Degeneration, Protestantism, and Social Democracy the Case of Alcoholism and “Illiberal” Policies and Practices in Denmark 1900–43 Sevelsted, Anders
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Degeneration, Protestantism, and Social Democracy The Case of Alcoholism and “Illiberal” Policies and Practices in Denmark 1900–43 Sevelsted, Anders Document Version Accepted author manuscript Published in: Social Science History DOI: 10.1017/ssh.2018.35 Publication date: 2019 License CC BY-NC-ND Citation for published version (APA): Sevelsted, A. (2019). Degeneration, Protestantism, and Social Democracy: The Case of Alcoholism and “Illiberal” Policies and Practices in Denmark 1900–43. Social Science History, 43(1), 87-111. https://doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2018.35 Link to publication in CBS Research Portal General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us ([email protected]) providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 27. Sep. 2021 Degeneration, Protestantism, and Social Democracy: The Case of Alcoholism and “Illiberal” Policies and Practices in Denmark 1900–43 Anders Sevelsted Journal article (Accepted manuscript*) Please cite this article as: Sevelsted, A. (2019). Degeneration, Protestantism, and Social Democracy: The Case of Alcoholism and “Illiberal” Policies and Practices in Denmark 1900–43. Social Science History, 43(1), 87-111. DOI: 10.1017/ssh.2018.35 This article has been published in a revised form in Social Science History http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2018.35 This version is published under a Creative Commons CC-BY-NC-ND. No commercial re-distribution or re-use allowed. Derivative works cannot be distributed. © Social Science History Association, 2018 * This version of the article has been accepted for publication and undergone full peer review but has not been through the copyediting, typesetting, pagination and proofreading process, which may lead to differences between this version and the publisher’s final version AKA Version of Record. Uploaded to CBS Research Portal: May 2019 Degeneration, Protestantism, and social democracy: The case of alcoholism and ‘illiberal’ policies and practices in Denmark 1900 – 1943 Abstract Through a case study of the emergence of rights-infringing ‘illiberal’ policies and practices in the field of Danish alcohol treatment 1900-1943, this article shows how new scientific ideas on ‘degeneration’ as the cause of alcoholism and the use of force in treatment were adapted and promoted by Protestant revivalist groups and Social Democrats alike. The article analyses how new scientific ideas resonated with cultural ideals of Danish Social Democracy and evangelical temperance organization the Blue Cross. The article challenges the established view in the literature that eugenic and similar ‘illiberal’ practices were the result of a ‘high modernist’ state ethos and ‘communitarian-organic’ thinking on the left. Building on secondary literature and archival sources, it is shown that ‘illiberal’ policies and practices as well as theories of heredity in the case of Danish alcohol treatment were adopted as the result of common liberal-conservative ideals regarding the value of family shared by Social Democrats and Protestant activists across the civil society and state spheres. Introduction In 1934, Axel Garboe, natural history scholar, priest, and active member of the evangelical temperance organization The Blue Cross, and Karl Kristian Steincke, social democrat and minister of social affairs, both contributed to an edited volume on eugenics called “Heritage and Race” (Socialpolitisk Forening 1934). Garboe’s background in science and revivalist Protestantism is thought-provoking, and the collaboration between a leader in the mainly secular Social 1 Democratic Party and a revivalist temperance adherer immediately raises questions about the relationship between religion, science, and social democracy, as well as between civil society and the state. In interwar period Denmark, groups such as the mentally ill, prostitutes, criminals, vagrants, and alcoholics were increasingly targeted by scientifically inspired ‘illiberal’ policies and practices such as confinement, restrictions on access to marriage, sterilization, castration, and disenfranchisement to replace or supplement the older ‘moral’ techniques of deterrence and discipline such as the poor house and forced labor sentences. Such measures were common in most ‘Western’ countries, and recent international sociological and historical scholarship has explained this fact through the existence of a ‘high modernist’ state ethos, a communitarian- organic social democratic ideology, and the absence of