ö?ßËÝÍËÄ?ÁËjÞ¬jÁjWjÄ^Ë?ÄËÝjË?ÄË.ÝjajÄ jÜjËÍjÁjwÁjËÁj¬?WjÄËÍjËÁ~?Ä?Í?ËËÍÄËW?Äj¯Ç ÝËaaËÍË?ÜjË?ßËw??ÁË?ÍÍ?WjÍËÍË jËÁ ÄjWa^ËMßËaÄWÖÄÄ~Ë?aËWÄÍÁÖWÍ~ËawwjÁjWjË ?ÍËjÁW?^ËWÖaËMjWjËj~?~jaËËÍjËÜj ?ËÍjÁÄÖMjWÍÜjËjÜjÇËÍÁa^ËMßËMÍË¬ÁaÖW~Ë?a jÍ±n wÍjÁËÍjËjaËwËÍjË+WjÍËÁj~j^Ë?ßËw ?WÍ~ËËawwjÁjWjËWÁj?ÍjaËË?ËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍ?Í?ËjÜjÇ ÍÄjËÝË?aËjÞ¬ÁjÄÄjaËÍjÁËÄa?ÁÍßËÝÍË j ?aËwÖÁÍ^ËÍÁÖ~ËÄËÝËjÞ¬jÁjWjËwËawwjÁjWj± aÖÁ~ËÍjËjÞjË¬jÁaËrËÍ?ÍËÄ^ËMÍË j?ÄË?a ?ß^ËÍjË??ßÄÄË?ÄËÍÁ?WjÄËÍjËÝ?ßËËÝWËÄ ÍÄjËÝÍÖÍË?Ë?ÍÍ?WjÍËÍË jËrËÄÍ?ÁÍjaËÍ j~Í?ÍÄËWÄÍÁÖWÍ^ËjÞWÖajËÁËWÖajËj?WËÍjÁ±£x MjWjËj~?~jaËËÍjÁË¬ÍW?ËÄÄÖjÄËÍ?ÍËÝjÁjËÍ wÍjÁËMÁjwßËaÄWÖÄÄ~ËÍjËÍjÁÜjÝËÄÍÖ?Í^ËÍj jaËÍË?ËWË j?ËÁ~±Ë ÍjÞÍËÄËaÜajaËÍËwÖÁËÄjWÍÄËÍ?ÍËWÄajÁËÍj 0jËÄÍÁW?ËWÍjÞÍËÝÍËÝWË j?ÄËWÖa wÝ~]ËwÁÄÍ^Ë-aaj¾ÄËajwÍËwËMj~Ë j?Ë ajÄWÁMjËÍjÄjÜjÄË?ÄË?ËÄ¬jWwWËjÍWË~ÁÖ¬ËÝ?Ä .ÝjajÇËÄjWa^ËÍjËÝ?ßËËÝWËjËWÍÁ?ÄÍÄË j jÜjÁÍjjÄÄËW?~~ËËßjÍË?ÍjÁËÝ?ß±Ë8jËÍj ÝÍË.ÝjajÇËÍÁa^ËÄËajwÍËwËÄjwË?Ä Á~ÍÝ~Ë¬¬ÖÄÍË¬?ÁÍßË!ßË jÁ?ÍË®!jÝË jW .ÝjaÄËË jÇË?aËwÖÁÍ^ËÄË?ÍÍj¬ÍÄËÍËMjWj Á?Wß¯Ë~?jaËÄj?ÍÄËËÍjË-Äa?~j ®ÍjË.ÝjaÄ j?ËË j±Ë ?Í?Ë¬?Á?jÍ¯ËË?Ë?Í~Á?ÍË¬?ÍwÁ Ë¤¤^ËÍjË¤åÄË?ÄËÝÍjÄÄjaËÍjËjjÁ~jWjËwË? / iÊÌiÀÛiÜ ¬ÍW?ËajM?ÍjËËÖÍWÖÍÖÁ?ÄËÍ?ÍËjaËÍËW?~jÄ ßËÍjÁÜjÝËÝÍË-aajËÍË¬?WjËËÔå¤ÏË ËWÖÍÖÁ?Ë¬WßËË.Ýjaj± ÍÖ~ËÍÄËajM?Íj ??Á^Ë?ËWÍßËË.G?aËËÍjËÄÖÍj?ÄÍËwË.Ýjaj± ?jaË?ÍËajÄWÁM~ËawwjÁjWjË?ÄËajÄÁ?MjË?aË¬Ä 8jË?aËjÍËj?ÁjÁËÍ?ÍËÄ?jËßj?ÁË?ÍË?ËWwjÁjWjË ÍÜj^ËÍËÝ?ÄË?Á~jßËM?ÄjaËË?ËjÄÄjÍ?ÄjaËÜjÝËw ? ËÝjÁjËË¬ÁjÄjÍjaËßËÁjÄj?ÁWËËÝ?ÍËËW?ja awwjÁjWjËÍ?ÍËaaËÍËWÖajË?ËaÄWÖÄÄËwËÍjÁ .ÝjaÄ j?Ë¬¬±ËwÍjÁËßË¬ÁjÄjÍ?Í^Ëj "VUVNO ", -/",9 yÏ

?¬¬Á?WjaËjË?aËÝjËMÁjwßËaÄWÖÄÄjaËÄËW?ÁjjÁË?Ä !jÜjÁÍjjÄÄ^Ë-aajËajÄWÁMjaËÍjÁËÄ~wW?WjË ?Ë¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍË?aËjMjÁËwËjÁ?ÄË jÁ?^ ?ËÄ~ÍßËawwjÁjÍË?jÁ±ËWWÁa~ËÍË^ËÍj Í?ÍËÄ^ËÍjË ÁÍjÁÄË jÁ?Ë®?Ë¬¬Ë~ÁÖ¬ËÍ?Í ÄÍË¬ÁÍ?ÍË?Ä¬jWÍËwËÍjÁËÄÖWWjÄÄËÝ?ÄËÍ?ÍËjËwÁ WÄÄÍÄËwËË?aËÄËMÁÍjÁË ÁÄÍ?Ë jÁ?¯±Ëj ÍjËwÁÄÍËÍjËWÖaËjÞ¬?ËÍË½.ÝjajÄ¾ËÍ?ÍËjËÝ?Ä ?ÄË~?ÜjËjËÍjÁË Ë ÁjWÍËajË.ÖjW? ® ÁjWÍËÁ ÍËÖÄÍË?ËÄÍÁ?~jÁËMÖÍËÄjjËÝË½jaËjË0j .Ýjaj¯Ë?aË?~ÁjjaËÍË?ËÍjÁÜjÝ± ?ÍË~Ä¾ËÍ?ÍËjÜjÁßj^ËÍËßË½ j?Ä¾ËÁ 8jËËWÍ?WÍjaËË?ËwjÝËÍÄË?ÍjÁ^ËÝj ½~Á?ÍÄ¾ËMÖÍËjÜjË½.ÝjajÄ¾^Ë?aÁja±Ë-aajËaa ajWajaËÍ?ÍËÝjËÝÖaËjjÍËË??Á^ËÝjÁjËjËÄÍÄ ÍËÄ¬ßËaÜajË.ÝjaÄËÄWjÍßËÍË~Á?ÍÄË?a ?Ë¬Á~Á?j^Ë-?¬Ë!jÝÄ^Ë?ÍËÍjËW?ËÁ?aËÄÍ?Í±Ë# .ÝjajÄ^ËÍ?ÍËÄ^ËWÄÍÁÖWÍË?ËÝj ?~?ÄÍËÍj ÄWj?Á ÖÁËÝ?ßËÍËÍjËwwWjÄËwË ^Ë®0jË8ÁjÁÄ¾Ë aÖW? ËÝWË?Ë~Á?Í Ýj MjWjÄË?ÖaMjË?aËÜÄMj Í?ËÄÄW?Í¯ËÝjÁjËÍjËÍjÁÜjÝËÍË¬?Wj^ ÍÁÖ~Ë¬¬±Ë-?ÍjÁ^ËjËajÄWÁMjaËÄËÍ? -aajËÍ?jaË?MÖÍËÄË¬ÁjWÍË2~ËÍÜË®:Ö~ WjWÍËÍË¬¬Ë?ÄËM?ÄjaËËMÍËÄË¬jÁÄ? WÍÜj¯Ë?aËÍjË¬ÝjÁËwË¬¬ËÍËÖÍjËßÖÍËwÁ jÞ¬jÁjWjËwË~Á?ÍÄjaËawwjÁjWjËË.ÝjajË?a ¬ÁjÜÖÄßË?aÜjÁÄ?Á?Ë~ÁÖ¬Ä±£È Ë?aËMÁÖ~ÍË? ÍÁÖ~Ë?ËÄ¬jWwWËWjWÍËÍË j?ÄË?ÄË?Ëa?Ä ÖMjÁËwË ÄËMßË.ÝjaÄ j?Ë¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍÄ ¬ÁÄjaË~ÁÖ¬ËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍjaËÍÁÖ~Ë0jË?ÍË~Ä±Ë WÖa~Ë jÜjaË?ËË ?ÁÁ MßËÍjË~ÁÖ¬Ë0j ÝjÜjÁ^ËÝjËËjÍjaËÍjË.ÍWM?Äja ?ÍË~ÄË?aË-j]WÁaja ?aË0aË0jjË.Ö MßËÖ? Á?¬ËWjWÍÜjË ÁãË-jWÁaÄË?ÍË?Ë?ÍjÁËÄÍ?~jËwËÖÁ ?Ü??^Ë?ÄËÝjË?ÄË ÁjWÍËajË.ÖjW?^ËÍ?ÍËËÖÄjaË?Ä ÍjÁÜjÝ^ËÝWË?ÄËWÁj?ÍjÄË?ËWjWÍËÍË j jWËajÜWjÄ^Ë¬~ËÍËÍÁ~~jÁË?ËÁjË~jjÁ? ÍÁÖ~ËÍÄËÖÄWË?aËW?ÄËÍËMjËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍ~Ë½Íj WÜjÁÄ?ÍËË¬¬ËMjÍÝjjË.ÝjajË?a ÄÍÁjjÍËwj¾Ë®Í?ÍËÄ^ËÍjËw ÁÁÍj¯^Ë-aajËÍaËjËÍ?ÍËj j±£ÇÊÍÖ~ËËÝËMÁjwßËjÍËËÍÄË?ÁÍWj aaËÍË~ÁÝËÖ¬ËËÄÖWË?ËWÍjÞÍ±£ 8jË½ÍËÖÄÍËMj ÍjËßÁWÄËwËÍjËÄ~Ë½ jËajË Á?ã¾^Ëwj?ÍÖÁja awwWÖÍËÍË~ÁÝËÖ¬ËËÍjËw ÁÁÍj¾ËrËÄ¬?WjÄËÍ?ÍË?Áj Ë ÁjWÍËajË.ÖjW?^ËËÝËÍËj~?~jËË?Ëaj¬Í ?Á~jßË?ÄÄW?ÍjaËÝÍËÝWjËÁËÖj¬ßja ??ßÄÄËwËÍjË?ÁÍÝÁ^ËßÁWÄË?aËÖÄWËÍ?ÍËW?ËMj ~Á?ÍÄË?aËÍjÁËWaÁjËrËjËWÍÖja^Ë½ÍËÄË?Ä wÖaËËÍjÄjËwÖÁË Ä±Ë awwWÖÍËÍË?ÍÍjaËÄWË?ÄËÍjËßËÄÍÖajÍËÝÍË? 0jË¬ÁjÄjWjËwËÍjË ÄË?aËßË~Öa~Ë¶ÖjÄÍ ~Á?ÍËM?W~ÁÖa¾±ËË?Á~Öj^ËÍjÁjwÁj^ËÍ?ÍËÍÄ ?MÖÍË.ÝjaÄ j?Ë¬¬ËÄÍËjßË?aËÄj ÄÍ?ÍjjÍËW?ËMjËÄjjË?ÄËÍjËÄÖWWjÄÄËwË?ËÄ¬jWwW WÄajÁ?MjËwÖjWjËËÍjËÖÍWjËwËÖÁËÍjÁ Áj¬ÁjÄjÍ?ÍËwË¬¬ËWÖÍÖÁjËË.ÝjajË?ÄËMÍ ÜjÝ^Ë?ÄË-aajËaaËÍË¬ÁÜajËjËÝÍË?ËajÍ?jaËwj ?ÄÍÁj?Ëja?Ë?aËj?ÁjÁË?W?ajWËÁjÄj?ÁWË?Üj ÄÍÁßËwÁËÄËMÁÍËË jËÍËÄË¬ÁjÄjÍËwjË ?Á~jßËajÄWÁMjaËÍË?ÄËÁ~?Í~ËwÁËÍjËW?ÄÄjaË?a .Ýjaj±ËÄÍj?a^ËjËWjÍÁjaËÄËÍÖ~ÍÄË?aËÁj?ÁÄ ~Á?ÍÄjaË¬?WjËwËÍjËw ÁÁÍj±Ë2?MjËÍËW? ËÍjËÄ~wW?WjËwË jËË.ÝjaÄË¬¬Ë ¬jÁÄ?ËjÞ¬jÁjWjËwËÍjËw ÁÁÍj^Ë-aajËWÄj ~jjÁ?Ë?aËÄËW?ÁjjÁË?ÄË?Ë¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍËË¬?ÁÍWÖ?Á± ¶ÖjÍßËaÁjÝËÖ¬ËÍjËÄjWaË?Ä¬jWÍËÍ?ÍË?ÄËMjj ÁËÍjËÄÍË¬?ÁÍ^ËËjÍËËÄ¬j?ËÝÍÖÍËÍjÁÁÖ¬ÍÇ ÖÄjaËÍËajwjË¬¬ËWÖÍÖÁjËË.Ýjaj]ËÄËÄ¬jWwW ?aËÝjËËaaË?ÄË¶ÖjÄÍÄ^ËË~ÍËËÍËj?MÁ?Íj jÞ¬jÁjWjËwË~Á?ÍÄjaËawwjÁjWjËaÖÁ~ËÍjË¤åÄ± ËÍ¬WÄËjË?aË¬ÁjÜÖÄßËÍÖWjaËÖ¬±Ë0jËÁjÄÖÍ ÄËËÝËaÄWÖÄÄËË~Áj?ÍjÁËajÍ?ËMjÝ^ËÍËW?Ë?ÄËMj ~ËÍjÁÜjÝËÝ?ÄË?ËÍÁjjÖÁËÁjWÁa~ËWaÖWÍjaË ?Á~ÖjaËÍ?ÍËjËÍjÁjMßË¬?WjaËÄjwËÝÍË?Ë~jjÁ? .ÝjaÄ^ËÍjË?~Ö?~jËÍ?ÍË-aajË?ÄËMjjËÖÄ~Ë ajM?ÍjËËÖÍWÖÍÖÁ?ÄËË.Ýjaj^ËjËÍ?ÍË?wwÁÄ jÜjÁßa?ßËjWÖÍjÁÄË?aËÄÍÖ?ÍÄËwÁËÄÍËwËÄËwj± WÖÍÖÁ?ËawwjÁjWj± Ë?aaÍ^Ë-aajËÁj?aËÍjË?ÁÍWjË?aË?¬¬ÁÜjaËÍj -aaj¾ÄËÍ?ËWjWÍËÍË¬¬ËÝ?Ä^ËjÍj ¶ÖÍjÄËÖÄjaËËÍËMjwÁjËÍËÝ?ÄËÄjÍËwÁË¬ÖMW?Í±Ë jÄÄ^ËÍËÄjßËM?ÄjaËËÄËjÞ¬jÁjWjËwË~Á?ÍÄja ÁajÁËÍËMjÄÍË?jËÜÄMjËÍjËÝ?ßËËÝWËË?Üj awwjÁjWjËË.Ýjaj±ËÍËÝ?ÄËÍ?ÍjaËÍÁÖ~Ë?ËÄ¬jWwW WÍjÞÍÖ?ÄjaË?aËÍjÁ¬ÁjÍjaËÍjËÍjÁÜjÝË?ÍjÁ?^ WjWÍËÍË j?ÄË?ÄË?ËjÍWË~ÁÖ¬ËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍja Ë?ÜjË?aajaËwÍÍjÄËÍ?ÍËÁÖËÍÁÖ~ÖÍËÍjËÍjÞÍ ÍÁÖ~Ë0jË?ÍË~Ä±Ë0?ÍËWjWÍËÝ?ÄËwÖÁÍjÁ Í?ÍË?aaËÍËÁËWjÍËÖ¬ËßË??ßÄÄ± ÄawjaËË?ËÍjÁÄÖMjWÍÜjËjÜjËÝjË-aajËjÍ 0jË?ÍË~ÄËË¬jÁÄË?ÍËÄjË¬ÍËaÖÁ~ËÍj "ÊLi}Ê i>ÊÊ-Üi`i ¤åÄË?ÍËÍjËÖÍÄwÁjaËjÄÍÜ?^ËÝjÁjËÍjßËÝjÁj ÄË.ÝjaÄË j?Ë¬¬ËÝ?ÄËÍjË?ËÍ¬WËwËÖÁ ¬jÁwÁ~Ë?aËÝjÁjËÄË¬?ÁjÍÄËÝjÁjËÄj~Ë j? ÍjÁÜjÝ^ËÍËW?jË?ÄËËÄÖÁ¬ÁÄjËÍ?ÍË-aajËja wa±Óä 8jË0jË?ÍË~ÄË?¬¬Á?WjaËÄË¬?ÁjÍÄ¾ ?ÍjßËÄÍ?ÁÍjaËÍËÁjwjWÍËËÍÄËMj~~ÄË?ÄËÄË?ÄËÝj waËÄÍ?Ë?wÍjÁËÍjÁË¬jÁwÁ?Wj^Ë-aajËÍËÄ ?aËÄjÍÍjaËËÍjËÁËËÝWËÍjËÍjÁÜjÝËÍ W?WjË?aËÍaËÍjËÝËÖWËjË?¬¬ÁjW?ÍjaËÍjÁ ¬?Wj±ËWWÁa~ËÍË^ËÍË?ËÄÍ?ÁÍjaËÝÍËÍjËÖ¬ÁjWj ÖÄW±Ë ?ÁjÁËaÖÁ~ËÖÁËÍjÁÜjÝ^ËjË?aËjÞ¬?ja ajÍjaË¬¬Ö?ÁÍßËwËÍjË¬jjÁ~Ë¬¬Ë~ÁÖ¬ ÝËjË?aËÄËMÁÍjÁË ÁÄÍ?Ë?aËWjËÍËWÍ?WÍ 0jË?ÍË~Ä^ËÝËÁjj?ÄjaËÍjÁËajMÖÍË?MÖ ÝÍË0jË.??ã?ÁË ÁÍjÁÄ^Ë?Ë¬ÁaÖWÍËW¬?ß 7CjËÍËw ÁÁÍj ®8jWjËÍËÍjË.ÖMÖÁMÄ¯Ë WÁj?ÍjaËMßË j¬jË?aË.??Ë.??ã?ÁË ?¬Ä^ËÍÝ ¤|±Ë ?ÄÍÁj?Ë.ÝjaÄËja?Ë?ßËWÁjaÍÄË0j jMjÁÄËwË0jË?ÍË~ÄË?aËÍjÁËÍÁaËMÁÍjÁ^ ?ÍË~ÄËwÁË?~ËÜÄMjËÍjËÜWjÄËwË?ËßÖ~jÁ ?ÄÄjË.??ã?ÁË ?¬Ä]Ó£ ~jjÁ?ÍËwË~Á?ÍÄËÝË~ÁjÝËÖ¬ËËÍjËw ÁÁÍj aÖÁ~Ë?ËÍjËÝjË~Á?ÍÄjaË?aËW?ÄÄjaË?Á~? 8jËÁjWÁajaËÍÝËÄ~ÄËË.¬?Ä^ËjË?aËß Ä?ÍËÝ?ÄËWÁj?Ä~ËË.ÝjaÄËÄWjÍß±£n MÁÍjÁ±Ë8jË¬jÁwÁjaËË.ÝjaÄË?ÍËÍjËMj~ y| ", -/",9 "VUVNO

