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Notes

Introduction: The of

1 The ambiguity of the term ‘cultural difference’ here is an intentional one, for I use it to refer to both ‘real’ formations of history and (i.e., as equiv- alent to what gets called ‘ethnicity’) and the ‘unreal’ categories of race. I use ‘cultural difference’ in the recognition that it is ultimately impossible to make a clear and clean distinction between the two.

Chapter 1 Understanding the Politics of Multiculturalism

1 My characterization of anti-’s ‘binary logic’ here is of course necessarily simplified. For a sustained treatment of anti-racism’s complex and conflicted histories, see Bonnett (2000a). 2 As I will frequently return to the concept of disavowal, a brief note is necessary here. While it is a term that has been most typically employed in relation to theories of race developed in dialogue with a psychoanalytic tradition (see, for example Bhabha, 1994: 66–84), my emphasis here is a resolutely social one. While it is impossible to deny a psychic and uncon- scious dimension to discourses of race, my analysis concentrates on how racism’s disavowal has worked in the service of more explicitly political – that is to say, institutional – interests. Here, I follow Judith Butler in her recognition that it is ultimately impossible to maintain a distinction between the laws of the symbolic and the social, on account of the former comprising ‘the sedimentation of social practices’ (Butler, 2000: 19). 3 In the same way that, according to Karl Marx, we should ‘not form the narrow-minded notion that the petty-bourgeoisie, on principle, wishes to enforce an egotistic class interest’, but rather acknowledge it is prey to a conceptual error that considers the special conditions of its emancipation to be the general conditions for the emancipation of all (Marx, 1998: 50), it should be recognized that the adherents of nominally anti-racist practices that serve to reinforce racism are not necessarily motivated by racist intent, and in fact may in their own understanding be acting with the best of intentions. 4 Blair (2005e). 5 I am, accordingly, not interested in making a prima facie distinction between the kinds of multicultural practices I approve of, and those I do not. To do so would only serve to maintain a normative distinction between good and bad that tends, I am suggesting, to prevent a fuller understanding of what is at stake in multicultural practice. 6 Contrary to those who would link the genesis of to an earlier – even primordial – historical moment, and by doing so locate its origins in a

178 Notes to pages 26–35 179

common antedating the state (see, for example, A. D. Smith, 1998), here I follow the lead of modernist historians who argue with vary- ing degrees of emphasis that the phenomenon of nationalism – as a descrip- tion of the convergence between the political state and the over whom it has – can be traced back no further than the social and industrial revolutions of the modern period (see, for example, Gellner, 1983; Hobsbawm, 1990; Anderson, 1991; Breuilly, 1993). 7 For an excellent study that focuses on the importance of nationalism (as ‘the dominant operative ideology of modernity’) to our ideas about identity ∨ and belonging, see Malesevi´c (2006). 8 For a short, clear explanation of the of race as neither an entirely ‘objective’ or ‘ideological’ phenomenon, see Omi and Winant (1993). 9 I am thinking here not only of the vulgate that posits that the state has become redundant under the conditions of neoliberal , but also those philosophical currents that adopt dispersed and decentralized models of political power in which the role of the state as a political actor tends to vanish (see Aranowitz and Bratis, 2002). 10 This is in part out of a need to develop a kind of methodological short- hand: the emphasis I will give to the importance of race as a nationalist politics would not be possible without some finite grasp of the social agents whose actions codify a ‘state’ position. The conceptual advantages I derive from this approach – not least in being able to trace a certain political logic in what might otherwise seem entirely contradictory prac- tices – will outweigh, I believe, an inevitable and accompanying tendency to overemphasize the state’s autonomy and coherence as a social actor. I am willing to engage in a degree of simplification here in the conviction that it is important to hold onto a conception of the state as an object of analysis. 11 My choice of subject matter here has largely been dictated by a desire to cover a broad range of state practices, from the local politics of community to the international politics of war. There are some very important events this book has not dealt with – perhaps most notably the murder of Stephen Lawrence and its aftermath – because they have been given sustained acad- emic treatment elsewhere. 12 The term ‘multicultural nationalism’ or a close variation of it, has been vari- ously used to signify ambiguous new configurations of ‘civic’ and ‘ethno- cultural’ nationalism (Brown, 2000: 48), to describe Canada’s federal unionism (Kernerman, 2005), or the relationship between and sub- state nationalism in Scotland (Hussain and Miller, 2006). My usage places its emphasis on the pluralization of official discourses of identity and belonging, and is closest to Anne-Marie Fortier’s definition of ‘multiculturalist national- ism’, as a ‘narrative that posits multiculture and at the heart of the nationalist project’ (Fortier, 2008: 22). 13 Stuart Hall et al. (1978: 333). 14 Social contradictions are of course intractable only in the sense that they cannot find resolution within the existing parameters of any designated social order. It is, in other words, in defence of a certain social order (and a refusal to entertain the possibility of an alternative one) that the state acts in a regulatory role. 180 Notes to pages 39–51

Chapter 2 Black in the Union Jack: The Britishness Project

1 Note too how the changing status of Britain is signalled as a popular liber- ation as ‘’ supersedes ‘state’ as the container of Britishness. 2 For detailed commentary on the media’s reception of the Parekh Report, see Fortier (2005), McGalughlin and Neal (2004) and Runnymede Trust (2000b). 3 ‘Englishness’ is of course not the same as ‘Britishness’, though in the con- text of these debates there is in fact very little to distinguish the two. I will briefly consider these nationalist terminologies in a discussion below. 4 Blair in Tempest (2007b). 5 As national statistics demonstrate (see National Statistics Online, 2006), a British identity has the added advantage of being a category of iden- tification taken up with somewhat more enthusiasm by a non-white popu- lation (predominantly resident in England) who are typically more sensitive to the abiding racial connotations of Englishness. While a civil sense of Britishness might thus be thought to provide an opportunity to develop a genuinely plural national identity, the state’s recent practices – as the fol- lowing pages will argue – have moved Britishness towards, rather than away from, a racialized idea of national belonging. 6 This turn to discourses of nationalism as one of the few means of arti- culating a sense of governmental distinctiveness and agency under the con- ditions of what Colin Crouch calls ‘post-’ (Crouch, 2004) is becoming a familiar phenomenon across a number of Western states, and has of course also underwritten the popular appeal of the parties of the European far right. 7 This is not to engage in a tug of war over Orwell, whose thinking on nationalism and race make him in many ways a product of his time. The recognition that British radical traditions have historically often been com- promised by nationalist forms is still not adequately acknowledged (see, for example, the admission of nationalist ambivalence in the editor’s preface to Samuel (1989), or the critique of historiography in Gilroy (1993: 1–40)). 8 As the nation was treated to the spectacle of performers from the Notting Hill Carnival dancing in the Mall beneath an ageing rock guitarist noodling the national anthem from the roof of Buckingham Palace, it was hard not to recall the words of Prince Philip to an Aboriginal elder in Northern Queensland some three months previously: ‘do you still throw spears at each other?’ (quoted in Marks, 2002). 9 Consider, with reference to my earlier remarks on the reception of the Parekh and Macpherson reports, former Tory Chancellor Norman Lamont’s description of the Queen Mother’s funeral: ‘What was moving about the lying in state in Westminster Hall was the large number of West Indians, Africans and Indians who filed past the coffin. One was reminded that the monarchy does far more to reconcile differences among ourselves than any amount of reports from the Runnymede Trust or Sir William Macpherson’ (Lamont, 2002). 10 For a useful critique of a certain formalism in Laclau’s theory, particularly in relation to the politics of cultural difference, see A. M. Smith (1998: 177–202). Notes to pages 52–59 181

