Denis Mack Smith
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Chapter One: Introduction
CHANGING PERCEPTIONS OF IL DUCE TRACING POLITICAL TRENDS IN THE ITALIAN-AMERICAN MEDIA DURING THE EARLY YEARS OF FASCISM by Ryan J. Antonucci Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the History Program YOUNGSTOWN STATE UNIVERSITY August, 2013 Changing Perceptions of il Duce Tracing Political Trends in the Italian-American Media during the Early Years of Fascism Ryan J. Antonucci I hereby release this thesis to the public. I understand that this thesis will be made available from the OhioLINK ETD Center and the Maag Library Circulation Desk for public access. I also authorize the University or other individuals to make copies of this thesis as needed for scholarly research. Signature: Ryan J. Antonucci, Student Date Approvals: Dr. David Simonelli, Thesis Advisor Date Dr. Brian Bonhomme, Committee Member Date Dr. Martha Pallante, Committee Member Date Dr. Carla Simonini, Committee Member Date Dr. Salvatore A. Sanders, Associate Dean of Graduate Studies Date Ryan J. Antonucci © 2013 iii ABSTRACT Scholars of Italian-American history have traditionally asserted that the ethnic community’s media during the 1920s and 1930s was pro-Fascist leaning. This thesis challenges that narrative by proving that moderate, and often ambivalent, opinions existed at one time, and the shift to a philo-Fascist position was an active process. Using a survey of six Italian-language sources from diverse cities during the inauguration of Benito Mussolini’s regime, research shows that interpretations varied significantly. One of the newspapers, Il Cittadino Italo-Americano (Youngstown, Ohio) is then used as a case study to better understand why events in Italy were interpreted in certain ways. -
Refractory Migrants. Fascist Surveillance on Italians in Australia 1922-1943
Refractory Migrants. Fascist Surveillance on Italians in Australia 1922-1943 by Gianfranco Cresciani Gianfranco Cresciani emigrated University of New South Wales in from Trieste to Sydney in 1962. He 2005, in recognition of worked for EPT, the Ethnic Affairs “distinguished eminence in the field Commission and the Ministry for of history”. In 2004 the Italian the Arts of the NSW Government Government awarded him the on cultural and migration issues. In honour of Cavaliere Ufficiale 1989 and 1994 he was member of dell‟Ordine al Merito for facilitating the Australian Delegation re- cultural exchanges between Italy negotiating with the Italian and Australia. He has produced Government the Italo-Australian books, articles, exhibitions and Cultural Agreement. Master of Arts radio and television programs in (First Class Honours) from Sydney Australia and Italy on the history of University in 1978. Doctor of Italian migration to Australia. Letters, honoris causa, from the There are exiles that gnaw and others that are like consuming fire. There is a heartache for the murdered country… - Pablo Neruda We can never forget what happened to our country and we must always remind those responsible that we know who they are. - Elizabeth Rivera One of the more salient and frightening aspects of European dictatorships during the Twentieth Century, in their effort to achieve totalitarian control of 8 their societies, was the grassroots surveillance carried out by their state security organisations, of the plots and machinations of their opponents. Nobody described better this process of capillary penetration in the minds and conditioning of the lives of people living under Communist or Fascist regimes than George Orwell in his book Nineteen Eighty-Four (1), published in 1949 and warning us on the danger of Newspeak, Doublethink, Big Brother and the Thought Police. -
A British Reflection: the Relationship Between Dante's Comedy and The