~^ËÍÝjÜjËßj?ÁÄË?~Ë?ßMj^Ë^ËÍËÖÄÍË?ÜjËMjj ÍËÍ?jËÁjËÍ?ËjËÁËÍÝËÖÁËÖÁÄËÖÍ ÁjpËÍËÝ?ÄË?Ë~ËÍjË?~Ë?ÍË?ßËÁ?Íj±Ë8j ?ÄÄjË RwÁË 0jË .??ã?ÁË ÁÍjÁÄSË ?aË W ÄÍ?ÁÍjaËÍËjÞ¬jÁjÍËÁjËË.¬?Ä^ËËÄÍ?ÁÍjaËÍ jÍjaËËÍjËÄ~ÄËÝÍË½ ?ËÍ?ÍËÄË~au ÝÁÍjËßÁWÄË?aËÍ~ÄËjËÍ?ÍË?aËÍjËßËMÁÍjÁ jj¬ËÖ¬ËÍjË~aËÝÁu¾ËaËËÝ?ÄËj^Ë½uË0Ä Ä?a^Ë½ ?uË0jÄjËßÁWÄË?ÁjË~a^ËjÍ¾ÄË?jË? ÄËßËau¾ËËj?^ËÁj?ßuË0jßË?aË?Ý?ßÄËMjj Ä~u¾ËjËÝ?ÄË¬?ÁÍËwË?ÍjÁË~ÁÖ¬Ë?ÍËÍ?ÍËÍj ßËaÄuË.ËËÖÄÍ]Ë½ ?uËËÝËÍ?jË?ËW?WjË?a RpSË8jËaaËÍÝËÁj~~?jÍËÄ~Ä^ËÝjËÖÄÍËwÖa ?ÄË u¾Ë ½ÍË ÝÖaË MjË ~Áj?ÍË ÍË ?jË ?Ë Ä~ ÍÝËÁj~~?jÍËMj?ÍÄË?aËÁjWÁajaËÍÝËÄ~ÄËÝÍ Í~jÍjÁË ÄjË Íju¾Ë ßÖË Ý^Ë ?aË R ?ÄÄj Íj^ËÍjßËÝjÁjËW?jaË½ ?¾Ë?aË½+Ájaj¾^Ë?a ?ÄÝjÁjaSË½:jÄuË jËÖ¬ËRÍË.ÍWSËÝj ÍjËÝjË¬ÖÍËÍjËË ßÄ¬?Wj^Ë?aËÍËÝ?ÄËÍ^ËÍËaa jÜjÁËßÖËÝ?ÍËÍu¾ "VUVNO ", -/",9 yy

jÁ?ÄË jÁ? Í?ÍËMÍËjË?aËÄËMÁÍjÁËÝjÁjË½Áj?Ë j?Ä¾] ?~ËÖÄWËË j± +Í]ËjÁ?Ä jÁ?ËÔå¤y± ËÍËÍ?ÍËÍjßËÝ?ÍjaËÍËÝÁËÝÍË?Ë j? ~ÁÖ¬^ËßÖËÝ^ËÍ?ÍËÝ?ÄË j?^ËßÖËÝ^ËÍ?Í ajÍwjaËÍj^ËßÖËÝ^ËÝjËßÖËÄÍjËÍËjÁ ?ÄË jÁ?^ËÍËÄËÍËÖÄÍËjÁ?ÄË jÁ?^ËÍËÄ 0jË.??ã?ÁË ÁÍjÁÄË?ÄËÝj±ËÍËÄË?Ë¬ÁjWÍËÝjËaa Í~jÍjÁ±ËÍËÁÖÄËÍÁÖ~ÖÍËÍjË¬ÁjWÍ±ËËÍËÍ Ý?ÄËÍjÁjpËÍjßË?ÄËÝ?ÍjaËÍËÄÝËÍjÁËÁÍÄ±

-aajË?ÄËÁjjMjÁjaË?Ü~ËÁÖËÍËÍjË?ÁÍÄÍÄ Ö?Ë?Ü??Ë?aËã?ËwÁËaÜ?WjË+?ÍÁË?wÍjÁ ÍjÁËÁjWÁa~ËÄjÄÄÄË?ÍË-jajË.ÍÖaÄ±ËÝjÜjÁ^ jÁ?ÄË jÁ?Ë?aËaÜ?WjË+?ÍÁ^Ë?Ë ? M?Äja ¬¬Ë~ÁÖ¬ËÍ?ÍË?ÄË?aaÁjÄÄjÄËÍÄË j?ËM?W ~ÁÖaËÍÁÖ~ËÍÄËÖÄW^ËaaËÍË¬ÁjÜÖÄßËÝ j?WËÍjÁËË?Ë¬jÁÄ?ËjÜj±Ë ÁjÜjÁ^Ë?ÍÖ~ ÍjßËÝjÁjËËÍÖÁËË jËaÖÁ~ËÍjËÄ?jËÍj ¬jÁa^ËMjÍÝjjËÔååoË?aËÔå¤å^ËÍjßËjÜjÁ ¬jÁwÁjaËÍ~jÍjÁËÍjÁj±Ë0jÁjwÁj^ËÍËW?ËMjË?Á~Öja Í?ÍË-aajËaaËÍËajwjËÄjwË?ÄË?ËjMjÁËwË? ~ÁÖ¬ËwË.ÝjaÄ j?Ë?ÁÍÄÍÄËaÖÁ~ËÖÁËÍjÁ ÜjÝ±Ë!jÜjÁÍjjÄÄ^ËjËÁj¬j?ÍjaßËÁjÍÖÁjaËÍËÍj ¶ÖjÄÍËwËÝß^ËËÄËÜjÝ^ËÍjÁjË?ÁjËÄË?ß j?ÄËÝËÝÁËËÍjË.ÝjaÄËÖÄWËaÖÄÍÁßË?Ä Á?¬¬jÁÄ^ËÁ~?ÄjÁÄ^ËMjÁÄË?aËÄÖaË?aË~Í~ ÍjWW?Ä±Ë -aajËjajaËÖ¬ËjÞ¬?~ËÍ?ÍË j?ÄËË~jjÁ? ?ÁjËWÖÍÖÁ?^Ë?ÄË½ÝjjÜjÁËÍjÁjËÄËÄjÍ~ËWÖÍÖÁ? Í?ÍËÄËMj~ËÁ~?ÄjaËßÖËW?ËMjÍËËwa~Ë?ÍËj?ÄÍ jË j?ËÜÜjaËËÍ¾±Ë8jËË?ÄjaËËÝ?ÍËj j?ÍËMßË½WÖÍÖÁ?¾^ËjËjÞ¬?jaËÍ?ÍËjËÝ?ÄËÁjwjÁÁ~ ÍËjÍjÁÍ?jÍ±ËÝ~ËÄÖWË~W^ËMjW~Ë? j?Ë¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍ^ËÍjÁjwÁj^ËÄ¬ßËj?ÄËMjW ~ËÍ?ÍËÝWËjË?Áj?aßËÄËMßËÜÁÍÖjËwËMj~Ë j?^ ?jßËWÖÍÖÁ?±ËÄË ÁË#ÄÄË¬ÍÄËÖÍ^ËÄÖWË? ?~jËrËÍ?ÍËÄ^ËÍjËßÍËwËÍjËÍjjWÍÖ?^ËjÞ¬ÁjÄÄÜj ?ÍËjÁW?Ë~Á?ÍËj~?~jaËË?ËWÖÍÖÁ?ËwjÄÍßj rËÝ?ÄËWÁj?ÍjaËaÖÁ~ËÍjËjÞjË¬jÁaËË.Ýjaj±ÓÓ Í W?ËÍjÁjwÁjË?ÄËMjË?Á~ÖjaËÍ?ÍË-aajËjÁjËaÁ?ÝÄË ?Ë?Áj?aßË?Ü??MjË?~jËwËMj~Ë j?ËË.Ýjaj^ ?Ë?~jËÍ?ÍËwÍÄËÝjËÍË?Ë~jjÁ?ËajM?ÍjËËÖÍ WÖÍÖÁ?ÄËË.ÝjajËÍ?ÍË?WWjÍÖ?ÍjÄËWÖÍÖÁ?ËawwjÁ jWjË?ÄËajÄÁ?Mj± ËÍÄËwÁÄÍËÄjWÍ^ËË?ÜjË?Á~ÖjaËÍ?ÍË-aaj ajÄWÁMjaËÄËÍ?ËWjWÍËÍË¬¬Ë?ÄËM?ÄjaË MÍËÄË¬jÁÄ?ËjÞ¬jÁjWjËwË~Á?ÍÄjaËawwjÁjWjË .ÝjajË?aËÍÁÖ~Ë?ËÄ¬jWwWËWjWÍËÍË j?Ä ?ÄË?ËjÍWË~ÁÖ¬ËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍjaËÍÁÖ~Ë0jË?Í ~Ä±Ë0?ÍËWjWÍËÝ?ÄËÍjËajj¬jjaËË?ËÍjÁ wÍjÁËÍjÄjËÍ?ËjÄÄ?~jÄ^ËjÁ?ÄË jÁ? ¬jÁÄ?ËjÜjË?ÄËjËÄjÍËÖÍËÍËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍËMj~Ë?ËÁj? ÍÁ?ÜjjaËÍË.ÍWËÍËÁjWÁaË?ËwjÝËÄ~ÄË?Í j?ËÍÁÖ~Ë¬¬±ËÍÖ~Ë-aajËaaËÍ -jajË.ÍÖaÄ^ËÁÖËMßË0jË.??ã?ÁË ÁÍjÁÄ±Ë0j ajÄWÁMjËÄjwË?ÄË?ËjMjÁËwË?Ë?Á~jÁË~ÁÖ¬Ëw ÁjWÁa~ËÁjÄÖÍjaËË?Ë?MÖ^Ë ÁjWÍËajË.ÖjW?^ .ÝjaÄ j?Ë¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍÄËË.Ýjaj^ËjËÜja ?aËÍÁjjËÄÖMÄj¶ÖjÍËÍÖÁÄËË jËËÔååo^ËÔåå ËÍËajwjËMj~Ë j?Ë?ÄËMj~ËWÖÍÖÁ?^ËÝjÁjMß ?aËÔå¤å±Ë ÖÁ~ËÖÁËÍjÁÜjÝ^Ë-aajËÁj¬j?Íjaß Mj~Ë?Ë j?Ë¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍËMjWjÄËÍjËj¬ÍjËw ÄÍÁjÄÄjaËÍ?ÍËÍÄËW¬jÁ?ÍËMjW?jË¬ÄÄMj Mj~Ë j?ËË.Ýjaj±Ë Äj¶ÖjÍß^Ë-aaj¾Ä ÄjßËMjW?ÖÄjËjÁ?ÄË jÁ?Ë?aËÄÍ?ÁÍjaËÍËÁ?¬ Áj¬ÁjÄjÍ?ÍËwËÍjËWÖÍÖÁ?Ë j?ËW?Ë?ÄËMjËÄjj Ë.¬?ÄË?aËÝjÁjËwÁË j^ËÝWËÄËÝßËÍ ?ÄË?ËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍ?ÍËwË?Ë?Áj?aßË?Ü??MjË?~jËw Ý?ÄË¬ÁÍ?ÍËÍ?ÍË0jË.??ã?ÁË ÁÍjÁÄËjÝ Mj~Ë j?ËË.ÝjajËÍ?ÍËjjÁ~jaËaÖÁ~ËÍjËjÞj yÉ ", -/",9 "VUVNO

0jËjÁ?Ä jÁ?Ë?MÖËWÜjÁ ÁjWÍËajË.ÖjW?± +Í]ËjÁ?Ä jÁ?ËÔå¤y±

¬jÁaËÍ?ÍË?ßË?ÄËMjËÁj?aËÝÍËÍjË~jjÁ?ËajM?Íj ¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍËÄjwË?ÍËÍ?ÍË¬ÍËËÍj^ËMÖÍËÍÄËW?~ja ËÖÍWÖÍÖÁ?ÄËË.ÝjajËÍ?ÍËÄÍ?ÁÍjaËaÖÁ~ËÍj ÍÁÖ~Ë?ËjWÖÍjÁËÝÍËÍjÁËW?ËW¬jÍÄ Ä?jÄ ¤åÄ± ?]

"Ê iÊÛiÀÃÕÃÊ-Üi`iÊ ËÄÍjjaË?aËÄÍjjaËRÍËÍjËßÁWÄS±ËËÁjjMjÁ ÖÁ~ËÖÁËÍjÁÜjÝ^Ë-aajË?ÄËajÄWÁMjaË jË?Ä Í?ÍËËjÝË?ËÍjËßÁWÄËMßËj?ÁÍuËËwËÍjuËa ÍjË¬?WjËÝjÁjËjËajWajaËÍËMjWjË?Ë¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍ± Íj±ËÍË?ËÄÍ?ÁÍja±ËËÝËÍ?ËÍÄË~ÖßËRÍjËW¬j jËÝ?ÄËMÁËË jËË¤oÏË?aË?ÄËÍÝËMÁÍjÁÄ^ ÍÄ Ä?jÄ?SËÝjËËÍÁ?ÜjËaÝËÍË j^ËMjW?ÖÄj ÁÄÍ?Ë?aË?Í?±Ë-aaj¾ÄËw?ßËW?jËÍË.Ýjaj ÍËÝ?ÄËjËÝË?ajËjËÁ?¬±Ë jW?ÖÄjËjËÄ?aËÍ?ÍËÝj Ë¤oÉËÝjËjËÝ?ÄËÍÁjjËßj?ÁÄËa^ËßjÍËÍjßËÁjÍÖÁja ÝjÁjËÖÄÍËw~Ë?ÁÖaËjÜjÁßa?ß^ËßÖËÝ^ËÝj ÍË jËÝjËjËÝ?ÄËwÖÁÍjj^ËÍËÍjËWjË?~? ÝjÁjËÄjÜjÍjj^ËÄÞÍjj^ËÍËjÜj^ËwÖÁÍjj^ËwwÍjj^ ÜjËM?WËÍË.ÝjajËÝjËjËÝ?ÄËj~Íjj±Ë0Ä ÝjËÝjÁjËWÁÖÄ~Ë?ÁÖaËÝÍËÖÁËM?~~jÄË?aËÄÍÖww j?ÄËÍ?ÍËjË?ÄËÄËÝËjÁjÄËwË jËÍ?ÍËj jËÍ?ÍË?aËRjËÝ?ÄSËj^Ë½ÖßÄuËÖßÄuËÖßÄu¾Ëa ÄÍ?ÁÍjaËÍËajÜjËÍË?ÄËËMj~?ËÁj?ÁÁ?~~ËÍjË ÄË ÝjËÝjÁj^ËÝjËÝjÁjË?Ý?ßÄËÍjÁjË?aËMÖ~ÍËW¬j wÁÍËwËÖÄËËÁajÁËÍËaÁ?ÝËÄË?ÍÍjÍËÍËÍjËÄ ÍÄË?aËjËj^Ë½ÖßÄuË8?ÍË?ÁjËßÖËa~·ËËÄjj -jßjÄË?ÍÄË Ë jÜjaË?ËË ?ÁÁ±ÓÎ jË?a ßÖÁËWÍjÄË?aËj^ËaËßÖËÁ?¬·¾Ë?aËÝjËRÝjÁjS ÄÍjjaËÍËÍjË ËÝjËjËÜjaËË jËÝÍËÄ j^Ë½!^ËÝjËÖÄÍËÄÍjËÍËÍjËÖÄWu¾Ë?aËjËRÝ?ÄS w?ßË?ÄË?ËÍjj?~jÁ^Ëjj¬~ËÖ¬Ë?ËWjWÍËÍ j^Ë½0Ä^ËÍÄ^ËÍÄpËÍjÁjË?ÁjË?ËwjÝË~ÖßÄËaÝË?ÍËÍj .ÝjajËjÜjË?wÍjÁË?Ü~ËÁjÍÖÁjaËÍË jËÝÍËÄ Mj?W^Ë?ÄÍËjÜjÁßËa?ß^ËÝË?ÁjËwÁjjÄÍß~¾Ó{ j^ w?ß±ËjËaaËÍËMjjÜjËÍ?ÍËjËWÖaËMjWjË?Ë¬ jËÍaËÖÄËÍ?ÍËÍjßË?ÁjËÁ?¬¬~Ë?MÖÍËÍ~ÄËÍ?ÍË?Áj "VUVNO ", -/",9 yÈ