11 Blair (1997). 12 Balibar (1999: 166). 13 Despite the US walkout infamously ordered by Colin Powell at the Durban World Conference Against Racism in 2001, North America’s pressing need to deal with the history of slave labour in its southern states has meant that in debate (if not action) these questions have generally been approached with a greater degree of sophistication than in Britain. 14 According to Paul Routledge (2006: 16), Brown’s position on this subject has derived from his speechwriter Michael Wills. 15 Compare this with the opening words of the chapter I have been quoting by Gilroy: ‘Tales of heroism by the brave pilots of Spitfires and Hurricanes were important to my postwar childhood. Their Anti-Nazi action estab- lished one dimension of my moral universe. [Yet] Why are those martial images—the battle of Britain, the Blitz, and the war against Hitler—till cir- culating and, more importantly, still defining the nation’s finest hour?’ (Gilroy, 2004: 95). 16 As Robert Spencer argues, a new taste for empire is something of a trend in contemporary conservative historiography (Spencer, 2006). For a detailed consideration of recent popular and academic literature that articulates an ‘emerging consensus for the normative possibilities of a new imperialism’, see Bormann et al. (2005: 2). 17 The importance of this emphasis on the present, at least within the nation- state, is something Gilroy has himself recognized elsewhere in his endorse- ment of Stuart Hall’s claim that the effects of racist practice are ‘specific to the present organization of society, to the present unfolding of its dynamic political and cultural processes – not simply to its repressed past’ (Hall in Gilroy, 1990: 265). 18 Although, as I argued in Chapter 1, it is correct to say that the origins of modern British racism lie in the nation’s imperial past, it is not necessarily the case that this past is always causally paramount. A scepticism towards the historicization of racial determination is a rather heretical position in current race theory. For some rare – if brief – considerations of this ques- tion, see Frankenberg (1993: 242) and Reynolds (1997: 100). 19 In relation to the present, this is an imperialism that clearly needs to be understood not as a project of the British state alone, but one in which it acts alongside and as an agent of the complex range of interests that might be roughly sketched as representing the forces of neoliberal capitalism. 20 The 2007 bicentennial commemorations of the abolition of the slave trade were another recent example of the British state’s conflicted attempts to reconcile the national past with ideas of its present. While Tony Blair’s ‘deep sorrow’ (Blair, 2006a) might be thought an improvement on Brown’s imperialist apologia, it can also be understood as an act of pre-emptive fore- closure. Blair’s to emote stopped short of an apology that might have had legal ramifications: regret does not entail reparation. For a discus- sion of the cultural politics of regret, see Ahmed (2004: 118–19). 21 Blair (2005a). 22 This peculiar position has been adopted by none other than the seasoned race commentator Yasmin Alibhai-Brown, herself a from Idi Amin’s Uganda, who has argued that ‘there are genuine who cannot all be 182 Notes to pages 60–82

given asylum because of demographic pressures on this small island’ (Alibhai-Brown, 2000: 82). For more on the disavowal of racism in electoral politics, see Pitcher (2006). 23 Take, for example, the words of Aretas Akers-Douglas, Secretary of State for the Home Department, who, during the second reading of the Bill that would become the 1905 Aliens Act, argued ‘[o]ne reason why I am so anxious to get a settlement of this question of the regulation of the entrance of undesirables to this country is that I believe that if this grievance continues there is a great chance in ignorant quarters of an Anti-Semitic movement arising’ (Hansard, 1905: col. 752). 24 For a more detailed discussion of the ‘threshold of tolerance’ in discourses of race, see Blommaert and Verschueren (1998: 77–8). 25 Interpretative, contestable and, as historians were quick to note of the citizen- ship handbook’s first edition, full of errors and inaccuracies (see Glendinning, 2006). Crick’s text was rewritten for the handbook’s second edition. 26 Australia’s test has similarly come in for some criticism on account of the usefulness of its contents, which apparently include a question authored by former Prime Minister John Howard asking potential citizens to name ‘Australia’s greatest cricketer’ (McMahon, 2008). 27 All nationalist discourse is characterized by a particularly strong form of the Derridean logic of supplementarity (see Derrida, 1976: 145). Descriptions of the nation’s pure (because ‘imaginary’) form will by definition require reinforcement at its , and this reinforcement occurs on an infinite range of spatial, moral, cultural, racial, etc., registers. 28 As the US historian Carlton Hayes wrote in his comparison of nationalism and religion, ‘a national anthem is not a profane thing […] It is the Te Deum of the new dispensation; worshippers stand when it is intoned, the military “at attention”, and the male with uncovered heads, all with the external show of respect and veneration’ (Hayes, 1960: 167). 29 Non-compulsory citizenship ceremonies for all 18-year-olds to mark their transition into adulthood were first mooted in 2005 (see Travis, 2005). The idea was subsequently picked up in a review of British citizenship headed by the former Attorney General Lord Goldsmith QC in 2008. As well as proposing a national day on the Australian model, Goldsmith discussed the extension of citizenship ceremonies to all young , with the sug- gestion that they might incorporate ‘the Oath of Allegiance to the Queen and the Pledge of Commitment to the UK’ (Goldsmith, 2008: 98). 30 Cox (1951: 68).

Chapter 3 Multiculturalism, Community and ‘the White Working Class’

1 Hobsbawm (1994: 428). 2 Delanty (2003: 154). 3 I do not have the space here to explore the many conceptual and method- ological problems with Putnham’s thesis. For a comparative analysis that refutes Putnham’s contention of associational decline in the British context, see Hall (1999). Notes to pages 82–92 183

4 It was Etzioni’s role in providing Bill Clinton with some theoretical sub- stance for his tough policies on crime and social order in his 1992 election campaign that brought him to the attention of New Labour policy-makers (Anderson and Mann, 1997: 245; see also Burnett, 2004). Although Etzioni has undeniably been the dominant source of interest in within New Labour, it should be noted that an older British communitarian tradition has underpinned and facilitated his appeal. The influence of Christian socialism, and particularly the Scottish communitarian John Macmurray, is openly acknowledged by Tony Blair to have had a formative influence on his own intellectual development (Anderson and Mann, 1997: 10; Bevir, 2000, 2005: 132; Bevir and O’Brien, 2003; Driver and Martell, 1998: 27). 5 It is this functionalist emphasis that has led to Ruth Levitas’s description of New Labour’s focus on as a ‘new Durkheimian hegemony’ (Levitas, 1998: 178). 6 Baldwin (1985: 58). 7 For some of the more credible narratives, see, in particular, the critical analysis of policing in King and Waddington (2004); the treatment of dis- courses of Asian/Muslim identity in Alexander (2004, 2005) and Hussain and Bagguley (2005); discussion of the criminalization of Asian youth in Burnett (2004); and the role of the far right in Kalra (2003) and Seward (2006: 25–7). For discussions of how complex and heterogeneous episodes of social conflict come to be understood (and acted upon) as ‘race riots’, see Gilroy and Lawrence (1988); Keith (1993: 64); Rowe (2004); Solomos et al. (1982). 8 Although the local reports are ostensibly the autonomous product of large public consultation exercises, and cannot therefore be seen to derive directly from Westminster in the same way that the Cantle and Denham reports can, it should be noted that, being funded by their respective borough councils and with support (financial, in the case of the Ritchie report) from the Home Office, that neither should they be regarded as entirely inde- pendent of central . I refer to them below only where they support the analysis of the national reports (which they invariably do), or shed some light upon them. It should also be noted that the Ouseley report was published immediately before the first major outbreaks of violence. While it is therefore not strictly a report on the riots per se, its focus on racial conflict in Bradford in the months directly preceding them meant that it came to be placed alongside the Clarke and Ritchie reports. No official report on the Bradford riots was subsequently commissioned. 9 For the unconvinced, it is worth noting the full title of Denham’s Minis- terial Group, set up only one day after the main period of disorder in Bradford, was from the start known as The Inter-Departmental Ministerial Group on Public Order and Community Cohesion. 10 See, for example, the study undertaken by Deborah Phillips at Leeds Univer- sity which demonstrates how class differentiation within racialized com- munities has led to the dispersal of Asian professionals away from the ‘ethnic ghetto’ (Phillips, 2002). 11 The deployment of ‘feminist’ arguments by the state with regard to the polic- ing of minority cultural practices and the construction of unacceptable 184 Notes to pages 95–103