A British Reflection: the Relationship between Dante’s Comedy and the Italian Fascist Movement and Regime during the 1920s and 1930s with references to the Risorgimento. Keon Esky A thesis submitted in fulfilment of requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. University of Sydney 2016 KEON ESKY Fig. 1 Raffaello Sanzio, ‘La Disputa’ (detail) 1510-11, Fresco - Stanza della Segnatura, Palazzi Pontifici, Vatican. KEON ESKY ii I dedicate this thesis to my late father who would have wanted me to embark on such a journey, and to my partner who with patience and love has never stopped believing that I could do it. KEON ESKY iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis owes a debt of gratitude to many people in many different countries, and indeed continents. They have all contributed in various measures to the completion of this endeavour. However, this study is deeply indebted first and foremost to my supervisor Dr. Francesco Borghesi. Without his assistance throughout these many years, this thesis would not have been possible. For his support, patience, motivation, and vast knowledge I shall be forever thankful. He truly was my Virgil. Besides my supervisor, I would like to thank the whole Department of Italian Studies at the University of Sydney, who have patiently worked with me and assisted me when I needed it. My sincere thanks go to Dr. Rubino and the rest of the committees that in the years have formed the panel for the Annual Reviews for their insightful comments and encouragement, but equally for their firm questioning, which helped me widening the scope of my research and accept other perspectives. -
By Filippo Sabetti Mcgill University the MAKING of ITALY AS AN
THE MAKING OF ITALY AS AN EXPERIMENT IN CONSTITUTIONAL CHOICE by Filippo Sabetti McGill University THE MAKING OF ITALY AS AN EXPERIMENT IN CONSTITUTIONAL CHOICE In his reflections on the history of European state-making, Charles Tilly notes that the victory of unitary principles of organiza- tion has obscured the fact, that federal principles of organization were alternative design criteria in The Formation of National States in West- ern Europe.. Centralized commonwealths emerged from the midst of autonomous, uncoordinated and lesser political structures. Tilly further reminds us that "(n)othing could be more detrimental to an understanding of this whole process than the old liberal conception of European history as the gradual creation and extension of political rights .... Far from promoting (representative) institutions, early state-makers 2 struggled against them." The unification of Italy in the nineteenth century was also a victory of centralized principles of organization but Italian state- making or Risorgimento differs from earlier European state-making in at least three respects. First, the prospects of a single political regime for the entire Italian peninsula and islands generated considerable debate about what model of government was best suited to a population that had for more than thirteen hundred years lived under separate and diverse political regimes. The system of government that emerged was the product of a conscious choice among alternative possibilities con- sidered in the formulation of the basic rules that applied to the organi- zation and conduct of Italian governance. Second, federal principles of organization were such a part of the Italian political tradition that the victory of unitary principles of organization in the making of Italy 2 failed to obscure or eclipse them completely. -
Il Fuoruscitismo Italiano Dal 1922 Al 1943 (*)
IL FUORUSCITISMO ITALIANO DAL 1922 AL 1943 (*) Possiamo organicamente dividere l’emigrazione politica, uno de gli aspetti più rilevanti della storia italiana durante i primi anni del regime fascista, in tre grandi periodi (1). Durante il primo, che va dal 1922 al 1924, tale esodo può apparire motivato da considerazioni economiche, proprio come era avvenuto per molti decenni; tuttavia, anche in questo periodo iniziale, in cui il fascismo non aveva ancora assunto il suo carattere dittatoriale, vi erano motivi politici che face vano capolino nella emigrazione. A migliaia di italiani che, senza un particolare interesse politico, avevano cercato lavoro sui mercati di Francia, Svizzera e Belgio, presto si aggiunsero numerosi altri la voratori, di idee socialiste od anarchiche, che avevano preso parte (1) Le seguenti statistiche possono dare un’idea delle variazioni nell’emigra zione. E’ impossibile, naturalmente, stabilire quanti emigrati fossero spinti prin cipalmente da motivi politici e quanti da considerazioni economiche. Le cifre sono prese dall’« Annuario Statistico italiano », Istituto centrale di Statistica, 1944-48, Serie V (Roma, 1949), I, 49. Anno Emigrazione verso Emigrazione verso Emigraz. ve la Francia l’Europa (Francia compr.) Paesi non Euro 1921 44.782 84.328 116.963 1922 99.464 155.554 125.716 1923 167.982 205.273 184.684 1924 201.715 239.088 125.282 1925 145.529 177.558 101.873 1926 111.252 139.900 122.496 1927 52.784 86.247 132.687 1928 49.351 79.173 70.794 1929 51.001 88.054 61.777 1930 167.209 220.985 59.112 1931 74.115 125.079 40.781 1932 33.516 58.545 24.803 1933 35.745 60.736 22.328 1934 20.725 42.296 26.165 1935 11.666 30.579 26.829 1936 9.614 21.682 19.828 1937 14.717 29.670 30.275 1938 10.551 71.848 27.99-* 1939 2.015 56.625 16.198 L’articolo è qui pubblicato per cortese concessione del « Journal of Central European Affairs » (University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado) che l’ha pubbli cato il 1 aprile 1952 (voi. -