?¬¬j~^Ë?aËËÝ?ÄËj^Ë½8?ÍË?ÁjËßÖËÍ?~ ?MÖ^ËÝjËÝ?ÍË?ËÄ~ËÝjÁjËÝjËj^ËÝjÁjËÝj ?MÖÍ·ËÝËÄÖaËÍjßËMjË?MjËÍËÁ?¬Ë?MÖÍËÄj ÄÝËÍ?ÍËÝjË?ÁjË j?±Ë8jË?ÁjË¶ÖÍjË¬ÁÖaËw Í~ËÍ?ÍËÍjßËÄjj·Ë:ÖË?ÜjËÍËÝÁÍju¾Ë?aËjËRÝ?ÄS Mj~Ë j?Ä±Ë8jËjËÍËÄ?ßËÝjË?ÁjË j?Ä^ËÝj j^Ë½!^ËÖÄÍË~ËaÝËÍjÁjË?aËÄÍju¾ËRpSËa ?ÁjË¬ÁÖaËwËÖÁËWÖÍÁß^Ë?a^Ëj^ËÖÁË?WjÄÍÁÄ^ ?wÍjÁËÍjËÍÁa^ËÍÁaËÁËwÖÁÍËa?ßËËÝjÍËaÝËÍjÁj ?aËjÄ¬jW?ßËjÁjËË.ÝjajËßÖËÝËRpSËÝj j^Ë?aËËÝ?ÄËßÖ~ËW¬?ÁjaËÍËÍj±Ë0jßËÝjÁj ?ÜjË?ËWÖÍßËjÁjËË.Ýjaj^ËÍ¾ÄËÁj?ßË~Áj?Íu aËR?MÖÍËÍjËßj?ÁÄËajÁËÍ?Ë-aajË?ÍËÍ?ÍËÍjS± aËÍjËÄ~^ËËÍËÍËÝ?Ä^ËÝjËÝ?ÍjaËÍË?ÜjËÄj ËÝ?ÄËÁj?ßËßÖ~Ëj±Ë.ËÍjßËÝjÁjËMj?ÍMÞ~Ë?a ÄÁÍËwË?ÍjËwÁËÍj^ËwÁË?Ë j?ÄËjÁj^ËÄËÍ?Í ÝjÁjËj^Ë½:ÖË~¾^ËßÖËÝ±ËËÝ?ÄËj^Ë½!^ËMÖÍË MÍËßËË?aËa?aËW?ËÄÍjËÍËÍË?aË?±ËÍËÝ?Ä W?¾Í¾±Ë½:ÖË~u¾Ë?aËËÝ?ÄËj^Ë½#±Ë#±¾Ë.ËÍjË Ä^ËßËË¬?ßÄËÍË?ÍË¬?ÁÍjÄ^ËÝjËÍjÁjË?ÁjË¬?ÁÍjÄ ~ËË?aËaaË?ËwjÝËjÄËË?aËÝÁÍÍj±ËaËÍj^Ë ?ÍËjËßÖËÝ^ËËßÄjwËMjWjË?ËMÍËjM?Á ÁjjMjÁËÍ?ÍËËaÄÄjaËjËwËÍjË~Öß¾ÄËÄjÄ±Ëj^ Á?ÄÄja^Ë½uË u¾Ë:ÖËÝ·ËRpSË8jË?ÜjËMjjË?Í ÍjÄjËajÁË~ÖßÄ^ËßÖËÝuËaËjÜjÁßjËÄÍ?ÁÍja ~~ÄËÝjÁjËÄÞÍßË?aËÄjÜjÍßßj?ÁaÄËÝjÁjËÄÍ?a ?Ö~~Ë?aË?¬¬?Öa~^ËßÖËÝ±ËaËËj^Ë ~ËÍjÁjËÝÍËw?~ÄËj^Ë½uË» jËajË Á?ã¼u¾ Ý?ÄËÁj?ßËj±ËÁj?ÍËÁj?WÍÄËÄÍÁ?~ÍË?Ý?ßuËaË ßÖËÝ^ËÄ~~Ë?~± Ý?ÄËj^Ë½ ?uËËÜjËÍÄuËËÜjËÍÄuËRpS¾Ë.ËÍ j^Ë¬¬^ËÍ?Í¾ÄË j± ËÍÄËÄjWaËÄjWÍ^ËË?ÜjË?Á~ÖjaËÍ?ÍË-aaj j~Í?ÍjÄËawwjÁjWjËË?ËjÞ¬jÁjÍ?^Ëw??Ë?a -aajËÝjÍËËÍËajÄWÁMjË jË?ÄË?Ë¬?WjËÝjÁj Áj¬ÁjÄjÍ?Í?ËjÜj±Ë ÖÁ~ËÖÁËÍjÁÜjÝ^Ëj ÖÄWËË~jjÁ?Ë?ÄË?ËWjÍÁ?ËÁjËË¬j¬j¾ÄËÜjÄ^Ë? WÍÁ?ÄÍjaËÄËÝËjÞ¬jÁjWjË?aËÄËw?ÍjÁ¾ÄËj ¬?WjËÝjÁjË½ÍjËÄÍË¬ÁÍ?ÍËÍ~Ë?ÍË?Ë¬?ÁÍßËÄ ÁjÄËwË jË?ÄË?ËÝ?Á^ËwÁjaßË?aËÄW?Ë¬?WjËÝÍ ÖÄW¾^Ë?ÄË¬¬ÄjaËÍË.ÝjajËÝjÁjË¬?ÁÍjÄË?Áj ?ËWa^ËWÄjaË?aËÖwÁjaßË.Ýjaj^ËÍjË¬?WjËÝjÁj ½WjÍÁjaËË?W¾±Ë0ÁÖ~ÖÍËÖÁËÍjÁÜjÝ^Ëj jËWÖÁÁjÍßËÜjÄË?aËÝjÁjËjËÄËajÍwjaË?ÄËawwjÁjÍ± Áj¬j?ÍjaßËWÍÁ?ÄÍjaË?Ë¬jË?aËwÁjaßË jËÝÍ ßË?~ËÄÖWË?Ë?~jËwË jË¬?ÁÍËwË?Ë¬¬ ?ËÖWËWajÁË.Ýjaj±ËË j^ËjËÍaËjË½ßÖËÜj WÍjÞÍ^ËjËÍjËÜjÄËÍËÍË?ËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍ?Í?ËjÜj^ ßÖÁËwjËÍ~jÍjÁËÝÍËßÖÁËj~MÖÁÄ^ËßÖÁËÖÄj^ ÝjÁjËÍËMjWjÄË?ËwÁËwË~ÁÖ¬ËMÄ?ÍËËÍj ßÖÁËMW^ËßÖÁËWÍß¾^ËÝjÁj?ÄËË.ÝjajË¬j¬jËa WÍjÞÍËwËÍjË j?Ë¬ÄÍjÞjËWÖÍßËaÄWÖÄÄja ÍËÝËÍjÁËj~MÖÁÄ±Ë0ÄËÝ?ÁÍË?aË¬jjÄÄ MßË#ÄÄ±Ë ?ÄËj?ÍËÍ?ÍËË jË½ßÖË?ÜjË?Ëwj¾^ËÝjË .ÝjajË½ßÖËa¾ÍË?ÜjË?Ëwj^ËßÖË~ËÍËÝÁË?aËÍj "ÊLi}Ê-Üi`Ã ÊÊ i ßÖË~Ëj¾±ËËÍjÁËÝÁaÄ^Ë½?Ü~Ë?Ëwj¾ËjÁjËÄ -aaj¾ÄËÍjÁ^ËËÍjËÍjÁË?a^ËÁjjMjÁÄË j ?ÄÄW?ÍjaËÝÍËMj~ËÄW?±Ë awwjÁjÍß±ÓÈ ÖÁ~ËÍjË¤ÈåÄ^ËjÁËw?ßËÜjaË ÄËjË?ÍjÁËÁjWÖÍjaËÍjËÄÍÁjÄËÄË¬?ÁjÍÄË?a .?Í?~ËajË j^ËËWÄjË¬ÁÞÍßËÍËÍjË¬ÁjÄajÍ¾Ä ÍaËËËÄËWaaË?MÖÍË j^ËÍËÍÖÁjaËÖÍËÍ?Í ¬??WjË?aËÍjË ÄÍ?aË j^ËËÝWË?ßË¬¬jÍÄ ÍjÄjËajÄWÁ¬ÍÄËwË jËÁjÄÖaËËÍjËjÁjÄËw wËÍjËÁj~jËÝjÁjËÍÁÍÖÁjaË?aËjaË?wÍjÁËÍjËÍ?Áß ÄËw?ÍjÁ±Ë8jËË?ÄjaËËÝjÍjÁËÄËw?ÍjÁ¾ÄËÝ?Á WÖ¬ËË¤ÈÏ±Ë0jÁËÖÄjËÝ?ÄË?~ËÍÄjËÍ?ÍËÝjÁj ajÄWÁ¬ÍÄËwË jËWÁÁjÄ¬ajaËÝÍËÄËÝËjÞ¬j Äj?ÁWjaËMßËÍjËÍ?Áß]Ë ÁjWjÄËwËÍjËWÖÍÁßË?ÄË?ËÍjj?~jÁ^Ë-aajËjÞ¬?ja Í?ÍË¬j¬jËÝjÁjËjÜjËWjÁËÍ?ËjË?aËÍÖ~ÍËÍjß 0jßËÝÖaË?ÜjËÍ?jËÍjËRÄËÍjÁ¾ÄËw?ßS ÝÖaËMj±Ë0ÄËÄÖ~~jÄÍÄËÍ?ÍËÍjÁËÄ?ÁjaËjÁjÄËw ÝÍËÍjËwËÍjßË?aËÍËwÖaËW?Ä^ËMjW?ÖÄjËÍjß j^ËÖÄÍËjËÍÄjËwË?ßËÍjÁË~Á?ÍÄËÝ wÖa^Ëj^ËßË~Á?aw?ÍjÁËjË?aË ?ÁÞÄÍËMÄ ÁjjMjÁËÍjÁË¬?WjÄËwËÁ~^Ë?ÁjËÄÍ?~WËj ßÖËÝ^ËWÖÄÍËMÄËßÖËÝ^Ë?ËwËÍjÄj ÁjÄËWjÍÁjaËË?ËW?Á~ËWÖÍßËwËj~MÖÁÄË?a Í~Ä±ËaËwËßÖË?aËÄjÍ~ËjËÍ?Í^ËÍjßË¬ÖÍ wÁjaÄ±Óx ÍËÄËÍÄËÜjÁÄËwË jËÍ?ÍËÄËM?ÄjaËËMÍ ?ËMÖjÍËÍËßÖÁËj?aË?aË~aMßjuË ÖÍËÍjßËwÖa ¬jÁÄ?ËjÞ¬jÁjWjË?aËÍjËjÁjÄËwËÄËw?ÍjÁ jßËËjËwËÍjËMÄ^Ë?aËÍjËÍjßËÄÍ?ÁÍjaËÍ Í?ÍËjÁ?ÄË jÁ?ËajÄWÁMjËËÍjÁËÄ~Ë½ j ËÍÁÖ~Ë?ËwËÍjËMÄË?aËÍË?ËwËÍj ajË Á?ã¾Ë®½ j?ËÁËÍjËj?ÁÍ¾¯±ËÍËajÄWÁMjÄ jßËÍjßË?aËÍjÁjË?aËj^ËÍ?ÄËÍËÍ?ÍËÍjß j?ÄË?ÄË?Ë½ÁjËÍ?ËÖ¶ÖjËÁ?Wj¾Ë?aË jË?ÄË½Íj ?ajËÍË?aËWÖaËwjj±ËÖÄÍËMjW?ÖÄjËwËÍjËjßu ÄÍËMj?ÖÍwÖËj?a¾ËÍjÁjËÄ±Ë-aajËÄjwËW?Ä ÍjËÄ~ËÍjÁË½ÍÁMÖÍjËÍË j¾] wÍjÁËjÍ~ËÄËÍjÁ¾ÄËjÁjÄËwË j ?ÄË?Ëa?~jÁÖÄË¬?Wj^Ë-aajËja?ÍjßËÄÍ?ÁÍja 8jË?ÜjËÍÄËÄ~^Ë½ jËajË Á?ã¾^ËwÁËjÞ? Í?~Ë?MÖÍË?~Ë¬ÍW?ËWjÍ?ÁßËÍÁÖ~ ¬j^ËÝWËÄË?ËÍÁMÖÍjËÍË j^Ë?ËÍÁMÖÍjËÍ^ËÖÁËÍÁM ¬¬±ËjËW?jaËÍ?ÍËÝjËÍËÄË¬ÄÄMjËÍËMj ÖÍjËÍË j^Ë j?ÄËË.Ýjaj^Ë?aËËÍËÍ?ÍËÍ ¬ÍW?ËË.Ýjaj^ËÍËÄËÄÍËawwWÖÍËË j^Ë?ÄË?Á~j ?ÄËMjWjË?ËaËwË?ÍjËwÁËÖÄË j?ÄËÜ~ ¬?ÁÍÄËwËÍjËja?Ë?ÁjËÄÍËËÍjË?aÄËwËÍjËÄÖ¬¬ÁÍ ÖÍÄajËwË j^ËßÖËWÖaËÄ?ßËÍ?ÍËjÜjÁßjËW? jÁÄËwË+WjÍ±ËjË?ÄË?aajaËÍ?ÍËjË¬jaËÍËMj Áj?ßËajÍwßËÝÍËÍËÝjËÍjßË?ÁjËÍËË j±ËR±±±S ?MjËÍËÝÁÍjËÁË¬jÁwÁË½ÁjË¬ÍW?ËßÁWÄ¾ËË?a 8jËÄjjËÍË?ÄË?ËjÍÍjÁËÝjËÄjaËjËRpSËRÍËÄË?S ?MÖÍË jËËÍjËwÖÍÖÁj^Ë?ÄËjËMjjÜjaËÍ?ÍËÄË¬Ä ajÍwW?ÍËÄ~ËRajÍw?ÍÄGÍSËÝjÁj^ËjÜj ÍË½ËÍjËÖÍÄaj¾Ë¬ÁÜajaË^ËÁË.ÝjaÄ wËÝjË?ÁjËÍ?~Ë?MÖÍË?ßËawwjÁjÍËÍ~ÄËËÍj j?Ë?ÁÍÄÍÄËË~jjÁ?^ËÝÍË½MjÍÍjÁËÄ~Í¾±ÓÇ ÄËÍj yo ", -/",9 "VUVNO