beliefs and practices as the particular of certain racialized groups are subjects I look at in some detail in the next chapter. 12 It is worth noting here that my references to both ‘Asians’ and ‘the white working class’ are intended to describe social groups as they are conceived in state discourses of community, and should as such not be understood as empirical descriptions of actually existing social groups. The importance of this distinction will be made apparent below. 13 Blunkett (2004: 16). 14 Mandelson (2003). 15 This asymmetry should alert us to the inequality of power relations within the concept of community cohesion as a theory of race relations. If prob- lematic Asian difference is characterized by withdrawal, and problematic white difference by racist violence, then it can be argued that there is a failure here to confront the extent to which the dynamics of racism operate within and are perpetuated by the community cohesion concept, i.e., in its inability to recognize the extent to which Asian abstentionism might itself be determined by the structures of a racist society. 16 For details of far right involvement in the Oldham and Bradford riots, see Renton (2003: 79). The role played by the far right in the Burnley riots is tacitly acknowledged in the Burnley police report (Clarke, 2001: Appendix 10K). See also Lowes (2001), CARF (2001) and Seward (2006: 25–7). 17 Though it must be recognized that the policing of the 2001 riots, as Mike King and David Waddington argue of Burnley, meant that the behaviour of ‘white racists’ was often tolerated or ignored (King and Waddington, 2004: 130–4), and that it was as a result members of the Asian community that were disproportionately targeted within the criminal justice system. 18 As I argued in Chapter 1, I have generally preferred to collapse the concept of ‘ethnicity’ into that of ‘race’ in accordance with my understanding of racism as a structural entity existing beyond, or prior to, particular cultural differences. I retain ‘ethnicity’ in this instance to indicate how racializing discourses have constructed a class differentiation within whiteness that refuses to recognize the identity of white people as a whole, but which reserves a category of racial difference for an understanding of the parti- cular character of white people living in civic proximity to minority com- munities (i.e., in certain poor inner-city areas). Although it can be argued that a more extensive idea of white racial identity underpins the com- munity cohesion analysis, it only finds expression in particular ideas of class difference. Ethnicity therefore denotes the way in which the concept of race is reserved for the white working class, rather than white people in general. 19 It should be noted that the British state is not alone in this course of action. Seyla Benhabib notes (though in her case with approval) that in 1999 Amster- dam City Council ‘passed a decree encouraging “inter-” as opposed to “intra- cultural” centers, policies and groups’ (Benhabib, 2002: 79). 20 As with the aforementioned bourgeois desire for community-for-others, a racial identity is rarely ascribed to middle class whites. 21 Exemplified, for example, in a constant slippage between ‘the white working class’, ‘the indigenous working class’ and ‘working class people’ (Dench et al., 2006: 5). The idea that ‘immigrants’ (ibid.) might themselves be a part of Notes to pages 103–107 185

a local working class identity is not even considered, for East London’s white working class is said to have ‘its own specific interests’ that place it ‘in direct for local resources’ with ‘Bangladeshi newcomers’ (ibid. 206). 22 Roger Hewitt (1996, 2005) is another writer who seems overly concerned with stressing the status of the white working class as a marginalized and denigrated group in multicultural contexts. For an excellent critique of Hewitt, see Bonnett, (2000b: 131). 23 This is certainly a tendency in Matt Wray’s historical sociology of poor whites in America (Wray, 2006). See Pitcher (2009, forthcoming). 24 This is a nostalgia that also strongly informed BBC2’s ‘White Season’, a doc- umentary series broadcast in March 2008 which asked ‘is white working class Britain becoming invisible?’. 25 That community cohesion is likely to be around for some time to come is indicated by the establishment in 2005 of an Institute of Community Cohe- sion, a quango coordinated across four Midlands universities that is charged with developing and promulgating the concept. In 2008 the Institute started offering a postgraduate certificate, diploma and MA qualification in ‘Com- munity Cohesion Management’ (see http://www.coventry.ac.uk/researchnet/ icoco). The institute is chaired by Ted Cantle (of the riots’ national review team) who, according to the copy on the jacket of his recent book on the subject, is now ‘regarded as the founding father of “community cohesion”’ (Cantle, 2005). 26 Where such groups appear to exist, one often finds that there is nothing remotely organic about them: the avowed status, for example, of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (see Kundnani, 2002: 77) and the ‘support group’ Against Immigrant Racism (see BNP, 2003) as expressions of ethnic/racial community is negated by their explicitly political status as fronts for far right organizations. 27 This process of ethnicization as a form of governmentality has of course also been a key characteristic of interventionist policy in the global theatre. The US’s post-invasion governance of has in particular depended upon the imputation of ‘ethnic’ causes to (see Bonnett, 2006: 1098). 28 Tony Blair in Holmes (2000: 183). This quotation comes from Tony Blair’s first speech as Prime Minister. It is worth noting that the ‘underclass’ concept is (yet) another US import (McVeigh and Lentin, 2002: 14; Haylett, 2001: 358). 29 Here I would follow Judith Butler in her discussion of how state power becomes displaced onto ‘citizen-subjects’ prosecuted for (Butler, 1997: 48). The state’s mediatory role conceals the extent to which conflict between groups is manifested through the authority of the state. 30 2007 figures from the Office for National Statistics rank the local authority areas of Burnley, Oldham and Bradford as respectively 42, 21 and 32 on its index of multiple deprivation, where 1 represents the most deprived area and 354 the least (change from 37, 43 and 30 in 2004). Certain wards within them rank within the bottom one per cent nationally (www.neigh- bourhood.statistics.gov.uk). 31 Of the fifty-nine local wards that go to make up the local authority areas cited in the previous note, only in four of these do non-whites outnumber 186 Notes to pages 107–120

whites. Of these, Toller, the Bradford ward with the most non-white inhab- itants, still has nearly a third of its residents describing themselves in the 2001 census as ‘white’ (www.neighbourhood.statistics.gov.uk). 32 Government research published in 2005 revealed that two-thirds of Britain’s ethnic minority population live in its poorest neighbourhoods, compared with thirty-seven per cent of whites (Morris, 2005). 33 The affinity between community cohesion and the ‘’ of the far right has arguably aided the electoral rise of the , who increasingly present the white working class as an oppressed minority culture. At the time of writing (May 2008), the BNP have a record number of fifty-seven councillors, and a seat on the London Assembly (UAF, 2008). 34 While beyond the scope of this chapter, it is important to note the extent to which New Labour have begun to embrace an explicitly religious form of communitarian politics. In 2003 a high-level steering group was established to ‘consider the most effective means of achieving greater involvement of the faith communities in policy-making and delivery’ (Hansard, 2003c. col. 12W). As part of the multicultural welfare state, New Labour ministers have argued the case for ‘a greater role for faith based groups in UK welfare delivery’ (DWP, 2007). For a critical overview of ‘faith communities’ as a resource in urban regeneration, see Furbey and Macey (2005).

Chapter 4 Multicultural Conflicts: The ‘Feminist’ State

1 It should be noted that this chapter will concentrate on how state dis- courses of equality are structured in relationship to the politics of race. It necessarily does this at a certain level of generalization and abstrac- tion, and does not pay close attention to the particular ways in which a feminist agenda has been taken up by the British state. There is another more coherently historicized story to be told here about the relationship between feminists and the mainstream political system (and particularly the Labour Party). This would involve a consideration of the role played by former women’s movement activists as state representatives in setting and negotiating the political agenda on feminist issues. 2 L. Bush (2001). According to Zillah Eisenstein, Bush’s radio address – from which this statement derives – was of particular note on account of it being the first time that the US President’s wife had ever spoken on behalf of women’s (Eisenstein, 2004: 157). 3 State discourses were echoed in the media (Stabile and Kumar, 2005) and indeed by some Western feminists (Mohanty, 2006). 4 As an imperial ‘’, this blunt and categorical reasoning is of course not able to imagine the possibility of an Afghan feminism, such as, for exam- ple, that espoused for over thirty years by the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (see www.rawa.org). 5 Cryer in Hansard (2003b. Col. 1201). 6 A working group on forced marriage was set up by the Home Office after a Commons debate in February 1999. Its findings led to the creation of the Forced Marriage Unit in 2005. Based jointly in the Home and Foreign Offices, the Forced Marriage Unit supplemented the work of the Foreign Notes to pages 120–130 187