Machiavelli the Revolutionary: a Modern Reinterpretation
MACHIAVELLI THE REVOLUTIONARY: A MODERN REINTERPRETATION Susan A. Ashley Four hundred years and the space between the far ends of the political spectrum separate the advocate of princely power from the most prominent Italian Communist, Antonio Gramsci. Other than their reputations as in uential Italian political thinkers, little connects Machiavelli, the Renaissance Humanist, to Gramsci, a Marxist-Leninist proponent of proletarian revolution. And yet, Machiavelli gures pro- minently in Gramsci’s work. Gramsci provided a clear, confident reading of The Prince and its relationship to Machiavelli’s other writings, and he drew on Machiavelli’s ideas both to shape and to explain his own distinctive views of power and of revolution. This founder of the Italian Communist Party and Italian delegate to the Comintern used Machiavelli to reinvent Marx. In doing so, Gramsci also turned Machiavelli into a Marxist, his particular type of Marxist. Despite the evident differences between Italy in the Renaissance and in the twentieth century, Machiavelli and Gramsci shared some common ground. They lived in chaotic times, and both enjoyed political in u- ence, then experienced exclusion when power changed hands. In 1494, the citizens of Florence drove Piero de Medici out for collaborating too closely with the French who had invaded Italy. Machiavelli stepped in and played a prominent role in the new government. He served on a committee which advised the newly-established Grand Council on war and foreign affairs, and he participated in a commission charged with studying the creation of a civilian militia. Four years later, the Florentines established another government under the leadership of Pier Soderini. -
Il Giovane Romeo Alla Ricerca Del Risorgimento in Sicilia
Antonino De Francesco IL GIOVANE ROMEO ALLA RICERCA DEL RISORGIMENTO IN SICILIA Possono sembrare ripetitive altre note ancora sulla genesi del Risorgimento in Sicilia, uno dei lavori che più hanno segnato la storiografia italiana della seconda metà del Novecento e attorno al quale, anche di recente, non sono mancati molteplici interventi volti a riconsiderarne (e al tempo stesso riba- dirne) il significato di «opera fondativa di un indirizzo»1. E tuttavia, non sembra qui inutile aggiungere un piccolo tassello ancora, tornando ad accostare lo sviluppo della ricerca di Romeo ai lavori che, sempre a sua firma, videro in parallelo la luce: saggi, questi ultimi, che accompa- gnano la messa a punto di un giudizio storico nato, come ben noto, nel clima infuocato della rivolta sicilianista d’immediato dopoguerra, sviluppato dalla tesi di laurea discussa nel 1947 e messo definitivamente a punto a Napoli, tra il 1948 e il 1949, nei locali dell’Istituto Italiano per gli Studi Storici, di cui l’au- tore era nel frattempo divenuto un borsista2. Questa prospettiva già indicava Nino Valeri, quando, recensendo la fatica di chi aveva avuto come studente a Catania, suggeriva di utilizzare quale chiave di lettura dell’opera un articolo che sempre Romeo aveva nel frattempo dedicato a quanto, del Risorgimento nell’isola, la storiografia siciliana era venuta approfondendo nel corso del primo Novecento. Pagine - notava puntualmente Valeri - che consentivano di cogliere i molteplici motivi di insoddisfazione di Romeo a fronte di letture tutte segnate vuoi dall’angusta retorica patriottica, vuoi da una ancor più inaccet- tabile prospettiva sicilianista; pagine destinate a divenire pertanto la traccia che indicava dove il giovane storico avvertisse l’insufficienza della ricerca sto- rica e quale prospettiva storiografica intendesse, di conseguenza, perseguire3. -
Giuseppe Mazzini's International Political Thought