j?ËjÞjËWÖÍßËÝ?ÄËM?ÄjaËËÄÖWË¬ÍW? "ÊLi}Ê i>ÊÊ i ?WÍÜÄËaÁjWÍjaË?ÍË j^ËËjÁj^ËWjËÁj^Ë?Á~Öj wÍjÁËajÄWÁM~ËÄjwË?ÄË?Ë.ÝjaÄË¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍË Í?ÍË-aajËaÁ?ÝÄËË?ËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍ?ÍËwËÍjË¬ÍW?ß j^Ë-aajËÄËÁjÍÖÁjaËÍËÍjËajwÍËwË j? ?WÍÜjË j?Ë~Á?ÍËË.Ýjaj±Ë!jÍjjÄÄ^ËÄ WÖÍÖÁjËÍÁÖ~Ë¬¬±Ë j~Ë?Ë½Áj?Ë j?Ë¬ ÍjÁ¾ÄËjÁßËwË jË?ÄË?Ëa?~jÁÖÄË¬?WjËajÄ ¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍ¾^ËjËÍaËj^ËWÖajÄË¬jÁwÁ~ËÁ?¬ÄË ÍËMjWjË¬?ÁÍËwË?Ë¬¬ËWÍjÞÍËË?ËÁj¬ÁjÄj ½WÁÁjWÍË j?Ë.¬?Ä¾±ËjË?aËj?ÁjÁËjÞ¬?jaËÍ?Í Í?Í?ËjÜj±Ë8jËjËÜWjÄËÄËÝÄËÍËMjWj ÝjËjËÝ?ÄËÍËwÖjÍËË.¬?ÄËÝjËjËÜjaË ¬ÍW?ßË?WÍÜjË?ÄË?Ë¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍËËÍjËwÖÍÖÁj^ËÍj .ÝjajË?ÄË?ËWa^ËÄË.¬?ÄËÄÄË¬ÁÜjaËWjËÄ ÖÄWËjËWÖÁÁjÍßËaÁjWÍÄË?ÍË jËÄË?ÁjaËMßË? w?ßËÜjaËM?WËÍË j±Ë:jÍ^ËÝjËjËÄÍËwaÄËÍ ÄÍ?~?ËM?ÄjaËËÄËÝËjÞ¬jÁjWjÄË?aËÄ awwWÖÍË?ÍËÍjÄËÍËÄÝÍWËwÁË.ÝjaÄËÍË.¬?Ä w?ÍjÁ¾ÄËjÁjÄ±Ë ?aËÜWjËÜjÁÄ?^ËjËajÄWÁMjaËÄË¬?ÁjÍÄË?ÄËÄ¬j?~ !jÜjÁÍjjÄÄ^ËÝjËËÍÖÁËË jËÝÍËÄ ½WÁÁjWÍË j?Ë.¬?Ä¾±Ón ÍÖ~Ë-aaj^Ë?ÄËÝjË?Üj MÁÍjÁ^ËjËÄËaÄWÜjÁjaËÍ?ÍËÍjÁjËÝ?ÄËÄjÍ~ ÄjjË?MÜj^Ëj?ÁjÁËW?jaËÍ?ÍË jËÄË?Ë¬jËÄWjÍß Í?ÍËÍjßË?ÄË.ÝjaÄË¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍÄËWÖaËaËjÜjË ËÝWËjÜjÁßjËÄËÝjWjËrËjÜjËÍÄj^ËjË?ÍjÁ ÍjË¬ÁjÄjÍ]Ë?jß^ËwwjÁË j?Ë?ÁÍÄÍÄËÍjÁË¬ÁwjÄ ?aaja^ËÍ?ÍËWÖaËßËÄ?ßË?^ËÍ?ÍËÄ^Ë½j¾ËË.¬?Ä Ä?Ëj¬Ë?aËjÞ¬jÁÍÄj±Ë-aajËW?jaËÍ?ÍËË j^ rËjËÝËÄÄÍjaËÍ?ÍËÍjËÁjËwË?~Ö?~jËW?~jÄ .ÝjaÄ j?Ë¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍÄË?ÁjË¬jÁWjÜjaË?Ä ÝjËÍËWjÄËÍËÖÄW±ËÄË?ËÖÄW?^ËjËW?ja^Ë½ßÖ Mj~Ë¬ÁwjÄÄ?ËÖÄW?ÄËÝË¬ÄÄjÄÄËMÍËÍjW Áj¬ÁjÄjÍË j¾^ËÝWËÄËÝßËßÖË?ÜjËÍËÖÄjË½WÁÁjWÍ W?Ë?aË?ÁjÍ~ËÄÄ^Ë?aËÝËÍjÁjwÁjËÝ j?Ë.¬?Ä¾ËËÁajÁËÍË?ÜaË½ÄÖa~ËjË? ÝËÍË½?jËÖÄWËÄÖaË~a¾Ë?aËj?ÁËjß ÍÖÁÄÍ¾±Ë0Ä^ËÍËW?ËMjË?Á~Öja^ËÄËjÄ¬jW?ßË¬ÁÍ?Í ÍÁÖ~ËÍjÁËÝÁ±Ë0?ÍËÄ?a^ËjË?ÄË?aÍÍjaËÍ?Í ?ÄËjÁ?ÄË jÁ?ËÁ?¬ËßËË.¬?Ä± ÍjÁË?~jËÝ?ÄËÄ~ÍßËjÞ?~~jÁ?ÍjaËMßË?aa~ËÍ?ÍË½Í ÄËÍjËWjWÍËwË¬?WjË® j¯Ë?aË?~Ö?~j RÍjË¬ÁjÄÖjaËÍjWW?ËÄÄSËÄËÁj?ßËÖÄÍË¬ÖÄ~Ë? ßËMjWjÄË¬ÁÍ?ÍËÝÍË?Ë¬¬ËWÍjÞÍ^Ëj MÖÍÍ¾±Ë Äj¶ÖjÍß^ËÍjË?WW?ËÍ?ÍË.ÝjaÄ ÍjÁjwÁjËWjËÁjË~~ÍjaËÍjËawwjÁjWjËMjÍÝjj j?Ë?ÁÍÄÍÄËÁjWjÜjaËÝ?ÄË¬?ÁÍßËM?ÄjaËËÍjËÄ¬j ÄËjÞ¬jÁjWjËË jËÖÍÄajË?aËÄajË?Ë¬¬ w?WÍËÍ?ÍËÍjßË?ÁjËwÁË.Ýjaj± WÍjÞÍ±Ë.ÖWË?ËawwjÁjWjËajÄËÍË?¬¬ßËÍËÄË¬?ÁjÍÄ^ Ëw?WÍ^ËjÁ?ÄË jÁ?^ËÝË~~ÍËÍjÁ ÝjÜjÁ±Ë jW?ÖÄjËÍjßËÄ¬j?Ë½WÁÁjWÍË j?Ë.¬?Ä¾^ .ÝjaÄjÄÄ MßË?~ËÍjË ËÍ?ÍËÍjßËÁjj?ÄjaË ÍjßË?ÜjË?ËwÁËWÖÍÖÁ?ËWjWÍËÍË jËÖÍÄajË? jË ÁjWÍËajË.ÖjW?^Ë® ÁjWÍËÁË.Ýjaj¯^ËÝjÁj ¬¬ËWÍjÞÍ^ËÝWË-aajËÍÁjÄËÍËWÁj?ÍjËÝÍË? wÍjË?ÖWjaË?ÄË?Ë?WÍÄËaÖjËÍËÍjÁË~ËÄÍ?ÍÖÄ ¬¬ËWÍjÞÍ±Ë8jËËWwÁÍjaË-aajËÝÍËÍÄ ?ÄË.ÝjaÄË¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍÄ±ËÄË?ËÁjÄÖÍ^ËÍjßËÝjÁjË?Ä awwjÁjWj^ËMßË?Ä~ËÝjÍjÁËjËÍÖ~ÍËÍ?ÍËÍËÝ?ÄË? jßËÍËÁjWjÜjË?Á~jÁË¬?ßWj¶ÖjÄËÍ?Ë j?Ë?ÁÍÄÍÄ WÍÁ?aWÍËÍËËjË?aËWÖajËjÜjÁßjËÝËW? ÝË¬jÁwÁjaË?ÍËÍjËÄ?jËjÜjÍÄ±Ë-aajË?ÍjÁË?aaja Ä?ßË? ÍË?Ë j?ËWÖÍßËÖÍÄajË?Ë¬¬ Í?ÍËÄË~jjÁ?ËWWjÁË?ÄË?Ë.ÝjaÄË¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍ WÍjÞÍ^ËÝjËËÍjËÍjÁË?aËaj?a~ËÍjËÖÄjËw Ý?ÄËÍËj¬ËÍjË j?Ë¬¬ËÄWjj^ËÝWËj ½WÁÁjWÍË j?Ë.¬?Ä¾ËËÖÄW^ËjË?~Ájja]Ë½:jÄuËÍ ajÄWÁMjaË?ÄË½ÍjËMjÄÍËË.ÖÍËjÁW?¾^ËÍËÜjËÖ¬ËÍ ÄËWÍÁ?aWÍÁßuËaËjÜjÁßËÍjËË?ÄËÍj]ËMÖÍËßÖ ÍÄË~Ë¬ÍjÍ?±Ë8jËjËMÍËjMÁ?WjaË?aËÝ?Ä Ä?aËÍËÝ?ÄËÍÄËÝ?ß^Ë?aËÝËßÖËÄ?ßËÍ¾ÄËÍjËÍjÁËÝ?ß± WÁÍW?ËwËÍjËWÄj¶ÖjWjÄËwËÄË~ËÄW?ËÄÍ?ÍÖÄË?Ä 0jßËÄ?ß]ËÍ?Í¾ÄËÝËÍËÄ±¾ ?Ë.ÝjaÄË¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍËË j^ËjËajwjaËMj~ ÍÖ~ËjËaaËÍËjÞ¬?ËÍËjËÝ?ÍËjÞ?WÍßËj .ÝjaÄ Ë?ËjÞ¬jÁjÍ?ËjÜjËÄjßËÍÁÖ~Ë¬ÁwjÄ j?ÍËMßË½Í¾^ËËW?ËÍ?ÍË½Í¾ËÁjwjÁÄËÍËWÖÍÖÁj±ËÄËÝj Ä?ÄË?aËÝja~j^Ë~jÁËÄW?ËÄÍ?ÍÖÄË?a ?ÜjËÄjjËËÍjËwÁÄÍËÄjWÍ^Ë-aajËajÄËÍË?ÜjË?ß ÁjWjÜ~Ë?Á~jÁË¬?ßWj¶ÖjÄ]Ë?Ä¬jWÍÄËÝWËËjÁjËÄÖ ¬ÁMjÄËajw~Ë j?ÄË?ÄËWÖÍÖÁ?ËË?Ë.ÝjaÄ Ö¬ËÖajÁËÍjËÖMÁj?ËwËW?ÄÄ±Ë WÍjÞÍ±Ë:jÍ^ËÄÖWË?ËajwÍËMjWjÄËÁjËawwWÖÍ ËÍÄËÍÁaËÄjWÍ^ËË?ÜjË?Á~ÖjaËÍ?ÍË-aaj ÁËÖÍÁ~ÍË¬ÄÄMjËË j^ËÝjÁjËjËÁjWjÜjÄ j~Í?ÍjÄËawwjÁjWjËMÍËÍÁÖ~ËÍjËjÁßËwËÄ WwWÍ~Ë?ÄÝjÁÄËÍËÄË¶ÖjÄÍÄË?ÄËjËÍÁjÄËÍËajwj ÍjÁË?aËÄËÝËjÞ¬jÁjWjË?ÄË?Ë¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍË j?ËWÖÍÖÁj±Ë0jÁjwÁj^ËÍËW?ËWjËÁjËMjË?Á~Öja j±Ë.Í^ËjËajÄËÍËÖÄjËÄËÍjÁ¾ÄËjÁßËw Í?ÍËÄËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍ?ÍËwË jËÝÍË?Ë¬¬ jËÝÍË?Ë¬¬ËWÍjÞÍÇËÍ?ÍËÄ^ËÜjËÍËÍË? WÍjÞÍËWj?ÁßËaÁ?ÝÄËËÍjËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍ?ÍËwËÍj Áj¬ÁjÄjÍ?Í?ËjÜj±ËÄËË?ÜjË¬ÍjaËÖÍË?MÜj^ËÄ WÖÍÖÁ?Ë j?ËÍ?ÍËjjÁ~jaËaÖÁ~ËÍjË j?ËjÞj Áj¬ÁjÄjÍ?ÍËwË jËË?Ë¬¬ËWÍjÞÍË ¬jÁaËË.ÝjajË?aËÍ?ÍËwÍÄËÝjËÍËÍjË~jjÁ? .ÝjajËÄËM?ÄjaËËÄËjÞ¬jÁjWjËwË~Á?ÍÄja ajM?ÍjËËÖÍWÖÍÖÁ?ÄËÍ?ÍËÍËaËË.ÝjajË awwjÁjWj^ËÝWËj?ÄËÍ?ÍËË.ÝjajËÍjËÁj¬ÁjÄj ÍjË¤åÄ± Í?ÍËwË® j?¯ËawwjÁjWjËwÝÄËwÁË?ËjÞ¬jÁ ÍËÍÄË¬Í^ËË¬WjaËÖ¬ËÖ?Ë?Ü??¾ÄË Ë0a jWjËwË®~Á?ÍÄja¯ËawwjÁjWjËÝÍËÍjË~jjÁ? ÍjjË.ÖËËÁajÁËÍË?ÄËËÍËÁjwjWÍËËÍjËawwjÁ WÍjÞÍËwËÖÍWÖÍÖÁ?Ä±ËË jËjËjÜjÁÍjjÄÄ jWjËMjÍÝjjËÍjËÖÄWËwËaÜ?WjË+?ÍÁË?a jÞ¬jÁjWjÄËW?ÄÄjaËawwjÁjWjË?ÄËjËMÍËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍÄ jÁ?ÄË jÁ?±Ë-aajËjÞ¬?jaËÍ?ÍËaÜ?Wj ÄjwË?aËÄËajÍwjaË?ÄË?Ë.ÝjaÄË¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍ± +?ÍÁËÄÖWWjjajaËË½Íj~Ë.ÝjajÄËÝËÍËÄËÍËMjË? 0ÄËj?ÄËÍ?ÍËËÍÄËÍÁaËÄjWÍËjÞ¬jÁjWjËw ~Á?ÍËË.Ýjaj¾Ë?ÄËÍËÄË¬ÄÄMjËÍËajÄWÁMj ®W?ÄÄja¯ËawwjÁjWjËwÝÄËwÁËÍjËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍ?ÍËw ½jÜjÁßa?ßËÁ?WÄ¾ËË?Ë.ÝjaÄËWÍjÞÍËÍË?Ë.ÝjaÄ ®.ÝjaÄ¯ËawwjÁjWj±Ë ?ÖajWj^ËÝjËjË?ÄË¬ÁMjÄËjÞ¬?~Ë½jÜjÁßa?ß "VUVNO ", -/",9 y