Office’s Community Liaison Unit, which was established in 2000 to deal with international cases of forced marriage. Changes have also been made to legislation, and a number of other legislative measures have been undertaken which strengthen the powers of the courts to protect victims of domestic violence. In addition, police, education and social work guidelines have been introduced to set out good practice when dealing with alleged cases of forced marriage. For more on proposed legislation around forced marriage, see Wilson (2007). The Female Genital Mutilation Act 2003 updates and strengthens earlier legislation on female genital mutilation (see www.opsi.gov.uk/acts/acts2003/ukpga_20030031_en_1). 7 We should be aware that the naming of certain practices as particular to certain minority groups can, however, serve to conceal the extent to which similar practices occur within the wider society. Take, for example, approaches by British state representatives to forms of domestic violence where, as Sherene Razack has argued, a racialized framework has been employed which makes an explicit distinction between ‘crimes of honour’ (where violence is linked to , community or culture) and ‘crimes of passion’ (where they are not) (Razack, 2004: 151–3). 8 Consider also the temporal, developmental distinction Blunkett makes between the of ‘highly advanced countries’ and ‘those which, because of education or geography, find themselves catapulted into effec- tively different centuries. They are making a journey in the space of a few weeks or months, which it has taken us hundreds of years to make’ (Blunkett, 2002: 68). 9 It should be noted that this might ultimately serve – as with colonial ‘fem- inism’ – a patriarchal agenda. As Jeannie Martin has argued, the ‘use of women to spell out the limits of tolerance in a culturally diverse society is not prompted by an interest in female equality, and certainly not by female itself. The concern is not at all with questions of “women’s liberation”; rather it is overridingly about treating women […] decently, as a norm of conduct governing the ranking of men’ (Martin, 1991: 122). 10 To employ a different example of a conflict over cultural difference, it is seldom recognized that when certain Islamic teachings on are deemed incompatible with ‘modern’ or ‘Western’ values that homosex- uality was decriminalized in Britain only in 1967, and that gay people only received basic civil partnership rights in late 2005. 11 This might only be thought of as inevitable, of course, for as long as the political system is not adequately representative of women in Britain’s minority communities. 12 Ong (2001: 108). 13 Of course, as per my discussion above, secular republican ideals are precisely that, and the French state’s support of the Catholic church makes Edgar Morin’s conjunctive neologism ‘catholaïcité’ a more fitting description of its normative cultural foundations (see Balibar, 1999: 169). 14 Feminism has not been the only resource called upon to bolster nationalist and imperialist projects. The liberalization of attitudes towards homo- sexuality has in many Western states been accompanied by the use of gay rights and the concept of tolerance as a marker of ‘civilizational’ distinc- tion, particularly in relation to Islam in the context of the War on Terror. 188 Notes to pages 130–144

For more on this, see Puar (2005, 2007) and contributions to Gunkel and Pitcher (2008). 15 While it is beyond the scope of this chapter, it should be noted that this kind of political bricolage has also become a defining feature of populist elements of the European far right. 16 For a sensitive exploration of this problematic, see Catherine Raissiguier’s account of the sudden popularity of the black feminist group Ni Putes Ni Soumises in the context of the of Muslim men in contem- porary France (Raissiguier, 2008).

Chapter 5 On the Islamic Question: Multicultural Nationalism and the War on Terror

1 Marx (1975: 160). 2 Comparison can be made here with the reaction to the previous major ter- rorist attack on a European target, the bombing of Madrid’s railway system on 11 March 2004. There, the Spanish Prime Minster, José María Aznar, opportunistically laid blame for the bombings on Basque nationalists. It was the Spanish electorate’s recognition that the attack was similarly moti- vated by the nation’s involvement in the Iraq war that led to the deposition of Aznar and the election of José Rodríguez Zapatero’s socialists in the fol- lowing general election, and the swift fulfilment of Zapatero’s pledge to withdraw Spanish troops from Iraq. While Blair’s attempts to dodge the Iraq question prove to be infinitely more successful than Aznar’s (not least due to the lack of a credible political opposition), the Spanish example demonstrates the high political stakes involved in the response to such attacks. 3 In 2004, the most thorough study of Iraqi deaths as a result of the war put the probable death toll at around 100,000 (Roberts et al., 2004). This study was updated in 2006, and estimated deaths as of July that year had risen to around 655,000 (Burnham et al., 2006). A subsequent survey, conducted in 2007, has estimated that over one million Iraqi citizens have died as a result of the conflict (ORB, 2008). 4 The BNP had put out a leaflet in the Beacontree ward of Barking with a photograph of the Tavistock bus explosion and a call to end immigration and ‘SAY “NO” TO LABOUR’S MULTI-CULTURAL EXPERIMENT’ (BNP, 2005) in its campaigning for a by-election held on 14 July. 5 Though Islam is of course a religious affiliation, I use the language of race here intentionally. The experience of Muslims in Britain (the majority of whom are South Asians of Bangladeshi and Pakistani origin or descent) is inextricably linked to their experience as a de facto racial minority (see Modood et al., 2002: 422). Though Islam is in no way the exclusive means by which British South Asians identify themselves, it remains the case that, given the tenor of the War on Terror, it has nevertheless become the primary means by which they (whether secular, Muslim, or followers of other religions) are identified by others in discourses of race. Though the frequency with which non-Asians are identified and prosecuted in the War on Terror might be thought to go some way towards breaking an imputed Notes to pages 144–149 189

identity in popular and media discourse between ‘Muslim’ and ‘South Asian’, this racialized categorization has proven to be stubbornly persistent. 6 See Werbner (2002) for a convincing argument about the development of a diasporic consciousness among Muslims as part of a transnational moral community. 7 Such thinking is in a sense a prerequisite of the War on Terror. In the same way that the colonial expansion of the British Empire recognized the sover- eignty of on the condition that they assumed civilized forms of social life (see the discussion of John Stuart Mill in Goldberg (1993: 35)), the allegation that a contemporary state harbours, encourages, or sym- pathizes with terrorism (and thus does not display the requisite levels of ‘civilized’ behaviour) has become justification enough for its invasion. 8 As Milan Rai has argued, this conception of Islamic solidarity contrasts markedly with the parochialism of the Sufi Sunni tradition in which three of the four London bombers were brought up. In Rai’s analysis, an appeal to the transnational fellowship of the ummah is the mark of a younger genera- tion (Rai, 2006: 108), radicalized by British foreign policy. 9 As I have already noted, the War on Terror is not an exclusively British project, but rather is one in which Britain plays the role of junior partner to the . I defend my focus on Britain’s war on the grounds that each state wages an internal battle to guarantee democratic consent for its actions abroad. Although there is also a strong ‘civilizational’ element to this project, which in the name of defending ‘what we hold dear in this country and other civilised throughout the world’ (Blair, 2005b) constructs an orientalist opposition between the West and the (Middle) East, the relationship between states and their domestic audiences (and particularly minority communities) is in each case socially and historically particular. 10 For some rare exceptions to this rule, see the essays on US anti-Japanese racism in Krenn (1998, 1999) and discussions of the Cold War propaganda value of discourses of racial equality in Furedi (1998). 11 In reality, of course, Islam was only ever a proxy target of the War on Terror: neither Britain nor the US were illogical or foolhardy enough to wage a war against a religion. Yet to admit the real premiss on which these wars were fought would be to lay bare the geopolitical manoeuvrings of imperial adventure, and thus shatter the veneer of legitimacy provided by the threat of ‘Islamic terrorism’. As long as the War on Terror could be presented as a defensive rather than aggressive policy then the destabilization and destruc- tion of nations and the killing of hundreds of thousands of people could continue to be justified in the name of domestic security. The spectre of Islam became the only means to defend the otherwise indefensible, and could on no account be given up as the principal adversary in the War on Terror. 12 It is not coincidental that in recent years there has been some limited legal protection against religious , with the launch in 2003 of employment equality regulations, and the Race and Religious Hatred Act which came into force in 2007. 13 For evidence of cabinet disagreement on these questions, and the refusal by MI6 to be drawn into a ‘political decision’, see McSmith (2006). 190 Notes to pages 150–157