strong civil society actors such as trade unions, churches, or NGOs. The Danish case is in this regard interesting, since both a strong state and a strong civil society deeply involved in social relief existed. This makes the Danish case well suited to test the ‘high modernity’ thesis: What role did civil society actors play in resisting or promoting illiberal policies and practices in the field of alcohol treatment in Denmark? How could both Social Democracy and Protestant civil society agree on a scientifically inspired interpretation of alcoholism as hereditary, and on the use of force in treatment? Specifically, how were such ideas, policies, and practices integrated into the ideational tradition of Protestant temperance adherers and Social Democrats? I challenge the ‘high modernist’ thesis by showing that the Blue Cross did not protest the state’s eugenicist and illiberal policy measures, they promoted theories of degeneration and heredity early in the period, and in fact publically called for forcible commitment of alcoholics years before the state’s laws were introduced. I instead suggest that the emergence of 2 discriminatory policies and practices in the Danish field of alcohol treatment should be attributed to the way that specific actors took advantage of institutional and discursive opportunity structures at the time, i.e. aligned themselves with the new scientific discourse and promoted specific practices. I show that the case of forcible treatment of alcoholics was not plainly one of ‘leftist high modernity’, but, paradoxically, ‘illiberalism’ had liberal roots; specifically, ‘bourgeois’ rather than ‘progressivist’ roots. Illiberal practices were made possible because of a common conservative cultural ideal of the family shared by Social Democrats and Protestant activists across the civil society and state spheres that resonated with scientific worries about ‘degeneration’. Research on eugenics, illiberal policies, civil society, and the state Eugenic policies are arguably the most illiberal of illiberal policies, i.e. initiatives that suspend civil, political or social rights for the good of a greater community. Such initiatives flourished in Europe, especially from ca 1920 to 1960. Frank Dikötter expresses a common understanding of the reasons for this: “Open democracies with a vibrant civil society, such as Britain and the Netherlands, were generally less inclined to adopt extreme eugenic proposals than authoritarian regimes in Germany and the People's Republic of China” (Dikötter 1998: 476). Dikötter links eugenics and ‘illiberal practices’ to totalitarianism and the ethos of the ‘high modern’ ‘gardening state’ (see Lucassen 2010). This view, informed by the sociology of Michel Foucault, Zygmunt Bauman, and James C. Scott (Bauman 1998; Scott 1998; Foucault 1995), contributes the illiberal practices to a strong centralized state guided by ‘technocrats’ with the ambition to create social order and productive citizens (Dikötter 1998; Weiner 2003; Mottier 2008; Hauss and Ziegler 2008). Dikötter supplements this with a thesis regarding the absence of strong civil society actors, such as trade unions, churches, or NGOs (cf. Scott 1998: 4f), again with the Netherlands and Britain as examples (Dikötter 1998: 476ff). 3 In relation to eugenics and illiberal policies, Leo Lucassen has nuanced the ‘strong state – weak civil society’ thesis in an article on the relationship between ‘the left’ and eugenics. In a comparison of six European cases (Sweden, Britain, Switzerland, France (and Belgium), the Netherlands, and Germany), Lucassen finds a number of inhibiting factors for eugenic thinking and measures to be taken up by the left, typically Social Democrats: 1) Not a strong civil society per se, but a ‘variegated and strong civil society’, where cultural heterogeneity dampens opposition to radical social policies, as in ‘pillarized’ Netherlands. 2) Related to this, Catholicism and the Catholic Church’s well-known resistance to all interventions in procreation. 3) The influence of Neo- Lamarckianism with its emphasis on social factors’ interplay with genetic predispositions, and finally what Lucassen stresses the most: 4) The interpretation of socialism in terms of class rather than in terms of ‘communitarian-organic thinking’. It was, according to Lucassen, the communitarian-organic conception of society among socialists, Social Democrats, and ‘progressives’ as an organic whole that allowed for the rights of the individual to be suspended in the name of a perceived greater good. This view was promoted by The Fabian Society and the Webbs in Britain, and by the Myrdals in Sweden. Much research has been done on the links between socialism/social democracy