Á?WÄËË.¬?ÄËÍË?Ë j?Ë?ÖajWj¾^Ë?ÄË j jÍ?ÄËÍ?ÍËÍËÝ?ÄËÍË¬ÄÄMjËwÁËËÍËajwjËMj~ ½ajÄË?ÜjËÁ?WÄ¾ËMÖÍË½ÍËËÍjËÄ?jËÝ?ßË?ÄË ?Ë j?ËË?Ë j?ËWÍjÞÍ±ËÖÁÍjÁÁj^ËjËWÖa .Ýjaj¾±ËjË?aËj?ÁjÁË~ÜjËjË?ËjÞ?¬jËwËÄÖW ÍËÍÁ?ÄwjÁËÄËjÞ¬jÁjWjË?aËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍ?ÍËwËawwjÁ jÜjÁßa?ßËÁ?WÄËMßËÄÍ?Í~ËÍ?Í] jWjËË.ÝjajËÍË?Ë j?ËWÍjÞÍËÝjÁjËjËÁj¬Áj ÄjÍÄËÄjwË?aËÄË¬jÁWjÜjaË?ÄË?Ë.ÝjaÄË¬¬ 0Ëj^ËÍËÝ?ÄËW¬jÍjßËÄÖÁÁj?±Ë0?ÍËÍjßËÝjÁj ?ÁÍÄÍËÝÍË?WWjÄÄËÍË~Áj?ÍjÁËw?W?Ëj?ÄË?aËÝ ¬?ß~ËÖÁËÖÄWËË.ÍW^ËßÖËÝuËa ja~j± ÍjËË?ËÄÍÍ~ËjÁjËßÖËÝ^ËË~ËÍË ËR?Ë~Á WjÁßËÄÍÁjËW?ËË.ÝjajSËßÖËÝ^ËÍjßË?ÁjËÄÍ VÕÃ ÄÍ?Á~Ë?ÍËj±Ë½uË ?uËÄËjË~~ËÍËÄÍj?ËÄj ËÍÄË?ÁÍWj^ËË?ÜjËÍÁ?WjaËÍjËÝ?ßËËÝWËÍjË¬ Í~·¾Ë#ÁËj^ËßÖËÝ^Ë?ËwËÍÄ^ËÄÍu ¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍË-aÁ~Ë½-aaj¾Ë jÁ?Ëj~Í?ÍjÄËawwjÁjWj ÝÍËÝ?ÍË?ÄËMjjËW?jaËÍjË¬¬ËãjË 8jËÍjËaaËÄÍ?ÁjÄËjËÁjWjÜjÄËW?ËMjËjÞ¬?ja MjÍÝjjË.ÝjajË?aË jËËwÖÁËawwjÁjÍËjÜjÄ]ËÍj ÍÁÖ~Ë~Á?ÍÄjaËawwjÁjWj^ËËÝÖaËjËÍËwwjÁ jÞ¬jÁjÍ?^ËÍjËÍjÁ¬jÁÄ?^ËÍjËw??Ë?aËÍj ?ÍjÁË¬ÄÄMjËjÞ¬??Í±ËÄË¬¬ËWÖÍÖÁjËwÍj Áj¬ÁjÄjÍ?Í?±ËË?ÜjËW?jaËÍ?ÍËÄËj~Í?ÍÄ ?WWjÍÖ?ÍjÄË?aË¬?ßÄËÝÍË?ËWÁ?ËÁË~?~ÄÍjÁ W?ËMjËwÁßËW?ÍjaËÝÍËÍÝËÄÍÁW?ËWÍjÞÍÄ] ?~jË?ÄË?ËÁj?WÍËÍË~Á?ÍÄja^ËÁ?W?ÄjaËÁËW?ÄÄja ÍjË¬ÁWjÄÄËwË j?Ëa?Ä¬ÁÄ?ÍËË.ÝjajËÍ?Í awwjÁjWj^ËÍÄjËÝËW?ËMjËajÍwjaË?ÄËjMjÁÄËw ÄÍ?ÁÍjaËË¤ÈÏËËjË?a^Ë?aËÍjËajM?ÍjËËÖÍ ÍjË¬¬ËWÖÍßËMßËÍjËÝ?ßËÍjßËaÁjÄÄËÁ WÖÍÖÁ?ÄËÍ?ÍËjjÁ~jaËË.ÝjajËaÖÁ~ËÍjË¤åÄ Mj?ÜjË?ÁjËwÍjË?ÄÄW?ÍjaËÝÍËWÁ?ËMj?ÜÖÁË ËÍjËÍjÁ±Ë jÜjÁßa?ßËwj±Ë8?ÍËÄËÁj^ËjÜjËwË¬¬ËWÖÍÖÁj Ë?Á~ÖjËÍ?ÍË-aaj¾ÄËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍ?ÍËwËMj~Ë j? Ía?ßËW?ËË~jÁËÄjßËMjËÜjÝjaË?ÄË?ËßÖÍËWÖÍÖÁj^ ÍÁÖ~Ë¬¬ËW?ËMjËÖÄjaËÍËÄjaË~ÍËËÍj ?ÄË?ßË?ÁÍÄÍÄË?aËw?ÄË?ÜjËÁj?WjaËÍjÁËwÁÍjÄ^ËÍ Ä¬jWwWË?ÍÖÁjËwËÍjË j?Ëa?Ä¬ÁÄ?ÍË¬ÁWjÄÄË ÄËÄÍËwÍjË¬jÁWjÜjaË?ÄËÄÖWËËÍjË¬ÖMWËjßj±ËÄ .Ýjaj±Ë8jËÍjÁËa?Ä¬ÁWËjÞ¬jÁjWjÄË?ÁjËwÍj j?ÁjÁËÁjÄj?ÁWË?ÄËÄÝ^ËßÖÍËWÖÍÖÁjÄË?ÁjËwÍj ajÄWÁMjaËÍÁÖ~ËÄÄË?aËÁj¬ÁjÄÄËwË?ËWÖÍÖÁ? ajwjaË?ÄËjÁjÍßË¬ÁMj?ÍW±Ó 0jËw?WÍËÍ?Í ajÍÍßËÍ?ÍË?ÄËÍËMjËÁjW?jaËÍÁÖ~Ë?Ë½ÁjÍj~Ëw -aaj^ËÝËÖÄÖ?ßËÝj?ÁÄË?Ëaj^ËM?~~ßË¬?ÍÄË?a ÍjË¬?ÄÍ¾^ËÍjËMj~~ËwË?Ë j?Ë¬ÁjÄjWjË ?ËM?ÄjM?ËW?¬ËrËÍ?ÍËÄ^ËWÍjÄËÍ?ÍËW?ËMjË?ÄÄW?Íja .ÝjajËaaËÍËÄÍ?ÁÍËÝÍËÄÖWËÁj¬ÁjÄÄ±Îä j? ÝÍË¬¬ËWÖÍÖÁjËrËÁjWjÜjÄËaaËÄÍ?ÁjÄËÝjËÄ¬ ?aËÍjÁË?ÍËjÁW?Ë~Á?ÍÄËÝjÁjËÍ?ß ¬~Ë~ÍËÍjÁjwÁjË?ÄËMjËÁÍjaËË¬ÁjÖaWj Ý?ÁßËÝjWjaËË.Ýjaj^ËÝjÁjËÍjßËWÖaËwÁjjß aÁjWÍjaË?ÍË¬¬ËË¬?ÁÍWÖ?Á^ËÁËßÖÍËWÖÍÖÁjË j~?~jËË¬ÍW?Ë?aËWÖÍÖÁ?ËÝÁËaÁjWÍjaËÍÝ?ÁaÄ ~jjÁ?±Ë ?ÍËjÁW?ËË~jjÁ?Ë?aË jËË¬?ÁÍWÖ?Á± ÝjÜjÁ^Ë-aajËaaËÍËjÍËÄÖWË?Ë?ÄÄW? -aaj¾ÄËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍ?ÍËwËMj~Ë j?ËÍÁÖ~Ë¬ ÍËË?Ë j?ËWÍjÞÍ±ËjËjÜjËW?jaËÍ?ÍËjÜjÁß ¬ËÄËÍjÁjwÁjËÍË?ËÁjÍj~ËwË?ËÍ?ßËÁj¬ÁjÄÄja a?ßËÁ?WÄËW?ÍËMjËjÞ¬?jaËË j±Ë0ÄË¬jÄ WÖÍÖÁ?ËajÍÍß±Ë-?ÍjÁ^ËÍËÄË?Ë?ÍÍj¬ÍËÍËÁjW?^Ë?a Í?ÍË?ÍÖ~Ë?Ë j?Ë?ÖajWjË¬jÁWjÜjÄË-aajË?Ä ÍjÁjMßËÁjÜÜj^ËÍjË¬ÄÍÜjË?~jËwË?Ë¬ÍW?ßË?a Mj~Ë.ÝjaÄ^ËÍËW?ÍËÖajÁÄÍ?aËÄËjÞ¬jÁjWjËw WÖÍÖÁ?ßË?WÍÜjË?ÍËjÁW?Ë~Á?ÍËÍ?ÍËÝ?Ä ÍÁß~ËÍËMjË.ÝjaÄËË.Ýjaj±Ë#Á^ËÍË¬ÖÍËÍË?ÍjÁ WÁj?ÍjaËaÖÁ~ËÍjË j?ËjÞjË¬jÁa±Ë0jÁjMß^ËÍËÄ Ý?ß^ËjËW?ÄËÍ?ÍËÄËjÞ¬jÁjWjËwË~Á?ÍÄjaËawwjÁ ?ÄË?Ë?ÍÍj¬ÍËÍËÁjaË.ÝjajÄËwË?ËÍjËÝj jWjËË.ÝjajËÍ?ÍËjaËÍËÄËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍ?ÍËw j?ÄËÝjÁjË~ßËjÄÍjjjaËjMjÁÄËwËÄWjÍß^Ë? j?ËawwjÁjWjËÍÁÖ~Ë¬¬ËW?ÍËMjËÁj¬Áj ÍjËÝjËÍjßËÝjÁjËÍËWÖajaËË?Ë~ÁÖ¬ËwË?Á~ ÄjÍjaËË?Ë¬¬ËWÍjÞÍËË j±Ë Äj¶ÖjÍß^ ?ÄjaË~Á?ÍÄ± ÄËjÞ¬jÁjWjË?aËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍ?ÍËwËawwjÁjWjË :jÍ^ËÝjËj?ÁjÁËÁjÄj?ÁWË?ÄË?Á~ÖjaËÍ?ÍË¬¬ .ÝjajËW?ÍËMjËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍjaËË j^Ë?ÄË?Ë j? Ë.ÝjajËW?j~jÄË¬ÝjÁËjÁ?ÁWjÄËÍ?ÍËWÁj?Íj ?ÖajWjËajÍwjÄËË?ÄË?Ë¬ÁwjÄÄ?Ë.ÝjaÄË¬ ÄÖWË?Á~?Ä?ÍË?aËaÄWÁ?Í^ËËjÁjËW? ¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍËÝÍË?WWjÄÄËÍË~Áj?ÍjÁËw?W?Ëj?ÄË?a Í?ÍË-aaj¾ÄËj~Í?ÍÄË?jËÜÄMjË?ËÁjËW¬jÞ Ýja~j±ËÄË?ËÁjÄÖÍ^ËÍjßËÄ¬ßËaËÍËÜjÝËË?Ä ÄÍÖ?Í±Ë-aajËW?j~jÄËÁ?W?ÄjaËawwjÁjWjË ?Ë~Á?ÍÄjaË¬jÁÄËwÁË.ÝjajËÝËÄË?Á~?Äja .ÝjajËÝjË?ÍËÍjËÄ?jËÍjËjË?wwÁÄËawwjÁjWjËMß ÁËaÄWÁ?ÍjaË?~?ÄÍ± ajw~ËMj~Ë j?Ë?ÄËMj~ËWÖÍÖÁ?ËÍÁÖ~Ë¬ ËÍÄËwÖÁÍË?aË?ÄÍËÄjWÍ^ËË?ÜjË?Á~ÖjaËÍ?Í ¬±Ë.ÖWË?Ë?ÍÍj¬ÍËWÖa^ËwËWÖÁÄj^ËMjËÁj?aË?ÄË? -aajËj~Í?ÍjÄËawwjÁjWjËË?ËÁ~?Ä?Í?^Ë? j?ÄËÍË¬?ßËÝÍËawwjÁjWj^ËÍ?ÍËÄ^Ë?Ë?ÍÍj¬ÍË?Í ÍjÁÄÖMjWÍÜj^Ë?ËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍ?Í?Ë?aË?ËjÞ¬jÁjÍ? Ä~wW?ÍËÍ?ÍË?ÄËÄÍË¬ÁjÍßËMjjË?aÜW?Íja jÜj±Ë0jË?Ë?Á~ÖjÍËwËÍÄËÄjWÍËÄËÍ?ÍË-aaj MßËjÁßËÖÄË?ÍjÄËÁ±Î£ -j?aËËÍjËWÍjÞÍËwË? ÍÁjaËÍËÍÁ?ÄwjÁËÄË~Á?ÍÄjaËjÞ¬jÁjWjË?aËÄËÁj¬Áj ÖÍWÖÍÖÁ?ÄËajM?ÍjËË.ÝjajËÍ?ÍËajwjÄËawwjÁ ÄjÍ?ÍËwËÍjËWÖÍÖÁ?Ë j?ËË?Ë¬¬ËWÍjÞÍ jWjË?ÄËajÄÁ?MjËrËÍ?ÍËÄ^Ë?ÄË?Ëj?ÄËwËWÖÄËÍ Ë.ÝjajËÍË?Ë j?ËWÍjÞÍ±Ë8jËjËÄÍÁjÄÄjaËÍj ?ÄÍÁj?ËÄWjÍßËrËÍËW?ËjÜjÁÍjjÄÄË?ÄËMjËÁj?aË?Ä ¬ÁÍ?WjËwËÍÁ?ÄwjÁÁ~ËMj~Ë?ËÁj?Ë j?ËwÁË? ?Ëj?ÄËÍËMjWjË.ÝjaÄ±ËwËMj~ËawwjÁjÍËj?Ä w??ËjÜjËÍË?ËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍ?Í?ËjÜjËMßËÁ?¬¬~Ë Mj~Ë¬?ÁÍËwË?Ë~ÁÖ¬^ËaÜaÖ?ÄËÝËÄjÍËÖÍËÍËajwj Áj?Ë j?Ë.¬?Ä^ËjËÝ?ÄËÍË?MjËÍËjÄÍ?MÄËÄÖW ÍjÁËÄ¬jWwWËawwjÁjWjËËÁajÁËÍËajwjËÍjÁ ?ËajwÍËË?ËÍjÁÄÖMjWÍÜjËjÜjËË j±Ë0Ä jMjÁÄ¬ËÝÍËÍ?ÍË~ÁÖ¬±Ë Éå ", -/",9 "VUVNO

0ÄË?Á~ÖjÍËÄËwÖÁÍjÁË?wwÁjaËMßËÍjËw?WÍËÍ?Í ÍË?Í?Ë?aËÁj¬ÁjÄjÍË?ËWjWÍËÍË jË?aË? -aajËW?ËßËajwjËMj~Ë j?ËÝÍËÍjËWÍjÞÍ j?Ëa?Ä¬Á?ËË~jjÁ?Ë?ÄËÝjË?ÄË?ËÍjÁ¬jÁÄ? wË?Ë j?Ëa?Ä¬ÁÄ?ÍË¬ÁWjÄÄËË.Ýjaj±Ë WjWÍËÍË0jË?ÍË~ÄËË¬?ÁÍWÖ?Á^ËÝjË?Í j^ËjËÄËMÍËÖ?MjËÍËjÞ¬?ËÍjË~Á?ÍÄja ÍjËÄ?jËÍjËW?j~~ËÁ?W?ÄjaËawwjÁjWjË?a awwjÁjWjËjËjÞ¬jÁjWjÄËË.ÝjajË?aËÍËajwj ajw~ËÄjwË?ÄË j?^ËÍ?ÍËÄ^Ë.ÝjaÄË Mj~Ë j?Ë?ÄËMj~ËWÖÍÖÁ?±ËË j^Ë-aajËMÍ .Ýjaj±Ë0ÄËÍ?ÍjÄËÍ?ÍËÄËj~Í?ÍÄËËÍj ajÍwjÄËÄjwË?aËÄËajÍwjaË?ÄË?Ë¬¬Ë?ÁÍÄÍ ¬¬ËãjËMjÍÝjjË.ÝjajË?aË jËß wÁË.Ýjaj^Ë?ËWÖÍÁßËÍ?ÍËÄËjWW?ßËMjÍÍjÁËww MjWjËÍj~MjËÝÍËÍjËÄ¬jWwWËWÍjÞÍÄËwË? Í?Ë j± j?Ëa?Ä¬ÁÄ?ÍË¬ÁWjÄÄË?aË?Ë~jjÁ?ËÖÍWÖ ÄË?ËWÄj¶ÖjWj^Ë¬¬ËÄË?Ëj?ÄËwÁË-aaj ÍÖÁ?ÄËajM?ÍjËË.Ýjaj±Ë

ÌiÃ n° 'FSOBOEP$BNBDIP1BEJMMB A-BT £{° /JSB:VWBM%BWJT A*OUFSTFDUJPOBMJUZ £° 3PMBOE3PCFSUTPO A(MPDBMJ[BUJPO SFMBDJPOFTFOUSF$IJMFZ4VFDJBEVSBOUF BOEGFNJOJTUQPMJUJDT &VSPQFBO+PVSOBM UJNFoTQBDFBOEIPNPHFOFJUZo FMQSJNFSHPCJFSOBEF0MPG1BMNF PG8PNFO’T4UVEJFT WPM OP IFUFSPHFOFJUZ JO3PMBOE3PCFSUTPO *CFSPBNFSJDBOB WPM7** OP QQ 3PMBOE 4DPUU-BTIBOE.JLF Q"SCFUBSIJTUPSJB "OUJQPEFT4WFSJHF £x° *[BCFMB%BIMBOE.BMJO5IPS 'FBUIFSTUPOF FET (MPCBM.PEFSOJUJFT PDI$IJMF OPT A0SBMIJTUPSZ DPOTUSVDUJPOTBOE -POEPO4BHF1VCMJDBUJPOT "DDFTTFEPOMJOFBUXXXBSCFUBS EFDPOTUSVDUJPOTPGOBSSBUJWFT QQ0WF4FSOIFEF "MJFOBUJPOJT IJTUPSJBTF +BOVBSZ JOUFSTFDUJPOTPGDMBTT HFOEFS MPDBMJUZ .Z/BUJPOIJQIPQPDIVOHBNÓT ° $BSJO/PS¹O .ZUFOPNEFU OBUJPOBOESFMJHJPOJOOBSSBUJWFTGSPNB VUBOGÄSTLBQJ%FUOZB4WFSJHF N¶OHLVMUVSFMMBTBNI´MMFU&O +FXJTIXPNBOJO4XFEFO &ORVJSF 4UPDLIPMN0SEGSPOU 0WF EJTLVSTBOBMZTBWN¶OHGBMETSFMBUFSBEF WPM +VOF Q 4FSOIFEFBOE+PIBO4ÄEFSNBO 1MBOFU CFHSFQQPDIFUOJDJUFUJTWFOTL £È° "#'JT4XFEFO’TMBSHFTUBEVMU )JQIPQPNIJQIPQTPNGPMLCJMEOJOHPDI LVMUVSQPMJUJL #PS¶T)ÄHTLPMBJ#PS¶T MJCFSBMFEVDBUJPOBTTPDJBUJPO"#' TPDJBMNPCMJTFSJOH .BMNÄ-JCFS 7BOKB-P[JD *)JTUPSJFLBOPOT "DDFTTFEPOMJOFBU Ó° *OUFSWJFXXJUI3PESJHPA3PEEF TLVHHB)JTUPSJFŃOFPDI XXXBCGTF0N"#'"CPVU"#'JO #FSOBM CPSOJO7JÁBEFMNBS $IJMF JEFOUJGJLBUJPOTGPSNFSJOHJUBMFUT EJGGFSFOUMBOHVBHFT*O&OHMJTI .BZ )JQIPQBSUJTUSFDPSEFE N¶OHLVMUVSFMMBTBNI´MMF .BMNÄ 4FQUFNCFS)JTXPSLXJUI CZ4VTBO-JOEIPMN /PWFNCFS )PMNCFSHT UIJTQSPKFDUJTBOFYBNQMFPGIJT £ä° .BHOVT/JMTTPO A-JUUFSBUVS FOHBHFNFOUXJUI)JQIPQDVMUVSFUIBU Î° "MJTUBJS5IPNTPO A.PWJOHTUPSJFT FUOJDJUFUPDIGÄSFTU´MMOJOHFOPNEFU EPFTOPUIBWFBOFYQMJDJUDPOOFDUJPOUP PSBMIJTUPSZBOENJHSBUJPO 0SBM)JTUPSZ N¶OHLVMUVSFMMBTBNI´MMFU4BNMBSFO IJT$IJMFBOCBDLHSPVOE WPM OP QQ WPM Q0MTTPO £Ç° "MFYBOEFS'SFVOEBOE"MJTUBJS {° "OUIPOZ&)VSMFZ 3FO¹F#SFOEB Q1BVMJOBEFMPT3FZFTBOE-FOB 5IPNTPO FET 0SBM)JTUPSZBOE -BSSJFSBOE+PTFQI.D-BSFO FET .BSUJOTTPO FET 0MJLIFUFOT 1IPUPHSBQIZ /FX:PSL1BMHSBWF .JHSBUJOH8PSETBOE8PSMET1BO QBSBEJHNJOUFSTFLUJPOFMMBQFSTQFLUJW .BDNJMMBO Q "GSJDBOJTN6QEBUFE 5SFOUPO /+"GSJDB Q¶P KŃ MJLIFUTTLBQBOEF -VOE £n° 5IF-BUJO,JOHTQPSUBGPMJPEFO 8PSME1SFTT 4FBO'JFME 0SBM 4UVEFOUMJUUFSBUVS TBOOBCFSÚUFMTFOPN$IFQF %PHHFPDI )JTUPSZ $PNNVOJUZBOE%JTQMBDFNFOU ££° 4FSOIFEF 4FSOIFEFBOE 4BMMB 4UPDLIPMN8BIMTUSÄNBOE *NBHJOJOH.FNPSJFTJO1PTU"QBSUIFJE 4ÄEFSNBO 8JETUSBOE 'PSBEFGJOJUJPOPG 4PVUI"GSJDB /FX:PSL1BMHSBWF £Ó° 4VTBO-JOEIPMN A3FQSFTFOUJOHUIF NJHSBUJTNTFF"MZPTYB5VEPS A'SPN .BDNJMMBO 1SJODFUPO6OJWFSTJUZ NBSHJOBMJ[FEPUIFSUIF4XFEJTI)JQ XJUIMPWFUSBOT@GFNJOJTUJTDIF .FYJDBO.JHSBUJPO1SPKFDU IPQHSPVQ"EWBODF1BUSPM 4XFEJTI 1PTJUJPOJFSVOHFO[V3BTTJTNVTVOE "DDFTTFEPOMJOFBUIUUQNNQPQS +PVSOBMPG.VTJDPMPHZ WPM OP .JHSBUJTNVT EJTTFSUBUJPO -JOLÄQJOH QSJODFUPOFEVFYQSFTTJPOTQSPMPHVF QQ5IPNBT4PMPNPO 6OJWFSTJUZ FOBTQY "QSJM.JHSBUJPO A#FSMJO'SBOLGVSU*TUBOCVM5VSLJTI)JQ £° $IPSJ[P3FDPSETJTBSBQDPMMFDUJWF )FSJUBHF$FOUSFJO/FX4PVUI8BMFT IPQJONPUJPO &VSPQFBO+PVSOBMPG CBTFEJO4UPDLIPMNUIBUFNQIBTJTFTB "DDFTTFEPOMJOFBU $VMUVSBM4UVEJFT WPM OP $IJMFBOCBDLHSPVOEUISPVHIUIFNVTJD XXXNJHSBUJPOIFSJUBHFOTXHPWBV QQ+BOF4VHBSNBO QVCMJTIFEPOJUTIPNFQBHF$IPSJ[P "QSJM A%JBTQPSJDEJBMPHVFTNFEJBUFENVTJDT 3FDPSET"DDFTTFEPOMJOFBU x° 5IPNTPO Q BOEUIF"MCBOJBOUSBOTOBUJPO JO XXXDIPSJ[PSFDPSETDPN È° &SJL0MTTPO A#PSUPNFYJMFOo 5IPNBT5VSJOPBOE+BNFT-FB FET /PWFNCFS EJBTQPSJTFJOHFOBWDIJMFOBSFJ4WFSJHF *EFOUJUZBOEUIF"SUTJO%JBTQPSB Óä° 5IF)VMUTGSFE'FTUJWBM JO&SJL0MTTPO FE 5SBOTOBUJPOFMMB3VN $PNNVOJUJFT 1JOFXPPE)BSNPOJF )VMUTGSFETGFTUJWBMFO JO4XFEJTI JTBO o%JBTQPSB NJHSBUJPOPDI 1BSL1SFTT BOOVBMNVTJDGFTUJWBMUIBUIBTCFFO HSÓTÄWFSTLSJEBOEFSFMBUJPOFS 6NF¶ £Î° 'MPZB"OUIJBT A5SBOTOBUJPOBM PSHBOJTFEJO)VMUTGSFE 4XFEFOTJODF #PS¹BCPLGÄSMBH QQ NPCJMJUJFT NJHSBUJPOSFTFBSDIBOE Ç° #ÄSKF4KÄRWJTUBOE-BST1BMNHSFO "UU JOUFSTFDUJPOBMJUZ5PXBSETB Ó£° 5IJTIBQQFOFEBUTPNFQPJOU GMZGS¶O$IJMFoPDIBUU¶UFSWBOESBUW¶ USBOTMPDBUJPOBMGSBNF /PSEJD+PVSOBM CFUXFFOBOE SBQQPSUFS 4BOUJBHP*13&)6% PG.JHSBUJPO3FTFBSDI WPM OP ÓÓ° 0MTTPO Q <*OUFSOBUJPOBM1SPKFDUTGPS3FTFBSDIPO QQEFMPT3FZFTBOE ÓÎ° *IBWFBEEFEUIFTFEBUFT3PEEF )VNBO%FWFMPQNFOU> .BSUJOTPO EJEOPUNFOUJPOBOZEBUFTEVSJOHUIF "VUVNO ", -/",9 É¤