14 The MCB had been courted continuously by the Labour Government since its establishment in 1998, despite the vocal opposition of many of its member groups to the invasion of Iraq (see Birt, 2005). Such a relationship is commen- surate with a greater emphasis under New Labour on the role of religion in civil life. Significant public funds have been committed to closer working with faith communities (see Tempest, 2007a), subject to tests measuring the degree to which religious groups are engaged in ‘promoting community cohesion and integration’ (Blair in Mulholland, 2006). For a clear-sighted discussion of the increasing role played by the Islamic right in British politics and its displacement of forms of secular Asian anti-racism, see Bhatt (2006). 15 Blair (2005e). 16 For a meditation on this nationalist contradiction that considers the ‘ordi- nariness’ of the London bombers in relation to Freud’s understanding of the uncanny as a trope of familiarity, see Fortier (2008: 54–65). 17 All unattributed quotations in this section derive from Blair (2005e). 18 The prospect of deporting foreign nationals to their potential was, despite opposition from groups, a popular measure in the climate of the War on Terror, and some sixty-two per cent of the public polled in August 2005 agreed with the deportation ‘of foreign nationals who spread radical Islamist views, even if they were returned to countries which use torture’ (Branigan, 2005). 19 While in the event Hizb ut-Tahrir escaped a ban, two successor organ- izations to Al-Muhajiroun were proscribed under the 2006 Terrorism Act for glorifying terrorism. 20 It is worth recalling that the most recent significant terrorist attacks on the British mainland prior to July 2005 were the London nail-bombings com- mitted in 1999 by David Copeland, who killed three and injured over 110 people in attacks against Britain’s African-Caribbean, Bangladeshi, and and gay communities in Brixton, Brick Lane, and Soho. Copeland, as a BNP activist and local organizer of the National Socialist Movement (see Sykes, 2005: 135), would for one be the first to stress his credentials as a bona fide Brit. For a discussion of Tony Blair’s multicultural response to the nail-bombings, see Fortier (2002). When thinking about the comparisons that are and are not made in the discourse of the War on Terror, it is worth going back a little further and considering the IRA’s bombing campaign on the British mainland which came to an end only in the mid 1990s. It might be argued that the state’s refusal to make any connection here (an association that, on anecdotal evid- ence, was frequently made by Londoners in the aftermath of the 2005 bomb- ings) is to do with the state’s tactical differences in dealing with the two conflicts. To make this connection would draw to light the more conciliatory approach that has characterized the peace process since the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, a considerable contrast to the hawkish methods of the War on Terror. 21 This is not to suggest that such views are the sole preserve of the right-wing tabloid press. The ability to conceive of Islam in religious rather than racial terms (and thus sidestep the charge of racism) has facilitated the widespread expression of Islamophobic sentiment. See the discussion of anti-Muslim views in The Times, Telegraph, Guardian and Independent in Allen (2005). Notes to pages 158–176 191

22 Another example that shows the against-the-odds resilience of the idea of racial phenotype in relation to de Menezes is the photographic collage that was produced by the defence at the 2007 Metropolitan Police trial in an attempt to demonstrate the facial similarities between de Menezes and the terrorist suspect Hussain Osman, and thus to illustrate the legitimate confusion of the officers who pursued and shot de Menezes. Besides their short hair and relative youth, and despite the alleged doctoring of the photographs, it is difficult to identify any real physical or physiognomical likeness between the two men. 23 It is not a coincidence that the outsider status of both Muslims and is so often based on their imputed lack of loyalty to the nation. While, as I have suggested, the transnationalism of the Muslim ummah places the national allegiances of Muslims in doubt, the foundational myth of the Jewish exodus has similarly been a longstanding premiss to question the commitment of Jewish people to national belonging. 24 Whether such actions would also bring an end to racism and social discrim- ination against Muslims in Britain is a moot point. Though the War on Terror has certainly determined the conditions of Islamophobic practice in recent years, this is no guarantee that it will not take other forms in the future. In the same way that non-Muslims may become racialized and suffer on account of an imputed ethnic designation, racial catego- rization cannot be readily switched on and off by such measures (which is why they tend to constitute a capitulation to racism rather than an over- coming of it).

Conclusion: Multiculturalism beyond ‘the Death of Multiculturalism’

1 Phillips in Baldwin (2004). 2 It should be noted that the disavowal of racism is not in itself a new thing, and has in fact been a longstanding component of racist practice. The claim I am making here for multiculturalism is that it is currently the dominant form that disavowal takes. For discussion of an earlier form of racial dis- avowal, consider, for example, the anti-semitism of the ‘Jew-lover’ in Theodor Adorno’s outline of a research project (1998). 3 See, for example, the critique of Phil Cohen by Gordon (2001). 4 For a useful discussion that is realistic about the likely causal efficacy of moral argument without embracing a relativistic or nihilistic position, see Mills (2003: 59–88). Elsewhere, Mills has explored in very interesting ways the ‘unintentional’ racialization of dominant ethical structures as an implicit defence of in his concept of a Herrenvolk ethics (Mills, 1998: 139–65). 5 The difficulty of making a clear distinction here is what necessitates a secondary ethical reflection on moral practice such as that recommended by Zylinska (2005, 2006). 6 My point here about Laclau and Mouffe’s theory of hegemony is that it under- plays the extent of its dependence on the political conditions of the specific historical context in which it came to prominence. Though not explicitly a 192 Notes to page 176

part of it, their hegemony theory relied for its success on a concept of the political exterior to itself. In the case of Western race politics, this centred on an anti-racist movement that, much like the other new social movements, took a far more coherent organizational and institutional form than it does today. The fact that contemporary discourses of anti-racism lack this specific underpinning thus requires us to modify in certain respects the theory of hegemony in anti-racist practice. For a more detailed version of this argu- ment, transposed to the problematic of anti-essentialism, see Pitcher (2008). The solution I am proposing, it might be contested, is in denial as to the present impossibility of a hegemonic politics, and erroneously attempts to reconstruct its conditions by reinventing anti-racism as a social move- ment without recognizing that its conditions of possibility are long since passed. This is of course a conclusion I do not support, but it should be noted that while I am enthusiastic about the institutional possibilities of an anti-racist politics I recognize that this would require a radical reinvention of anti-racism’s form and role as an agent of hegemonic contestation. 7 To dismiss multiculturalism as simply a top-down rationalization of ghetto- izing processes (Malik, 1996: 177; see also Malik 2001) or, more grandly, as ‘the cultural logic of multinational capitalism’ (Zˇizˇek, 1997; see also Zˇizˇek, 1999: 215–39) is to fail to recognize that multiculturalism remains a concept with a critical potential that makes it worth retaining as part of the anti- racist project. At heart, both of these critiques offer little more than an anachronistic complaint of deviationism. In Malik’s estimation, multicultur- alism foregoes the critical values of the Enlightenment in favour of a dis- tracting romanticism of difference; to Zˇizˇek, multicultural ideology presents little more than a pretext for and screen of capitalist exploitation. Zˇizˇek’s position is particularly counterproductive, for to recognize that racial prac- tices are intimately linked to prevailing social and economic conditions is surely cause to better examine and understand a problematic like multi- culturalism, rather than reject it out of hand. If, as I have been suggesting, we do not limit multiculturalism to an understanding of multinational cap- italism but recognize how it stands as the dominant cultural logic of all race politics today, then Zˇizˇek’s position is tantamount to a blank refusal to understand and engage with the contemporary conditions of racial practice, conditions which – as this book has shown – are uneven, ambiguous, and by no means as straightforward as he implies. References

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‘3/11’, 138; see also Madrid train influence on politics of race, 2–3, 7, bombings (2004) 11–15, 17–18, 109–10, 130, 172 ‘7/7’, 137–8, 161; see also London institutionalization of, 14, 22, 109, bombings (2005) 170, 171, 175–6 ‘9/11’, 137–8; see also United States of liberal and conservative forms of, America, terrorist attacks on 13–14 (2001) and multiculturalism, 19–22 rethinking, 2–3, 7, 11–19, 174–6, Abu Hamza al-Masri, 156–7 192n6 Achcar, Gilbert, 141 as social movement, 170, 175–6, Adorno, Theodor, 191n2 192n6 affaire foulard, 7, 128–9 anti-semitism, 159, 182n23, 191n2 Afghan women, 116–17, 119, Arendt, Hannah, 24–5 186n4 Asians, 31, 54, 75, 87, 92–5, 96, 97, Afghanistan, war on, 9, 57, 110, 105, 106, 131, 148, 157–8, 183n7, 115–18, 130, 134, 137, 138, 142, 183n10, 184n12, 184n15, 147, 149, 158 184n17, 188n5, 190n14 African-Caribbeans, 54, 75, 190n20 assimilation, 32, 49, 66, 68, 88, 95–6, Agamben, Giorgio, 154, 155–6 108, 165 Ahmed, Leila, 113–15, 131 asylum, 6, 32, 41, 58–60, 64, 127, Ahmed, Sara, 34–5, 108, 181n20 152, 157–8, 182n22 Akers-Douglas, Aretas, 182n23 Australia, 166, 182n26 Al Jazeera, 140 Aznar, José María, 188n2 Algeria, 117 Alibhai-Brown, Yasmin, 108, 181n22 Back, Les, 27, 32, 84, 100, 102 Aliens Act, 182n23 Baldwin, James, 86 Allen, Chris, 93 Bali bombings, 138 Al-Muhajiroun, 154, 190n19 Balibar, Étienne, 26, 27, 52, 55, Al-Qaeda, 119 187n13 al-Qaradawi, Yusuf, see Qaradawi, Bangladeshi, 175n21, 188n5, 190n20 Yusuf al Barking, 188n4 Anderson, Benedict, 51, 179n6 Barrie, J.M., 157 Ang, Ien, 34, 59 Basque nationalism, 188n2 Anthias, Floya, 61, 93, 115, 127 Bauman, Zygmunt, 85 anti-essentialism, 28, 192n6 Benhabib, Seyla, 120, 128, 184n19 anti-racism Berlant, Lauren, 62 co-option of, 57, 109, 170, 174–5, black (as anti-racist identity), 29, 75 176–7 Blair, Cherie, 116 as form of distinction, 173 Blair, Tony, 10, 19, 42–3, 48, 52, ethical claim, 11, 13, 14, 18, 22, 38, 58–60, 78–9, 80, 105, 116, 58, 59, 147, 172–5, 191n4 139–46, 147, 148, 150, 151–5, as hegemonic project, 18, 37, 109, 159, 165–6, 181n20, 183n4, 130, 171, 174–6 188n2, 189n9, 190n14, 190n20

213 214 Index

Blears, Hazel, 148 cultural, 8, 40, 41, 45, 60–2, 73, 88, Blitz, 53, 139–43, 181n15 91–2, 124, 127, 155, 156, 167 Blunkett, David, 48, 62, 63, 68, 82, education, 62–3, 71, 72 85, 86, 87, 88, 92, 94, 95, 121–5, formal, 26, 40, 61, 62, 63, 64, 71, 187n8 73, 91–2, 152–3, 154 Boltanski, Luc, 15–17, 18 handbook, 64–5, 182n25 Bonnett, Alastair, 56, 77, 102, 172, tests, 8, 41, 64–7, 71, 72, 129, 155, 178n1, 185n22, 185n27 168, 182n26 Bourdieu, Pierre, 57, 62 civil service, 149 Bradford, 86, 87, 88, 92, 93, 97, Clarke Report, 87, 183n8, 184n16 183nn8–9, 184n16, 185n30, Clarke, Charles, 150 186n31 class, 9, 30, 50, 61–2, 77, 79, 80, 85, Bragg, Billy, 104 91, 95, 103–4, 105–8, 138, 168, Brick Lane, 190n20 178n3, 183n10, 184n18, British National Party (BNP), 142, 184nn20–1; see also white 185n26, 186n33, 188n4, 190n20; working class see also far right Clause Four, 43, 79–80, 105 British Nationalism, see under Clinton, Bill, 183n4 nationalism Cold War, 148, 189n10 Britishness, 5, 6, 8, 10, 33, 39–74, 77, Cole, Phillip, 25, 156 79, 83, 92, 120, 126–8, 137, 140, Collins, Michael, 104 143–6 155, 156, 158, 160–1, colonialism, 9, 23–4, 26, 73, 110, 167–8, 169, 176, 180n1, 180n3, 113–15, 118, 122, 147, 168 180n5 British, 5, 41, 42, 51–7, 149, 167, Britpop, 43 189n7 Brixton, 87, 190n20 neocolonialism, 41, 57 Brown, Gordon, 8, 39–40, 41, 44, Commission on Integration and 52–7, 58, 73, 80, 181n14, 181n20 Cohesion, 164 Brubaker, Roger, 66 Commission for Racial Equality Burnley, 86, 87, 92, 93, 184nn16–17, (CRE), 73, 95, 101, 160, 164 185n30 communitarianism, 8–9, 44, 82–6, 87, Burton, Antionette, 114 88, 93, 94, 97, 99, 100, 101, Bush, George W., 137, 147–8, 151 104–5, 108, 183n4, 186n34 Bush, Laura, 115–16, 186n2 community, 8–9, 58–9, 61, 62, 69, Butler, Judith, 178n2, 185n29 75–108, 137, 159, 168, 179n11, 184n12, 184n20, 185n26, 187n7 Canada, 76, 179n12 imagined, 41, 51, 145 Cantle Report, 87, 89–90, 91–2, 100, national, 33, 41, 60, 63, 83, 89, 124, 101, 183n8 136, 151, 156 Cantle, Ted, 87, 89, 185n25 political, 25, 63 capitalism, 6, 15–16, 37, 78, 182n19, transnational, 10, 144, 158–60, 192n7 189n6, 189n8, 191n23 Chiapello, Ève, 15–17, 18 Community Cohesion Panel, 89, 98, Christianity, 121, 135, 183n4 99, 100, 101 Christians, 138, 160 community cohesion, 8, 49, 77, Churchill, Winston, 140 86–102, 104–8, 168–9, 183n9, citizenship 184n15, 184n18, 185n25, ceremonies, 8, 41, 64, 67–72, 168, 186n33, 190n14 182n29 conceptual inertia, 174–5 Index 215