JOUFSWJFXJUTFMG#JFOWFOJEPBNJ#BSSJP JT UIFSFIBEUPCFBSFBTPOGPSUIFNUP FBSMJFSUPMEIJNUIBU*XBTCPSOJO'JOMBOE UIF4QBOJTIWFSTJPOPG5IF-BUJO,JOHT MFBWFUIFDPVOUSZ .ZFEVDBUFE oBOEBTTVNFEUIBU*XPVMEVOEFSTUBOE EFCVUBMCVN7´MLPNNFOUJMM'ÄSPSUFO*U QSFKVEJDF XBTUIVTUIBUUIFZEJEOPU IJTOFFEUPTQFBL4QBOJTI"TJUUVSOFE XBTSFMFBTFEVOEFSUIFHSPVQOBNF-PT MFBWFCFDBVTFUIFZXBOUFEUP PVUIJTBTTVNQUJPOXBTDPSSFDU 3FZFT-BUJOPTJO$IJMFJO ÓÇ° *UDBOBMTPCFBSHVFEUIBU3PEEF Ó° #FSJU8JHFSGFMU 6OHEPNJOZB Ó{° 'SFFTUZMFJTBOJNQSPWJTFEGPSNPG XBOUTNFBTBOJOUFSWJFXFSoBOE LM´EFSEBOTCBOFGSÄKEFSPDIM´OHUBO SBQQJOH XJUIPSXJUIPVUJOTUSVNFOUBM UISPVHINFBMM4XFEFToUPLOPX$IJMF FGUFSEFUNPEFSOBJUBMFUT CBDLHSPVOE BTBXBSNBOEGSJFOEMZQMBDF OPUBTB 4WFSJHF EJTTFSUBUJPO -VOE6OJWFSTJUZ Óx° 4FFGPSJOTUBODF(BZBUSJ(PQJOBUI QMBDFDPOOFDUFEUPDPOGMJDUPSTUSJGF A/PTUBMHJB EFTJSF EJBTQPSB4PVUI Ón° "UUIJTQPJOUIFBTLFENFACVU *N Îä° 4UVBSU)BMM A$VMUVSBMJEFOUJUZBOE "TJBOTFYVBMJUJFTJONPUJPO JO+BOB TVSFUIBUZPVTQFBL'JOOJTI EPOUZPV EJBTQPSB JO#SB[JFMBOE.BOOVS &WBOT#SB[JFMBOE"OJUB.BOOVS FET UPXIJDI*GPVOENZTFMGBOTXFSJOHA0G Î£° )FOSZ-PVJT(BUFT+S 5IF4JHOJGZJOH 5IFPSJ[JOH%JBTQPSB"3FBEFS .BMEFO DPVSTF"MNPTUNZFOUJSFGBNJMZMJWFT .POLFZ"5IFPSZPG"GSP"NFSJDBO ."#MBDLXFMM UIFSF JUXPVMECFXFJSEOPUUPCFBCMFUP -JUFSBSZ$SJUJDJTN /FX:PSL0YGPSE ÓÈ° "GUFSIBWJOHIFBSEBMMUIFTFQPTJUJWF UBMLUPUIFN*JOUFSQSFUIJTRVFTUJPOBT 6OJWFSTJUZ1SFTT TUPSJFTIJTGBUIFSIBEUPMEIJNBCPVU BOBUUFNQUUPNBLFTVSFUIBUIFXBT $IJMF *JOTJTUFEPOIFBSJOHNPSF JO VOEFSTUPPE)FUIFSFCZBMTPJODMVEFE "EESFTTGPSDPSSFTQPOEFODF QBSUJDVMBSIJTNPUIFSTWJFX"GUFSBMM NFJOBHSPVQPGJNNJHSBOUTo*IBE TVTBOMJOEIPMN!NBITF

Susan Lindholm

Susan Lindholm is a Ph.D. candidate in History at Malmö University, Sweden. Her research interests include constructions of self and other within and through historical and locational contexts. Her dissertation explores Hip-hop culture in-between Chile and Sweden.

Keywords: Sweden and Latin America, R&B, Hip-hop, masculinity, whiteness.

CREATING A “LATINO” ARTIST IDENTITY IN-BETWEEN SWEDEN AND LATIN AMERICA – A COMPARATIVE APPROACH

This article engages in a close comparative reading of the creation of a “Latino” artist identity by two Swedish artists – Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund and Rodrigo Rodde Bernal. By focusing on the theoretical concept of white Swedish masculinity, it aims to deepen the understanding of how such identities are created within and against the background of speciﬁc historical contexts and locations.

his article traces the way in which Swedish R&B artist Fredrik FreddeRico T Ekelund, whose song “Don’t Go” was extremely successful on the Central American market in 2013, creates a “Latino” artist identity in-between Sweden and Latin America. It discusses such an identity as part of a bigger research project that focuses on the signiﬁcance of representation and difference in Hip-hop culture in-between Chile and Sweden.1 The article contrasts the construction of a “Latino” artist identity by Fredrik, who does not have any immediate familial ties to Latin America, with the “Chilean” or “Latino” identity claimed by Rod-

1 Lindholm 2014, 2015.

113 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 2/23

rigo Rodde Bernal, whose family came to Sweden during the 1980s as part of a group of Chilean refugees who fled the country following a military coup led by Augusto Pinochet in 1973. Elsewhere, I have discussed how Rodrigo Rodde Bernal, a member of the Swe- den-based group Hermanos Bernal, which performs its raps solely in Spanish and primarily directs its music at a Chilean diaspora, negotiates difference in what I have called the Hip-hop zone in-between Chile and Sweden.2 I have argued that Rodde’s definition of a “Chilean” or “Latino” identity through music can be read in three different ways: first, as a means to remind Swedish society of the 1970s, a time during which Chileans were warmly welcomed in Sweden; second, an attempt to become “Swedish” by defining his difference as specifically “Chilean” in the context of a multiculturalism debate stressing difference as desirable, which emerged during the 1990s; and third, as a means to represent a “Chilean” identity through music within a Chilean diaspora. This article extends this discussion by contrasting Rodrigo Rodde Bernal’s “Chilean” identity with Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund’s “Latino” artist identity. Based on an interview with Fredrik, it sets out to trace the construction of such an identity by outlining the way in which he first creates and draws upon stereotypes such as “Latino”, “Swedish” and “U.S. American”, as well as the backdrop against which such stereotypes are constructed; and second, the way in which he navigates in-between these stereotypes and thereby opens them up for negotiation.

Locating white Swedish masculinity

By asking how a “white” Swedish artist can create a “Latino” identity through music, this article contributes to earlier research on Swedish whiteness.3 As sociologist Gurminder K Bhambra has pointed out, citizenship in Western nations has from the very beginning been marked by constructions of an image of “the Other”.4 The arrival of non-European migrants to Europe in greater numbers, starting with the second half of the 20th century, is therefore no unprecedented challenge to deﬁnitions of citizenship. Their presence has nevertheless fuelled an identity debate that, as sociologist Floya Anthias points out, is primarily concerned with ethnic markers and the construction of new frontiers along the lines

2 Lindholm, 2015. 3 See amongst others: Hubinette and Mählck 2015; Lundström 2014; Mattsson 2010; Mählck 2013; Pallas 2011. Mattsson's article is part of a theme issue on whiteness issued by the Swedish journal for gender studies (Tidskrift för genusvetenskap). Historian Nell Irvin Painter's book “The History of White People” is an example of the study of whiteness in a US American context. 4 Bhambra 2015.

114 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 3/23

of which migrant identities are defined as “hostile”, as their “culture” and “ways of life” are seen as incompatible with Western societies.5 Citizens of rich western countries, who are perceived as “white”, tend not to be seen as migrants when they move across national borders, however. Sociol- ogist Catrin Lundström who in her book “White migrations: Gender, whiteness and privilege in transnational migration” studies the negotiation of whiteness by Swedish women who define themselves as “white” in a transnational context, points out that “white” people “out of place” are seen as tourists, expatriates, mobile professionals or “just passing as a European or North American”.6 This article contributes to such earlier research by nuancing, locating and contextualizing the discussion on “white” Swedish masculinity; it traces it as an invisible background against which Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund constructs a “Latino” artist identity. In his book, The Image of Man, the Creation of Modern Masculinity, historian Georg Mosse makes a connection between masculinity and early European nation building. Primarily focusing on Germany, France and Great Britain, Mosse claims that a specific masculine stereotype emerged in Europe at the end of the eighteenth century; a stereotype that was closely linked to the formation of Euro- pean nation states and the emergence of a new bourgeois society. 7 It was at this specific moment in European history, Mosse argues, that the male body itself for the first time came to be seen as a symbol of society and nation. Tracing the connection between different forms of masculinities and modernization in Northern Europe during the same period of time, Jørgen Lorentzen and Claes Ekenstam argue that constructions of masculinities are dependent not only on maintaining a difference between the sexes but also on the dynamics between constructions of different masculinities and un-masculinities.8 Mosse and Lorentzen & Ekenstam claim that such countertypes were often explicitly marked as homosexual, which means that heteronormativity was one of the defining features of such masculine stereotypes.9 Studies focusing on the negotiations of masculinity in Sweden have argued that a concept of the gender-equal “new man” emerged within the framework of a “Nordic model” of gender equality in the 1970s.10 The construction of such a framework defining gender equality as a uniquely Swedish or Nordic project can be traced back to a general modernization project that took hold in Sweden after the Second World War. The gradual emergence of a Swedish self-image that

5 Anthias 2008, p. 6. 6 Lundström 2014, p. 2. 7 Mosse 1996. 8 Lorentzen and Ekenstam 2006. 9 Mosse 1996, p. 57. 10 Farhani 2013; Jalmert 1984.

115 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 4/23

The Swedish R&B artist FreddeRico. Copyright: Isabella Söderdahl 2015. deﬁned Sweden as politically neutral and as an international voice of solidarity working against racism and for gender equality also included the perception that Sweden itself had more or less succeeded in establishing a non-racist society.11 The stereotype of the gender-equal “new man” that was created within this framework has nevertheless also served to reinforce hegemonic aspects of masculinity by conﬂating Swedishness with whiteness, middle-classness and heteronormativity.12 Like any national or racial stereotype, such a construction of “white” Swedish masculinity draws on a notion of difference that claims a “radical and unbridge-

11 Tolvhed 2008; Hübinette and Mählck 2015. 12 Pringle and Balkmar 2006; Farhani 2013, p. 154; Järvklo 2008.

116 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 5/23

able separation” between fixed and naturalized categories.13 Such naturalized stereotypes are “continuously constructed in a (power) relation” to each other in specific historical contexts in which whiteness serves as the hegemonic, and therefore invisible background against which other racial or ethnic identities such as “Latino” or “black” are constructed.14 Such a power relation is also marked by what sociologist Aníbal Quijano calls “the coloniality of power”, which becomes visible as stereotypes are analysed within their specific historical contexts.15 The emergence of a stereotype of “Latino” masculinity as machismo can, according to anthropologist Norma Fuller, for instance be traced back to Spanish colonial societies in Latin America in which “ethnic, racial and class domination was more pronounced, and in which much more accentuated forms of feminine repression and masculine dominance were promoted than in Spanish society or within native cultures.”16 The process of identity construction in-between such stereotypes is based on a complex “play of identity and difference” that is marked by both fear and desire directed at “the Other” and the “internalization of the self-as-other” by those identified as “the Other”.17 This points towards a second notion of difference: a difference that is “positional, conditional and conjunctural” that acknowledges that identities are always open to negotiation and not “a possessive attribute of individuals or groups”.18 The negotiation of such identities along the lines of race and masculinity has a long tradition in the field of popular culture that, as Norman Mailer pointed out as early as 1957, has developed into a space in which “young white men negotiate the idea of how their masculinity can be lived”.19 In his book “From Jim Crow to Jay-Z: race, rap, and the performance of masculinity”, cultural theorist Miles White outlines a history of such negotiations in a US American context.20 This is the context within which this article sets out to trace Fredrik Fred- deRico Ekelund’s “Latino” identity as an artist by taking two aspects into account: first, the way in which he both creates, and draws upon stereotypes such as “Latino”, “Swedish” and “U.S. American”, as well as the backdrop against which he constructs such stereotypes; and second, the way in which he navigates

13 Hall 2005, p. 448. 14 Farhani 2013, p. 156. 15 Quijano 2000. 16 ߌ(OORVHGHEHUtDDTXHHQODVVRFLHGDGHVFRORQLDOHVLEpULFDVODGRPLQDFLyQpWQLFDUDFLDO\GHFODVH IXHPX\DFHQWXDGD\SURSLFLyIRUPDVGHVRMX]JDPLHQWRIHPHQLQR\SUHGRPLQLRQPDVFXOLQRPXFKD PiVPDUFDGDVTXHHQODVRFLHGDGHVSDxRODRHQODVFXOWXUDVQDWLYDVµ)XOOHUS)RUD discussion of the impact of the macho stereotype on the study of men and masculinities in South America see: Gutman and Vigoya 2005. 17 Hall 2005, p. 446. 18 Hall 2005, p. 448; Anthias 2008, p. 7. 19 Mailer 2007 [1957]; Neal 2005, p. 370. 20 White 2011.

117 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 6/23

in-between these stereotypes. Before engaging in such an analysis, I will brieﬂy discuss the material used in this article.

Method, material and structure of the article

By engaging in a close and comparative reading of the creation of two specific artist identities, this article aims to deepen the understanding of how such identities are created within and against the background of specific historical contexts and locations. Both my earlier article on the negotiation of difference by Rodrigo Rodde Bernal and the current article are the result of in-depth interviews. Based on the one and a half-hour long recording of an interview I conducted with Fre- drik FreddeRico Ekelund in September 2014 in Lund in the south of Sweden, and its subsequent transcription, this article aims to make visible the negotiations behind his creation of a “Latino” identity as a musician. Drawing on Martin Buber’s philosophy of dialogue, historian Malin Thor Ture- by points out that interviewers create an understanding of the past in dialogue with their interviewees, which is why their interpersonal relationship becomes central in the analysis of the resulting interview material.21 Much in the same vein, both sociologists Amy L. Best and Paula Mählck argue that whiteness can be described as an interactional accomplishment created during an interview, as both interviewer and interviewee(s) actively manage and negotiate their racial positionalities.22 In the following analysis, I therefore make every effort to make visible the impact of the interpersonal relationship between Fredrik and myself on the outcome of the interview. This article also draws on the lyrics, narrative and performance of the video of FreddeRico’s hit song “Don’t Go”, as well as images and interviews published on his official website. No structured textual or narrative analysis has been made of this material, however. It is mainly used to illustrate FreddeRico’s representation as an artist which he described and negotiated during our interview. I have translated all lyrics and interview quotes from Swedish and Spanish into English. The article is structured in three main sections that will trace Fredrik’s creation of a “Latino” identity as a musician. They consider: first, the way in which during our interview Fredrik described his career as “Latino” artist FreddeRico, particularly in Central America; second, the construction of his “Latino” identity as an R&B artist viewed in the context of “black” pop music; and third, the way in which Fredrik creates a connection to Central, or Latin America outside of a

21 Thor Tureby 2001, p. 335. 22 Best 2003, p. 895; Mählck 2013, p. 68.

118 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 7/23

music context by creating and negotiating in-between different stereotypes.23 At the end of every section, the article brieﬂy contrasts Fredrik’s “Latino” identity as a musician with my earlier work on Rodrigo Rodde Bernal’s negotiation of difference in the Hip-hop zone in-between Chile and Sweden.

Being FreddeRico in-between Sweden and Central America

This ﬁrst section discusses how Fredrik sets out to create an identity as a musician in general, and in a Central American context in particular. During our interview Fredrik told me that he grew up listening to his father’s large music collection, and that his aunt, who is a vocal coach, started to give him singing lessons at an early age. In the late 1990s, at the age of ﬁfteen, Fredrik came into contact with other young male musicians in Lund, most of whom were rappers or beatmakers. This meant that there were only few openings for singers like himself, which is why he:

[…] eventually got tired of this […] focus on rap […] you could sing a refrain in some songs but […] there was more focus on rap during that time.