Conservative Party, 5, 31, 32, 42, 43, Equality and Human Rights 44, 46, 80, 105 Commission (EHRC), 101 constitutive outside, 67, 147–8, 157, Eritrea, 157 182n27 ESOL (English for Speakers of Other ‘Cool Britannia’, 43, 47 Languages), 64, 79 Copeland, David, 190n20 essentialism, 28, 47, 74, 102, 175 Crick, Bernard, 62–5, 69, 73, 182n25 ethnicity, 2, 20, 28, 29, 73, 83, 158, ‘cricket test’, 155, 182n26 178n1, 184n18, 185nn26–7, critique, dialectics of, 15–19 191n24; see also ‘white ethnicity’ Crouch, Colin, 180n6 Empire Strikes Back, The, 35–8, 50, 166 Cryer, Ann, 119, 121–3 ‘ethnopluralism’, 99, 186n33 cultural heritage, 12, 54, 83, 89, Etzioni, Amitai, 82–4, 88–9, 93, 101–2 183n4 cultural pluralism, 20, 27, 34, 39, 49, Eurocentrism, 24 57, 73, 83–4, 88, 89, 91, 106, 115, Europe, 5, 9, 23–4, 26, 47, 66, 110, 123, 136, 143–4, 149, 153, 166, 116, 129, 130, 134 167, 170, 173, 177, 179n12 Central and Eastern, 7 ‘culture of poverty’, 107–8, 168 ‘fortress’, 6 Western, 32, 129–30, 164 Daily Express, 137, 157 European Daily Mail, 52, 157 colonialism, 23–4, 51, 147 Daily Mirror, 137 Commission, 111 Daily Star, 137 Convention on Human Rights, 152 Daily Telegraph, 40, 190n21 far right, 180n6, 188n15 de Menezes, Jean Charles, 29, 157–8, Union, 71 191n22 Evening Standard, 137 Delanty, Gerard, 43, 78 democracy, 50, 68, 79, 85, 106, Fabian Society, 53 124–5, 126, 140, 146, 153, 161, facticity of difference, 2, 3, 5, 20–1 175, 189n9; see also liberal Fanon, Frantz, 146, 154 democracy far right, 6–7, 9, 13, 48, 49, 59–60, 96, Demos, 46 102, 105, 168, 180n6, 183n7, Denham, John, 87, 100, 183n9 184n16, 185n26, 186n33, 188n15 Denham Report, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, fascism, 13, 19, 48, 147 183n8 female genital mutilation (FGM), 9, Denmark, 7, 129 119, 121–3, 124, 187n6 Derrida, Jacques, 167, 182n27 feminism 9, 14, 109–34, 137, 186n1, devolution, 8, 44, 64 186nn3–4 domestic violence, 187n7 anti-, 110, 116, 120–7, 128, 129–30, Durban World Conference Against 134, 168 Racism (2001), 181n13 black, third world and postcolonial, Durkheim, Émile, 46, 183n5 110, 123, 132, 188n16 colonial/imperial 113–15, 132, 142, Eisenstein, Zillah, 186n2 186n4, 187n9, 187n14 England, 8, 44, 77, 86, 180n5 as ethical discourse, 9, 111, 118, English (language), 64, 67, 71, 91, 123, 128–33, 168 155 as humanitarian discourse, 9, Englishness, 40, 44, 55, 180n3 117–19, 124, 130, 168 Enloe, Cynthia, 119 mainstreaming of, 111–12 133, 134 216 Index feminism – continued Good Friday Agreement (1998), as movement, 110, 113–14, 132, 190n20 186n1 Goodhart, David, 48, 50, 60–1, 63, as nationalist discourse, 9, 134, 88 187n14 government, 25, 31–2, 33, 42, 44, 47, as ‘progressive’ discourse, 9, 110, 52, 56, 64, 68, 74, 77, 81, 87, 111, 130, 172 146, 169, 183n8 racialized, 9, 110, 114, 118, 120–1, governmentality, 45–6, 47, 63, 81, 123–6, 128, 130, 134 84–6, 89, 93, 105–8, 175, 185n27 state, 9, 109–34, 168, 183n11 Gramsci, Antonio, 35–7, 109 universalist, 126, 131, 133–4 Green, Rodney, 98 Ferguson, Niall, 56 Gressgård, Randi, 125 Festival of Britain (1951), 72 Guardian, 137, 190n21 Finlayson, Alan, 45, 105 First World War, 140 Habermas, Jurgen, 37, 147 Flickr, 137 Hage, Ghassan, 31, 59, 103, 166 forced marriage, 9, 119, 120–3, 124, Hall, Stuart, 21–2, 23, 35, 38, 55, 84, 125–6, 186n6 163, 181n17 Foreign and Commonwealth Office Hayes, Carlton, 182n28 (FCO), 69, 140, 149–50, 186n6 Haylett, Chris, 105, 107, 185n28 Foreign Policy Centre, 48 Hazlitt, William, 54 Fortier, Anne-Marie, 130, 179n12, headscarf, see veil 180n2, 190n16, 190n20 ‘hearts and minds’, 149, 150 Foucault, Michel, 45, 81 Hegel, G. W. F., 147 France, 7, 16, 66, 128–9, 134, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, 174 188n16 hegemony, 15, 36, 117, 130, 157, Franklin, Jane, 112 170–1, 174–6, 191n6 Freud, Sigmund, 190n16 Henderson, Arthur, 79 fundamentalism, 149, 159–60 Hesse, Barnor, 24, 56, 125, 147, 177 Hewitt, Patricia, 118, 125–6 G8, 57 Hewitt, Roger, 185n22 Gaelic, 64, 67 Hindus, 138 Gedalof, Irene, 58, 127 Hizb ut-Tahrir, 154, 190n19 Gemeinschaft/Gesellschaft, 46, 78, 80, Hobsbawm, Eric, 47, 78, 147, 179n6 105 Holocaust, 24, 147 gender mainstreaming, 111–12 Home Office, 64, 101, 148, 149, 152, general election 183n8, 186n6 (1997), 33, 42–3, 44, 112 homosexuality, 187n10, 187n14, (2005), 31 190n20 Germany, 24, 66–7, 129, 159 ‘honour crimes’, 187n7 Gilroy, Paul, 12, 27, 29, 33, 50–4, Howard, John, 182n26 180n7, 181n15, 181n17, 183n7 Hughes, Beverley, 100 globalization, 5–7, 30, 44–6, 57, 175, Human Rights Act (1998), 32, 126–7 179n9 humanitarian warfare, 117–19, 168 Goldberg, David Theo, 13, 15, 26, 123, 166, 171, 189n7 immigration, 5, 6, 26, 32, 41, 45, Golden Jubilee, 49 58–60, 64, 66, 87, 98–9, 120, Goldsmith, Peter (Lord Goldsmith 126–7, 135, 147, 156–7, 187n6, QC), 182n29 188n4 Index 217 imperialism, 118, 140, 161, 181n19, labour movement, 37, 43, 50, 79 187n14 Labour Party, 31–2, 39, 43, 76, 79–80, British, 5, 8, 41, 49, 51–7, 58, 71, 186n1; see also New Labour 73, 118, 136, 160, 167, Laclau, Ernesto, 50–1, 103, 125, 181nn19–20, 189n11 174–5, 180n10, 191n6 neo-, 56–7, 118, 181n16, 181n18 laïcité, 8, 66, 128–9 US, 118, 136, 138, 160, 189n11 Lamont, Norman, 180n9 see also postimperial Britain; Lancashire Evening Telegraph, 128 ‘postimperial melancholia’ Lawrence, Stephen, 32, 179n11 Independent, 190n21 Leitkultur, 8, 66–7 , 133–4 Leonard, Mark, 46–7, 48, 50 Invention of Tradition, The, 47 Levitas, Ruth, 55, 79–80, 82, 87, IRA (Irish Republican Army), 190n20 183n5 Iraq, 118, 138, 149, 150, 160, 161, Lewis, Oscar, 107 185n27 Lewisham, 69–70 war (2003–), 57, 137, 138, 140–5, liberal democracy, 24–6, 118, 124–5, 147, 156, 158, 161, 188nn2–3, 147, 159 190n14 Liberal Democrats, 31 Ireland, 42, 153 , 22, 25–6 Islam, 7, 28, 121, 129, 136, 144–6, ‘new’, 180n7 147–50, 151, 154–5, 158–62, social, 13–14 187n10, 187n14, 188n5, 189n8, Livingstone, Ken, 138–9 189n11, 190n14, 190n18, Local Government Act (1966), 76 190n21 London racialization of, 160, 188n5 bombings (2005), 7, 9, 135–62, 169, Islamophobia, 29, 97, 139, 156, 189n8, 190n16, 190n20 190n21, 191n24 as multicultural city, 138–43 Israel, 149–50 nailbombings (1999), 190n20 ‘loony left’, 165 Jacobsen, Christine, 125 Lovenduski, Joni, 111–12 Jewishness, 159 Lutz, Helma, 123–4, 126 Jews, 24, 54, 135, 159–60, 191n23 Lyotard, Jean François, 17 John, Gus, 107–8 Johnson, Richard, 32 McCarthyism, 148 Joint Intelligence Committee, 140 Macmurray, John, 183n4 Judaism, 159–60, 191n23 Macpherson Report, 32, 40, 180n9 Mactaggart, Fiona, 49 Kalra, Virinder, 90, 183n7 Madrid train bombings (2004), 138, Kaplan, Gisela, 130 188n2 Keith, Michael, 84, 87, 100, 161, Malik, Kenan, 192n7 183n7 Malik, Shahid, 151 Kelly, Ruth, 164–6 Mandelson, Peter, 95 Keynesianism, 45, 61 Marshall, T. H., 61–2 Khan, Mohammad Sidique, 140–1, Martin, Jeannie, 187n9 143–4, 146, 149 Marx, Karl, 135, 159–60, 178n3 Kinnock, Neil, 62 Maynard, Mary, 28 Kipling, Rudyard, 69–71 Mercer, Kobena, 68 Kosovo, 118 Merkel, Angela, 66 Kundnani, Arun, 40, 94, 100, 185n26 Middle East, 145, 149, 160, 189n9 218 Index

Mill, John Stuart, 25–6, 189n7 racialized, 6, 24–5, 34, 38, 51, 72, Mills, Charles, 14, 18, 24, 26, 171, 109 191n4 romantic, 48 Milton, John, 54 and the state, 22–7, 36, 57, 167 ‘model minorities’, 84 US, 83 modernity, 24, 78, 121–2, 124, see also multicultural nationalism; 179n7 transnationalism Mohanty, Chandra Talpade, 123, Nationality, Immigration and Asylum 186n3 Act (2002), 64 Mombassa bombing (2002), 138 neoliberalism, 5–7, 8, 15, 32, 44–5, moralism, 2, 172 103, 175, 179n9, 181n19 Morin, Edgar, 187n13 Netherlands, 123, 129 Mouffe, Chantal, 80, 132, 174–5, New East End, The, 103, 184n21 191n6 New Labour, 4, 5, 8, 32, 39, 41, 42–6, multicultural nationalism, 34–5, 38, 47–8, 52, 62, 64, 77, 78–82, 84–9, 49, 109, 137, 144, 145, 146, 159, 94, 96–7, 99, 101, 104, 106–8, 160, 167, 168, 169, 179n12 163, 165–7, 183nn4–5, 186n34, multiculturalism 190n14 ‘death of’, 10, 164–6 government, 31, 33, 47, 64, 74, 87 definition of, 1–7, 19–22 leadership, 32, 79 and the state, 22–7 and the state, 30–3, 41, 44, 105, Murji, Karim, 28–9 108, 166 Muslim Council of Britain (MCB), see also Labour Party 150, 190n14 New Spirit of Capitalism, The, 15–17 Muslims, 10, 28, 29, 66, 97, 128–9, Nkrumah, Kwame, 57 131, 136, 138, 139, 140–1, 143, Notting Hill, 87, 180n8 144–5, 146, 148–51, 154–61, 169, 183n7, 188n16, 188n5, Oldham, 86, 87, 92, 93, 184n16, 189nn5–6, 191nn23–4 185n30 Olympics (2012), 49 national anthem, 68–9, 70, 71, ‘On the Jewish Question’, 159 180n8, 182n28 Ong, Aihwa, 128 national curriculum, 62, 63, 72 Orwell, George, 48, 54, 180n7 national identity, 8, 37, 39–74, 120, orientalism, 160, 189n9 146, 167–8, 179n6, 180n5 Osman, Hussain, 191n22 crisis of, 67 Ousley Report, 87, 88, 97, 98, 183n8 rebranding, 45–7 see also Britishness Pakistani, 97, 157–8, 188n5 nationalism, 5, 6, 8, 22–7, 34, 38, 39, ‘parallel lives’, 90 41, 47, 48–57, 59, 61, 68, 73, 130, Parekh, Bhikhu, 73, 120 144, 147, 167, 176, 178n6, Parekh Report, 31, 40, 180n2, 180n9 179n7, 180nn6–7, 182n28 Parsons, Talcott, 61, 62 British, 39–74 Passeron, Luc, 62 liberal, 25–6 patriotism, 42, 48, 54, 74, 151, 157 origins of, 178n6 Pautz, Hartwig, 66–7 pluralist, 9, 20, 39, 41, 47, 49, 136, Phillips, Deborah, 183n10 141, 143, 144, 149, 161, 167, Phillips, Trevor, 73, 103, 160, 164–5 168, 170, 180n5 police, 139, 148, 153, 156, 157–8, ‘progressive’, 48–51, 57, 60 184n16, 187n6, 191n22 Index 219 (PC), 2–3, 165 ‘radical chic’, 161 postcolonial Radio 4, 69 immigration, 5, 59, 76, 87 Rai, Milan, 140, 189n8 societies, 12, 51 Raissiguier, Catherine, 188n16 postimperial Britain, 54, 56, 57 Razack, Sherene, 187n7 ‘postimperial melancholia’, 51–3, 56 refugees, 151, 154, 157, 181n22; post-industrial, 45, 85, 103 see also asylum poverty, 104, 105–8, 168 Revolutionary Association of the Povinelli, Elizabeth, 120, 122, 130 Women of Afghanistan, 186n4 Powell, Colin, 181n13 riots (2001), 8, 60, 77, 86–8, 90, 93–4, Prince Philip, Duke Of Edinburgh, 95, 96, 100, 104, 106–7, 169, 180n8 183nn7–8, 184nn16–17, privatization, 6, 46, 57 185n25 Prospect, 41, 60 Ritchie Report, 87, 183n8 Putnham, Robert, 81, 84, 88, 182n3 Rose, Nikolas, 81, 85 Routledge, Paul, 181n14 Qaradawi, Yusuf al-, 149–50 Royal Institute of International Affairs Queen Elizabeth II, 68–9, 182n29 (Chatham House), 140 race Saharso, Sawitri, 131 and class, 9, 30, 103–4, 105–8, 168, Sandercock, Leonie, 103 183n10, 184n18, 184nn20–1, Saudi Arabia, 117 186n33 Sayyid, Bobby S., 145, 177 and gender, 9, 109–34, 186n1, Schwarz, Bill, 35, 38 187n9, 188n16 Scotland, 44, 179n12 and nation, 23–7, 39–74, Scottish (identity), 44 180nn5–6, 180n9, 181n18, Second World War, 43, 44, 53–4, 181n20 139–40, 142, 147, 181n15 and religion, 136–7, 143–6, 159–62, Secure Borders, Safe Haven (White 188n5, 189n8, 189n11, Paper), 58, 64, 126 190n21, 191nn23–4 , 90, 95–6, 105, 106 and the state, 27–30, 167 September 11, 121–2; see also 9/11; Race and Religious Hatred Act (2007), terrorist attacks on America 189n12 (2001) race crisis, 8, 35–8, 109–10, 144, 149, sexual equality, 129, 134 166 discourse of, 92, 120, 126 Race Relations (Amendment) Act Sinn Féin, 51 (2000), 32 slavery, 5, 23, 55–6, 114, 147, 167, ‘race riots’, see riots (2001) 181n13, 181n20 racism Smith, Anna Marie, 94, 180n10 as ‘dilemmatic’, 15, 18, 109 socialism, 48, 183n4, 188n2 disavowal of, 14, 18, 55, 63, 109, social capital, 81–2, 88 170–4, 178n2, 182n22, social cohesion, 1, 8, 46, 54, 60, 62, 191n2 67, 73–4, 77, 83, 84, 87, 88, 94, institutional, 30, 32, 38, 40, 93, 96, 98, 105, 108, 135 156 social movements, 32, 37, 82, 110, structural, 18, 29, 40, 93, 94, 96, 170, 175–6, 192n6 133, 166, 167, 184n15, 184n18 social solidarity, see social cohesion see also anti-racism Soho, 190n20 220 Index

Solomos, John, 28–9, 32, 35–6, 76, nationalism, 62, 83 166, 183n7 terrorist attacks on (2001), 115, Somalia, 157 116, 135, 137, 159 South Asia, 160 South Asians, 188n5 veil, 9, 29, 116, 117, 128–9, 130 Southall Black Sisters, 100 Verloo, Mieke, 112 Spencer, Robert, 181n16 voluntary association, 81–2, 90, Spielberg, Steven, 56 100 Spirit of Community, The, 82, 88 state, importance of, 4, 22–7; see also Walby, Sylvia, 111 feminism, state; nationalism and Wales, 44 the state; New Labour and the War on Terror, 7, 10, 115, 117, state; race and the state 135–62, 165, 166, 169, 176, Stockwell underground station, 157 187n14, 188n5, 189n7, 189n9, stop and search, 148 189n11, 190n18, 190n20, Straw, Jack, 87, 128 191n24 Sun, 157 Webb, Sydney, 79 welfare state, 60–1, 103, 105–8, Taliban, 115–16, 118, 119 186n34 Tanzania, 52–3 Welsh (identity), 44 Tavistock Square, 143 Welsh (language), 64, 67 Taylor, Charles, 22 ‘white flight’, 91 Taylor, David, 61 white working class, 9, 77, 95–108, television, 39–40, 43, 65, 69 168, 184n12, 184n18, 184n21, Terray, Emmanuel, 128–9 185n22, 185n24, 186n33 Terrorism Act (2006), 150, 190n19 whiteness Thatcher, Margaret, 80 identity crisis, 103 Thatcherism, 37, 44, 79, 80, 82, 87 proprietorial, 59 Third Way, The, 80, 82 ‘white ethnicity’, 9, 77, 99, Times, The, 137, 149, 190n21 101–5, 106–7, 168, Tönnies, Ferdinand, 46, 78, 80 184n18 Tories, see Conservative Party Wilberforce, William, 55 trades unions, 15, 65 Wills, Michael, 181n14 transnationalism, 10, 144, 158–9, Wilson, Harold, 43 160, 189n6, 189n8, 191n23 Wordsworth, William, 54 World Service, 69 Uganda, 181n22 Wray, Matt, 102, 185n23 ummah, 144–5, 146, 160, 189n8, Wright, Patrick, 43 191n23 underclass, 105, 107–8, 168, 187n28 Yegeno˘ glu,˘ Meyda, 122 Union Jack, 33, 43, 49, 68, 74 Yugoslavia, 57 unionism, 44, 46, 179n12 Yuval-Davis, Nira, 61, 115, 127 United States of America, 9, 47, 52, 81, 82, 83, 107, 115–16, 135–7, 147–8, Zapatero, José Rodríguez, 188n2 159, 181n13, 189n9, 189n11 Zˇizˇek, Slavoj, 103, 192n7 foreign policy, 7, 116, 185n27 Zolo, Danilo, 117, 130, 161