Thus, Fredrik did not become part of what he describes as a growing Hip-hop scene in Lund during the 1990s. Instead, he decided to withdraw from the other musicians in order to deepen his musical knowledge and ﬁnd his own sound. That means that Fredrik claimed that he did not create his identity as a musician through a connection to or communication with other musicians. At a later stage, he further stressed such an individual approach by telling me that he was not in contact with and did not plan to contact other musicians or producers such as The Salazar Brothers, who inter alia also produce artists in Chile. Such a description of the creation of an artistic identity differs fundamentally from a Hip-hop tradition that stresses collective learning and creation and the membership of different “crews”.24 Fredrik also chose his stage name FreddeRico early on:

I chose [the name] in school. Me and two other guys often skipped classes. But we had a nice music teacher who always opened the mu-

23 During our interview, Fredrik spoke of both Central America and Latin America. While Central America is the geographical location in which Fredrik became successful as an R&B artist, he XVHGWKHQDPH/DWLQ$PHULFDSULPDULO\ZKHQKHZDVUHIHUULQJWRFXOWXUDORUOLQJXLVWLFGLӽHUHQFHV between Sweden and Latin America. 24 Söderman 2007.

119 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 8/23

sic room for us and we hung out there and one of them was rapping and I was the singer and the other guy put on some beats […] and then there was this Spanish teacher who, on his way to the teacher’s lounge, used to call out “Frederico! You have to attend my lesson now!” So the guys also started to call me Frederico. And then… and then it just turned out that way. So ever since I was at school people have been calling me Frederico as a musician […] and that turned out to be suitable for Latin America.

It should be noted, however, that the spelling of his stage name differs from the simple Spanish version of his ﬁrst name: Fredrik. FreddeRico is a combination of Frederico, the name he refers to in the above quote, and the Spanish word “rico”, that can simply mean “rich”, but is also used in the very common expression “Que rico!” which can be translated as “cool” or “sexually attractive”. He also added a second “d” to his artist name in order to create a “mix between Swedish and Latin American contexts.” As an artist, Fredrik thus describes himself as an individual who chooses his own sound and name, without being determined by any form of group identity. In 2012, Fredrik signed a deal with the Swedish production company Pit- bull Productions Inc. The ﬁrst single that they produced together was released in Sweden and was called “I Will”. With the second single “Don’t Go”, they then decided to target the Central American market:

We started off thinking that we would apply the same strategy as everyone else here in Sweden. We started with the local radio station Din Gata [a local radio station in Malmö] and thought that if we were lucky some of the bigger radio stations would become interested and that we could get some gigs here in Sweden. But as we sat talking one night, [his production company told him] “you have contacts in Central America, why don’t you try to [launch your music] there? It is actually a much smarter thing to do. There are so many people […] Our aim is to reach the [U.S.] American market. And it is much easier to go through Latin America than to go through Sweden.

His girlfriend, who is from El Salvador, created the contacts to Central America that Fredrik refers to in this quote. With her help, Fredrik and his production company started to send “Don’t Go” to radio and TV stations and other musicians, primarily in El Salvador. The song spread quickly from one radio station to the other and ended up being played in El Salvador, Honduras, Costa Rica, Nicaragua and other countries in Central America. “Don’t Go” became a huge hit, and its video, which was aired on numerous TV-stations throughout the region,

120 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 9/23

received over one million views on the Internet platform YouTube. Although FreddeRico did not travel to Central America at that time, he was featured in over twenty TV and radio interviews that were all conducted in Spanish. During our interview, Fredrik claimed that these stations reach 7 to 8 million viewers per show, whereas a Swedish TV show only reaches one million viewers on a Friday evening. His primary motivation for launching his career on the Central Ameri- can market is thus to reach a bigger audience through his music. A few of the interviews in which Fredrik was featured can be found on his website. During one of them, an interview with Central American TV-Channel Canal 33’s entertainment show Alo33, the female TV host asked Fredrik why he claimed to have “a strong connection to Central America” although he is not from the region himself. To this question Fredrik answered that his girlfriend is from El Salvador, which is why his “heart is in El Salvador”. As an artist, Fredrik thus creates a connection to Latin America through his girlfriend, the person who made it possible for him to launch his music on the Central American market. As the success of “Don’t Go” on the Central American market came very quickly, Fredrik did not have an ofﬁcial website as FreddeRico when the song hit the charts. Together with his production company he therefore created an ofﬁcial artist narrative based on the questions he received during these interviews. He told me that they:

[…] had done some research on what I had been doing before [the success of his song “Don’t Go”], so they had gone back, way back [and they brought up] things that I almost had forgotten […] So they had kept pretty good track of my background, almost better than I did myself!

This ofﬁcial artist narrative that can be found on FreddeRico’s website starts in 2003. It mentions, among other things, that he produced and recorded the theme song for Britney.com, the “biggest Britney Spears page created on the Internet”, and that one of his songs was featured on a mixtape that included songs by well- known Hip-hop artists such as Kanye West, Lil Wayne, and Ice Cube in 2008.25 Thereby, it situates FreddeRico in the context of popular U.S. American artists. Combined with the fact that, as I have mentioned above, Fredrik’s ﬁnal aim as a musician is to become successful on the U.S. American market, I argue that the narrative adds up to a conscious attempt to create a U.S. American artist image. Fredrik and Pitbull Productions Inc. nevertheless also produced a Spanish version of “Don’t Go” in cooperation with the El Salvadorian Hip-hop artist César Díaz

25 $PL[WDSHLVDFRPSLODWLRQRIGLӽHUHQWVRQJVWKDWKDVDVSHFLDOKLVWRU\LQD+LSKRSFRQWH[W Today, it refers to full-length albums released for free that can feature original music, freestyles or remixes of popular songs.

121 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 10/23

Alvarenga, also known as Debil Estar. In this version, FreddeRico sings a Spanish translation of the refrain while Debil Estar raps. By using a Spanish-sounding artist name and producing a Spanish version of “Don’t Go”, Fredrik thus also places himself in a Central or Latin American context as an artist. Therefore, I argue that Fredrik creates a “U.S.-Latino” artist identity in-between a U.S. American and a Central or Latin American context. As literary scholar Patricia M. Montilla points out, Latinos are “the fastest-growing group in the United States today”, and while “not all Hispanic Americans are bilingual, Spanish is a very significant cultural marker among Latinos.”26 I claim that the construction of such a “U.S.-Latino” image also becomes evident in the aesthetics of the video of “Don’t Go”, as well as FreddeRico’s official website. The first frame clearly states the name of his production company – Pit- bull Productions Inc. While this company is not in any way associated with the hugely successful U.S.-Cuban rapper, producer and songwriter Armando Chris- tian Pérez, also known as Pitbull, Fredrik admitted that many Central American interviewers at first assumed that he was associated with Pitbull due to the name of his production company.27 I also argue that in this video and on his website, FreddeRico draws on or refers to an artist identity that is very similar to the artist identity created by Pitbull: both have very short hair, both wear suits without a tie and a partially unbuttoned shirt. Their songs also have similar lyrical content: both artists mainly focus their lyrics on heterosexual relationships with women. When comparing those aspects of FreddeRico’s “U.S.-Latino” artist identity discussed in this first section to Rodde’s construction of a “Chilean” identity, some fundamental differences become visible. While Rodde was also quick to point out that his group Hermanos Bernal is not part of a bigger group of Swed- ish-Chilean Hip-hop artists, he claimed a close connection to other artists such as the production company The Salazar Brothers as well as a number of other musicians from Chile. While Rodde does have a family background in South America, he claims a “Swedish” artist identity in Chile, as he argues that as such he has a higher status and receives a higher salary.28 He only claims a “Chilean” artist identity in the context of a Chilean diaspora outside of Chile. FreddeRico, on the other hand, does not make a difference between his artist identity in Sweden, Latin America or the United States. While he thus solely represents himself as an individual “U.S.-Latino” artist, the music of Hermanos Bernal aims to “speak for” all those Chileans who do not live in Chile.

26 Montilla p. xii. 27 Cepeda 2010, p. 36. 28 The debut album of Hermanos Bernal is, in fact, called ”Directo de Suecia”, that is, ”Direct from Sweden.”

122 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 11/23

Being FreddeRico in the context of “black” pop music

In this second section I set out to discuss Fredrik’s artist identity in the context of “black” pop music. As Johan Söderman has argued in his study on the artistic strategies of Hip-hop artists in Sweden, rappers are often torn between commercial and non-commercial discourses in their construction of professional identities.29 Much in the same vein, during our interview Fredrik shifted between describing an identity as a professional musician, on the one hand, and following his sensibility or feeling (in Swedish: känsla), on the other.30 He claimed that his quest for “feeling”, can be used to explain his success on the Central American market by stating:

I am happy that my music has been able to [reach Latin Ameri- ca]! That feels incredible! . […] When we tried [to launch his single “Don’t Go” on the Central American market] I thought […] why should [people in Latin America] like music that is so far from what I believed, but it is much closer with this R&B and soul genre . […] It is built on feeling [in Swedish: känsla], it is built on openness, it is built on warmth. And all of that exists down there. And that is what we do not have here. […] We are not created in that culture and we do not have that view of life. But R&B is not originally from Latin America? No, but I mean […] all that lies behind that type of music: sensibility, warmth, openness that they have […] that we do not have here […] I believe that that which worked with “Don’t Go” with […] the Latin American people was that it is – salsa and Latino music is also very much based on feeling – it is a music genre that is based on feeling, and R&B and soul are also very similar.

This quote represents one of the repeated instances during our interview in which Fredrik drew on a stereotype of a warm and open Latin America ﬁlled with “feeling”, or, in Swedish “känsla”. In an attempt to make sense of his success, Fredrik claims that both R&B and “Latino” music are based on “feeling”, which is why his own sound, which he also describes as based on “feeling”, could become successful in Latin America. Music thereby becomes the means to create a connection to Latin America by creating a “U.S.-Latino” identity as an R&B artist. FreddeRico’s ofﬁcial website nevertheless also describes his sound as a “fresh mix of R&B, Hip-hop and pop”. In her book “New York Ricans from the Hip-

29 Söderman 2007. 30 The notion of “feeling” is here used only as an empirical category, mainly as the antithesis of rationality.

123 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 12/23

Rodrigo Rodde Bernal and Cristian Soyloco Bernal on the cover of the Hermanos Bernal debut album ”Directo de Suecia”. Copyright: Hermanos Bernal 2015 hop zone” Raquel Rivera outlines the inﬂuence of Puerto Rican migrants on the emergence of Hip-hop in New York.31 Rivera thereby addresses what María Elena Cepeda calls the “intimate historical, racial and artistic relationships between Latinos and African Americans” that becomes visible through the participation of “Latinos” in what has been labelled “black” pop music.32 As cultural theorist Mark Anthony Neal argues, genres such as R&B and Hip-hop can be discussed under the umbrella term of “black” pop music in a U.S. American context, a genre that, as I have mentioned above, has developed into a space in which “young white men negotiate the idea of how their masculinity can be lived”. 33 In the words of bell hooks, such a negotiation becomes possible:

31 Rivera 2003. 32 Cepeda 2010, p. 37. 33 Mailer 2007 [1957]; Neal 2005, p. 370.

124 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 13/23

When race and ethnicity become commodified as resources for pleasure [that means that] the culture of specific groups, as well as the bodies of individuals, can be seen as constituting an alternative playground where members of dominating races, genders, sexual practices affirm their power-over in intimate relations with the Other.34

Therefore, I will briefly discuss FreddeRico’s creation of a “U.S.-Latino” artist identity against a stereotype of “black” masculinity in pop music. Cultural theorist Todd Boyd claims that in a Hip-hop context a “black” masculinity can be seen as the “antithesis of what could be described as White masculinity” that he in turn defines as “upright, stiff, and mechanical”.35 In Boyd’s words such a “black” masculinity is defined by a:

Cool […] detached, removed, nonchalant sense of being. An Aloof- ness that suggests one is above it all. A Pride, an arrogance even, that is at once laid back, unconcerned, perceived to be highly sexual and potentially violent.36

Boyd’s description of a “white” masculinity largely corresponds with Fredrik’s deﬁnition of Sweden as cold, stiff and mechanical in this quote from our interview:

They [Latin Americans] are so very much different than we are. They are so incredibly much warmer; they are so incredibly more spontaneous than we are.

Yet, the description of “black” masculinity outlined by Boyd is not the warm, communicative identity ﬁlled with feeling that Fredrik aspires to as an artist; it could even be seen as the complete antithesis to such a description. I nevertheless claim that a closer look at FreddeRico’s performed identity and the narrative of the song “Don’t Go” reveals a masculinity that corresponds with Boyd’s deﬁ- nition of a “black” masculinity in a Hip-hop context. FreddeRico’s performance in the video is marked by expressive angular gestures, typically associated with Hip-hop culture and thereby with a type of “black” performance that has been repeatedly “appropriated and (re)presented in […] expressions of powerful masculinity for white males in popular culture”.37 I argue that by adopting such a “black” performance in mannerism and attitude and by referring to a “U.S.-Lati-

34 hooks 2015[1992], p. 47. 35 Boyd 2003, p. 118. 36 ibid. 37 White 2011, p. 89.

125 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 14/23

no” image through his style and dress, FreddeRico makes claims on becoming “part of a community of practice” that persists through repetition of such perfor- mances. As an artist, Fredrik thus not only refers to the “cool, detached, removed” sense of being that characterizes the stereotype of a Hip-hop masculinity outlined by Boyd; his performance also marks him as a member of a “community of practice” in a musical context. The video of “Don’t Go” can thus be seen as an example of what FreddeRico’s website promises: a “fresh mix of Hip-hop, R&B and pop”. Elements of Hip-hop become visible and audible in his angular gestures and performance, as well as in the fact that FreddeRico raps parts of the lyrics. Elements of R&B and pop, on the other hand, become evident in the higher timbre in which he sings the refrain, as well as the content of the lyrics that mainly address heterosexual desire and relationships. In his book The death of rhythm and blues, cultural critic Nelson George somewhat provocatively argues that such a contemporary commercialized and therefore popular version of rhythm and blues profoundly differs from the original, more political orientation of the genre.38 Hip-hop artist Rodrigo Rodde Bernal, on the other hand, defines the “Chilean” identity that he constructs outside of Chile as “cultural”. As I have briefly mentioned above, this identity can be seen as a representation created both within and for a Chilean diaspora. It can nevertheless also be read as a means of reminding Swedish society of the 1970s, that is, of a time in which “Chileans” were warmly welcomed in Sweden. As such, it is an attempt to become “Swedish” by defining his difference as specifically “Chilean” in the context of a multiculturalism debate that stressed difference as desirable which emerged during the 1990s. The songs and videos produced by his group Hermanos Bernal are based on a sound and style of performance that can clearly be seen as part of the Hip-hop genre: the songs mainly consist of raps and sampled beats and the videos contain the same angular gestures that can be seen in FreddeRico’s video discussed above. As opposed to FreddeRico’s lyrics, the lyrics of Hermanos Bernal nevertheless often address political issues.

Creating a connection

This third and last section takes a closer look at the way in which Fredrik constructs “Sweden” and “Latin America” as opposed categories outside of a musical context and the way in which he creates a connection between the two. As brieﬂy mentioned above, Fredrik contrasted a warm, spontaneous, communica-

38 George 2003.

126 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 15/23

tive Latin America with a cold and materialistic Sweden during our interview, amongst others by stating:

I have always been interested in different cultures, I have always been drawn to shat we in Sweden ﬁnd exotic, and always had girl- friends with an immigration background and always had friends with an immigration background, and like, always been out a lot and travelled in the world, and [I] like this cultural thing, experience different cultures, understand different people and that whole part. […] They [Latin Americans] are so different from us. They are so incredibly much warmer; they are so much more spontaneous than we are. They live more in the now, of course, due to the situation […] how it looks down there, so they are probably sometimes forced to live in the now, but that also makes them less dependent […] on things than we are […].

I argue that by outlining his own definition of a Swedish “we” and a Latin Amer- ican “they”, in this quote also Fredrik states the reason why he wants to connect to a “Latino” identity: he deems a “Swedish” identity as lacking certain aspects that can be found in Latin America. While he thereby directly addresses his “Swedishness”, I claim that there are two further aspects in this quote that can be discussed in terms of “whiteness”, on the one hand, and “Swedishness”, on the other: their connection through desire, as well as the “we” of shared “Swed- ishness”. According to Stuart Hall, a desire directed towards “the Other” serves to dis- place “many of our hitherto stable political categories, since it implies a process of identification and otherness, which is more complex than we had hitherto imagined”.39 As cultural geographer Katarina Mattsson notes, constructions of hegemonic whiteness often entail a colonial desire that not only creates segregation but also the desire to cross ethnic or racially defined borders.40 The “culture of the Other” thereby becomes “spice, seasoning, that can liven up the dull dish that is mainstream white culture”, whereby crossing the boundary toward it turns into a “ritual of transcendence, a movement out into a world of difference”.41 Tracing Fredrik’s creation of a “Latino” identity thereby also becomes a way of exploring how white desire is “expressed, manipulated, and transformed by encounters with difference and the different”.42

39 Hall 2005, p. 446. 40 Mattsson 2010, p. 13. 41 hooks 2015[1992], p. 48. 42 ibid.

127 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 16/23

I here argue that during our interview, “Swedishness” also became visible in the interpersonal relationship between Fredrik and myself. As sociologist Paula Mählck remarks, “the position of whiteness [or here: “Swedishness”] reveals itself […] through the process and assumption of a shared position of whiteness between the interviewer and the interviewed”. That means that by referring to a “we” in his description of Sweden, Fredrik assumed a shared “Swedishness” between him and myself.43 His preconceived assumption became visible at a later stage as he asked me whether I remembered a rapper who was popular in Swe- den during the 1990s. I responded that I did not live in Sweden during that time; although I perceive myself as being “white”, have a Swedish last name and speak Swedish fluently, I only moved to Sweden in 2008.44 Thereby, I disrupted the assumption of a shared “Swedishness” based on language proficiency and shared cultural references of the earlier stages of the interview. I further claim that Fredrik’s constructions of stereotypes of Sweden and Latin America are connected through desire, and that the physical movement of trave- ling to Latin America can be defined as an enactment of such a desire. During our interview, Fredrik told me that although he had not travelled to Latin America as an artist, he had visited the region on several occasions and that he had learned to speak Spanish fluently by speaking with his girlfriend from El Salvador. During his travels to Central America, his language skills came in handy as he:

[…] got into many situations [that] I think that would have ended differently if I had not been able to speak Spanish. [Being able to speak] Spanish helped me a lot, I […] could have a conversation, and solve […] all kinds of conﬂicts [At times I was met by comments such as] ‘Why the hell do you come here and take our girls? Why the hell do you come here and ﬂash?” […] ”Are you a gringo? Aaaj! Get back to your stupid country!” […]. But then I immediately start[ed] speaking Spanish, so that […] Above all Europeans have a higher status than people from the United States. They don’t like Americans at all in Central America […] they have had lots of problems with […] Amer- ica. Europeans have it much easier, and […] when I was travelling […] a lot of people said ”Ah” But you are from the United States!” [to which I responded] ”No, from Europe.” […] So then we could start talking. That means that it was an advantage that I was from Europe and not from the United States.

43 Mählck 2013, p. 69. 44 I was born in Finland and moved to Germany with my family when I was seven years old, where I VWD\HGIRUWZHQW\RQH\HDUVXQWLO,PRYHGWR6ZHGHQLQ,VSHDN6SDQLVKӿXHQWO\DV,VWXGLHG it at the university in Munich, Germany.

128 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 17/23

By speaking Spanish, Fredrik in other words avoided being identiﬁed as a “gringo” or U.S.-American, which is important, as “they do not like the United States at all in Latin America”. I argue that he in this quote draws on a stereotype of U.S.-Americans who do not speak any other languages than English. Speaking Spanish thus also means not speaking English, the predominant language in the United States which has become a “powerful hegemonic symbol” on a global scale.45 At the same time, he also addresses a historical dimension: Fredrik’s claim that Latin Americans “have had lots of problems with America” most probably refers to the history of repeated political, economic and military in- volvement of the United States in Latin America, and the devastating effects of different US policies on the economies and political landscapes of many Latin American countries.46 By claiming a European rather than a U.S.-American identity, Fredrik also avoids being associated with such a historical background. It is interesting to note that he did not mention such reservations in a musical context in which he, as I have argued above, is actively creating a “U.S.-Latino” artist identity. I further claim that in addition to a U.S.-American stereotype, this quote also draws upon the stereotype of Latin American masculinity as deﬁned through machismo. Fredrik here points out his assumption that Latin American men police the sexuality of local “girls” who run the risk of being “taken” by outsiders if they are not protected by local male guardians. By signalling that he is not there to “take” these girls, he additionally also alludes to a shared heterosexual masculinity. While it could be argued that this proves sociologist Kalle Berggren’s point that “normative notions of gender and sexuality are often shared across racial (and class) divides,” it has to be noted that in this case a shared heterosexual masculinity cannot be proven as there is no way of knowing the actual intentions of the Latin American men that Fredrik encountered during his travels.47 Following this assumption, Fredrik is nevertheless able to use normative heterosexual masculinity and desire to overcome difference and to keep the violence he associates with such masculinity at bay. I also argue that such a “Latino” macho stereotype is constructed against the invisible backdrop of the Swedish gender-equal “new man.” During our entire interview, Fredrik described his relationship with his girlfriend as equal: he pointed out, that they were making important life decisions together. He also stressed that it was important to him that they were “giving each other space” to focus on interests that they do not share with each other. At a later stage he added

45 For the contrasting use of English by Muslim women in Britain as an embodied act of resistance VHH+HLGL6DӾD0LU]D7KLVLVDQRWKHUVLWXDWLRQLQZKLFK´ZKLWHµSULYLOHJHEHFRPHVYLVLEOHDVLWLV FRQWUDVWHGWRFRQWH[WVLQZKLFKLQGLYLGXDOVZKRDUHLGHQWLӾHGDV´QRQZKLWHµQHJRWLDWHGLӽHUHQFH 46 Galeano 1973. 47 Berggren 2013, p. 206.

129 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 18/23

that, although they have talked about moving to Latin America, they ultimately decided against it due to the criminality and poverty that is prevalent in the region. While, as I have pointed out above, he contrasted Latin America as warm, communicative and open and Sweden as cold and closed, I claim that this latter description of Latin America as marked by criminality and poverty works against the backdrop of Sweden as a middle-class and anti-racist country.48 When comparing the way in which Fredrik creates a connection between Swe- den and Latin America with the way in which Rodde negotiates difference in-between Sweden and Latin America, it becomes evident that there are no big differences between their approaches. During our interview, Rodde also described Chile as warm and communicative and Sweden as cold and closed, and added that neither he nor his family have any plans to move to Chile. He also stressed the importance of speaking “correct Chilean Spanish” in order to create a connection to Chile as an artist, and described Chilean society as having a greater problem with sexism than Swedish society. It can thus be argued that during our interviews, both Fredrik and Rodde spoke from the same positionality. The reason why they set out to create a connection between Sweden and Lat- in America marks a fundamental difference, however. While Fredrik sets out to create such a connection as he perceives Sweden as lacking, Rodde bases it on three aspects: ﬁrst, his familial connection to Chile; second, his connection to the production company The Salazar Brothers; and third, the fact that he experiences being identiﬁed as different in Sweden, an experience that W.E.B. Du Bois has described as the “sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others”.49

Creating a “Latino” artist identity in-between Sweden and Latin America

This article has traced the way in which Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund, a Swed- ish R&B artist without any immediate familial ties to Latin America creates a “Latino” identity in-between Sweden and Latin America. It has contrasted such a construction with my earlier work on the negotiation of difference in the Hip- hop zone in-between Sweden and Chile by Swedish artist Rodrigo Rodde Bernal. It has argued that there are a number of similarities between their negotiations: both create a connection to Latin America or Chile through their music; both describe Latin America or Chile as warm, open and communicative and Sweden as cold; both acknowledge class differences between Sweden and Latin America and claim that Sweden is more gender equal than Latin America or Chile. While

48 Hübinette and Mählck 2015. 49 Du Bois 1994, p. 2.

130 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 19/23

neither of them wants to move to Latin America or succeeds in claiming a “Lati- no” or “Chilean” identity outside of music in Central America or Chile, both claim that language is important in creating a connection to the region. In these negotiations, both Fredrik and Rodde thus draw on a form of difference that is “positional, conditional and conjunctural” and which acknowledges that identities are always open to negotiation.50 In this respect, it can be argued that they both speak from the same positionality. There are nevertheless also some fundamental differences in their negotiations. While Fredrik sets out to create a connection to Latin America based on a desire directed towards “the Other” that is rooted in what he describes as lacking in Swedish society, Rodde reaches out to Chile because of his familial connection and because he wants to create a connection to other artists, but also because he is identified as “different” in Sweden. Fredrik claims a “U.S.-Latino” artist identity that is based on an individual decision and not a group identity that he “speaks for” through his music. Yet, outside of a music context, he claims a European identity over a U.S. American one in order to distance himself from the problematic history between Latin America and the United States. Rodde, on the other hand, claims different artist identities in different contexts: in Chile, he claims a “Swedish” artist identity that results in a higher social status; outside of Chile he claims a “Chilean” artist identity that represents “Chile” in the Chil- ean diaspora; and in Sweden, he defines his difference as specifically “Chilean” in the context of a multiculturalism debate that defines difference as desirable, whereby “being Chilean” becomes “being Swedish.” Such a definition has a historical dimension as it serves to remind Swedes of a time in which Chileans were warmly welcomed in Sweden. I argue that these differences can be explained against the backdrop of a form of difference that creates naturalized categories along the lines of “culture”, “ethnicity” and “race.” Fredrik’s whiteness makes it possible for him to freely choose a “Latino” artist identity without having to refer to or represent a group identity. For him, history disappears in the context of pop music in which “race and ethnicity [are] commodified as resources for pleasure”.51 As his whiteness, for the most part, cannot be traced as specifically “Swedish”, I further argue that it has to be seen as a universal rather than a specific marker of power. Rodde, on the other hand, who does not share such a positionality of whiteness, refers to a group identity as an artist, and thereby, at the same time, to the specific historical context of a Chilean diaspora in Sweden. Being identified as “different” in Swe- den, he uses Hip-hop in order to face what Stuart Hall calls the “internalization of the self-as other.”52 A close comparative reading of these two artist identities

50 Hall 2005, p. 448; Anthias 2008, p. 7. 51 hooks 2015[1992], p. 47. 52 Hall 2005, p. 446.

131 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 20/23

within and against the background of speciﬁc historical contexts and locations thus serves to make visible that both artists speak from racialized positionalities.

Literature

Unpublished sources Interview with Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund conducted by Susan Lindholm on the 12th of October 2014 in Lund. Interview with Rodrigo Rodde Bernal conducted by Susan Lindholm on the 18th of November 2013 in Kalmar.

Published sources Interview – “Alo 33 interviews FreddeRico” published on FreddeRico’s ofﬁcial youtube channel I am FreddeRico https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=ZoS3bDwlals (accessed on the 16th of October 2014). Video and lyrics of FreddeRico’s song “Don’t Go” published on FreddeR- ico’s ofﬁcial YouTube channel I am FreddeRico https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=kc3yuR_TXKY (accessed on the 30th of October 2014).

References Anthias, Floya 2008: “Thinking through the lens of translocational positionality: an intersectionality frame for understanding identity and belonging”. Translocations 2008:4 (1), p.5-20. Berggren, Kalle 2013: “Degrees of Intersectionality: Male Rap Artists in Sweden Negotiating Class, Race and Gender”. Culture Unbound 2013:5, p. 189-211. Best, Amy 2003: “Doing Race in the Context of Feminist Interviewing: Con- structing Whiteness Through Talk”. Qualitative inquiry 2003:9(6), p. 895-914. Bhambra, Gurminder 2015: Keynote held at the conference: Concurrences in Postcolonial Research – Perspectives, Methodologies, Engagements, Linneaus University, Kalmar, 20-23 August 2015. Boyd, Todd 2003: The New H.N.I.C. The Death of Civil Rights and the Reign of Hip Hop. New York University Press, New York and London. Cepeda, María Elena 2010: “Singing the “Star-Spanglish Banner”: The Politics and Pathologization of Bilingualism in U.S. Popular Media”. Adrian Burgos, Gina M. PeÌrez and Frank Andre Guridy (eds.): Beyond El Barrio: Everyday Life in Latina/o America. New York University Press, New York and London. Du Bois, W.E.B. 1994: “Of Our Spiritual Strivings”. W.E.B. Du Bois: The Souls of Black Folk. Dover Publications, New York, p.1-7.

132 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 21/23

Farahani, Fataneh 2013: “Racializing Masculinities in Different Diasporic Spac- es: Iranian Born Men’s Navigations of Race, Masculinities and the Politics of Difference”. J. Hearn, M. Blagojevi´c and K. Harrison (eds.): Rethinking Trans- national Men: Beyond, Between and within Nationsp. Routledge, New York, s. 147-62. Fuller, Norma 2012: “Repensando el machismo latinoamericano”. Masculinities and Social Change 2012:1(2), s. 114-133. Galeano, Eduardo H 1973: Open veins of Latin America: ﬁve centuries of the pil- lage of a continent. Monthly Review Press, New York. George, Nelson 2003: The death of rhythm and blues Penguin Books. Gutman, Matthew C. and Mara Viveros Vigoya 2005: “Masculinities in Latin America”. Michael S. Kimmel, Jeff Hearn and R.W. Connell (eds.): Handbook of Studies on Men&Masculinities. Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, Lon- don, New Delhi, p. 114-128. Hall, Stuart 2005: “Chapter 21: New ethnicities”. David Morley and Kuan Hsing Chen (eds.): Stuart Hall. Critical Dialogues in cultural studies 2nd ed. Rout- ledge, London and New York, p.442-451. Hall, Stuart 2005: “Chapter 23: What is this ‘black’ in black popular culture?” David Morley and Kuan Hsing Chen (eds.): Stuart Hall. Critical Dialogues in cultural studies 2nd ed. Routledge, London and New York, p. 469-478. hooks, bell 2015[1992]: Black looks: race and representation. Routledge, Abing- don. Hübinette, Tobias and Paula Mählck 2015: ”The racial grammar of Swedish higher education and research policy: The limits and conditions of researching race in a color blind context”. Rikke Andreassen & Kathrine Vitus (eds.): Affectivity and difference: Studying the politics of race, class and gender in the Nordic context. Ashgate, Farnham. Jalmert, Lars 1984: Den svenske mannen. Tiden i samarbete med Arbetsgruppen om mansrollen, Stockholm. Järvklo, Niclas 2008: ”En man utan penis: heteronormativitet och svensk maskulinitetspolitik”. Lambda Nordica 2008:13(4), p. 16-35. Lindholm, Susan 2014: “Representing the Marginalized Other: the Swed- ish Hip-hop group Advance Patrol” Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning 2014:96(2), p.105-125. Lindholm, Susan 2015: “Negotiating Difference in the Hip-hop Zone in-between Chile and Sweden” Oral History autumn 2015, p. 51-61. Lorentzen, Jørgen & Ekenstam 2006: Män i Norden: manlighet och modernitet 1840-1940. Gidlund, Möklinta. Lundström, Catrin 2014: White migrations: Gender, whiteness and privilege in transnational migration. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke.

133 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 22/23

Mattsson, Katarina 2010: ”Genus och Vithet i den Intersektionella Vändningen” Tidskrift för genusvetenskap, 2010:1-2, p. 7-22. Mählck, Paula 2013: “Academic women with migrant background in the Global Knowledge Economy: Bodies Hierarchies and resistance”. Women Studies International Forum, 2013:36, p. 65-74. Montilla, Patricia M. 2013: “Introduction” Patricia M. Montilla (ed): Latinos and American Popular Culture. Praeger. Mosse, George L. 1996: The image of man: the creation of modern masculinity. Oxford University Press, New York. Neal, Mark Anthony 2005: “White chocolate soul: Teena Marie and Lewis Tay- lor”. Popular Music, 2005:24(3), p. 369-380. Painter, Nell Irvin 2010: The History of White people. W.W. Norton, New York. Pallas, Hynek 2011: Vithet i svensk spelﬁlm 1989-2010. Diss. Stockholms Uni- versitet, Stockholm. Pringle, Keith and Dag Balkmar 2006: Sweden National Reports on Men’s Prac- tices – Reports on Research, Statistical Information. Law and Policy Address- ing Men’s Practicep. Sweden: Centre for Gender Studies. Stockholm Universi- ty, Stockholm. Quijano, Aníbal 2000: “Coloniality of Power and Eurocentrism in Latin Ameri- ca” International Sociology 2000:15(2), p.215-232. Rivera, Raquel Z. 2003: New York Ricans from the hip hop zone. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Saﬁa Mirza, Heidi 2013: “’A Second Skin’: Embodies Intersectionality, Transna- tionalism and Narratives of Identity and Belonging among Muslim Women in Britain”. Women Studies International Forum 2013:36, p. 5-15. Söderman, Johan 2007: Rap(p) i käften: hiphopmusikers konstnärliga och pedagogiska strategier. Diss. Lunds universitet, Lund. Thor, Malin 2001: ”Oral history – mer än en metod”. Historisk tidskrift 2001:121, p. 325-345. Tolvhed, Helena 2008: Nationen på spel: kropp, kön och svenskhet i populär- pressens representationer av olympiska spel 1948-1972. h:ström – Text & kultur, Umeå. White, Miles 2011: From Jim Crow to Jay-Z: race, rap, and the performance of masculinity. University of Illinois Press, Urbana, Illinois.

Electronic references Mailer, Norman. 2007[1957]: ”The White Negro” Dissentmagazine http://www.dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/the-white-negro-fall1957 (accessed on the 7th of December 2014) .

134 Kulturstudier Nr. 2, 2015 Creating a “Latino” artist identity ... 23/23

Websites FreddeRico’s ofﬁcial website http://www.fredderico.se/ (accessed online on the 14th of September 2014). FreddeRico’s ofﬁcial YouTube channel I am FreddeRico https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCNyDNBOIjMMoFLnaNSdJ5rg (accessed online on the 16th of October 2014).

Summary

This article traces the way in which Fredrik FreddeRico Ekelund, a Swedish R&B artist who had a huge success with his song ”Don’t Go” on the Latin American market in 2013, creates an artist identity as “Latino” in-between Sweden and Latin America. It discusses such a construction as part of a bigger research project that focuses on the significance of representation and difference in Hip-hop culture in-between Chile and Sweden. The article contrasts the construction of a “Latino” identity through music by Fredrik, who does not have any immediate familial ties to Latin America with the “Chilean” or “Latino” identity claimed by Hip-hop artist Rodrigo Rodde Bernal, whose family came to Sweden from Chile during the 1980s. It argues that while there are similarities between the positionalities of these two artists, there is a fundamental difference regarding the reason why they set out to create a connection to Latin America or Chile: Fredrik’s whiteness makes it possible for him to freely choose a “Latino” artist identity without having to refer to, or represent a group identity or a specific historical context. Rodde on the other hand, who does not share such a positionality of whiteness, refers to a group identity as an artist, and thereby, at the same time, to the specific historical context of a Chilean diaspora in Sweden. By engaging in a close and comparative reading of the creation of these two artist identities within and against the background of specific historical contexts and locations this article argues that both artists speak from racialized positionalities.

135

What does it mean when Hip-hop artists in both Sweden and Chile claim a Chilean or Latino artist identity? How can these identities be understood against the background of the 1973 coup d’état in Chile and its immediate and long-term consequences? This study sets out to answer these questions by focusing on the intersection of Hip-hop culture and the Chilean diaspora in Sweden after 1973. Based on a close reading of lyrics, as well as interviews with Hip-hop artists in both countries, it traces the way in which the artists position themselves, and in turn are positioned in different historical narratives in, and in-between the two countries. In terms of a Swedish past, this study discusses their identities in connection to a narrative based on inclusion – the narrative of the good Sweden (det goda Sverige) – and a narrative based on exclusion – the narrative of the old Sweden (det gamla Sverige). In terms of remembering a Chilean past on the other hand, it discusses them in connection to narratives based on either remembering or forgetting the atrocities committed by the Pinochet regime. By using an entangled history approach, this dissertation adds an explicitly historical, cultural and transnational perspective to the study of the connection between Chile and the Chilean diasporization process in Sweden after 1973.

Susan Lindholm has an M.A. in American Cultural History from Ludwig Maximilians Universität, Munich, Germany. Remembering Chile. An Entangled History of Hip-hop in-between Sweden and Chile is her doctoral dissertation in history.

ISBN/ISSN 978-91-7104-710-6/1652-2761

MALMÖ HÖGSKOLA 205 06 MALMÖ, SWEDEN WWW.MAH.SE