Copyrighted Material INTRODUCTION Giuseppe Mazzini’s International Political Thought Giuseppe Mazzini (1805–72) is today largely remembered as the chief inspirer and leading political agitator of the Italian Risorgimento. Yet Mazzini was not merely an Italian patriot, and his influence reached far beyond his native country and his century. In his time, he ranked among the leading European intellectual figures, competing for public atten tion with Mikhail Bakunin and Karl Marx, John Stuart Mill and Alexis de Tocqueville. According to his friend Alexander Herzen, the Russian political activist and writer, Mazzini was the “shining star” of the dem ocratic revolutions of 1848. In those days Mazzini’s reputation soared so high that even the revolution’s ensuing defeat left most of his Euro pean followers with a virtually unshakeable belief in the eventual tri umph of their cause.1 Mazzini was an original, if not very systematic, political thinker. He put forward principled arguments in support of various progressive causes, from universal suffrage and social justice to women’s enfran chisement. Perhaps most fundamentally, he argued for a reshaping of the European political order on the basis of two seminal principles: de mocracy and national selfdetermination. These claims were extremely radical in his time, when most of continental Europe was still under the rule of hereditary kingships and multinational empires such as the Habs burgs and the ottomans. Mazzini worked primarily on people’s minds and opinions, in the belief that radical political change first requires cultural and ideological transformations on which to take root. He was one of the first political agitators and public intellectuals in the contemporary sense of the term: not a solitary thinker or soldier but rather a political leader who sought popular support and participa tion. -
Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)
UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society. -
Gli Antifascisti Al Confino E in Esilio
GLI ANTIFASCISTI AL CONFINO E IN ESILIO Oppositori al confino Nel 1925 lo storico Gaetano Salvemini dava le dimissioni dall’insegnamento universitario, denunciando che la “dittatura fascista” aveva soppresso completamente “quelle condizioni di libertà che sole po- tevano garantire una libera educazione civile”. Il gesto di Salvemini fu esemplare in quanto veniva da un intellettuale di spicco. Lo storico fu costretto all’esilio come altri uomini di cultura, politici e persone comuni. Se questa già era la situazione nel 1925, nel 1926 ogni espressione contraria al Fascismo era ritenu- ta un delitto contro lo Stato e come tale giudicata da un tribunale speciale. Gli oppositori del regime furono condannati al carcere o a un domicilio coatto, il “confino”, in isole o in luoghi lontani, dove gli spostamenti e le comunicazioni erano molto difficili e controllati. Questa fu l’esperienza di molti antifascisti, tra i quali Altiero Spinelli ed Ernesto Rossi, che furono confinati a Ventotene; durante il loro soggiorno coatto nell’isola essi meditarono sulle vicende politiche del Paese e dell’Europa e scrissero un “manifesto” che è considerato un fondamento dell’europeismo (“Manifesto di Ventotene”). Il medico e pittore Carlo Levi dovette lasciare Torino e fu mandato in Ba- silicata: egli narrò gli anni di confino nel romanzo Cristo si è fermato a Eboli. Immagine del priodico antifascista “Non mollare”. I fuoriusciti e le organizzazioni antifasciste all’estero Due socialisti, Carlo Rosselli ed Emilio Lussu, riuscirono a fuggire dal confino di Lipari e si unirono al gruppo dei fuoriusciti a Parigi. Molti degli esponenti più illustri dell’antifascismo avevano preso, infatti, la via dell’esilio (“fuoriuscitismo”) e si erano stabiliti soprattutto in Francia, Svizzera, Gran Bretagna, Belgio, o negli Stati Uniti. -
Democrats and Dictators in Spain and Italy
University of Wisconsin-Madison HISTORY 201: Historian’s Craft Democrats and Dictators in Spain and Italy Van Vleck B223 Monday and Wednesdays, 2:30-3:45 pm Professor Giuliana Chamedes Spring 2020 Office Hours: Wednesdays, 4:15-6pm, and by appointment* Office: Humanities Building, Room 4124 Email: [email protected] Course Description This course introduces students to the exciting work historians do and it encourages them to don the historian’s hat and superhero cape. It does so through an in-depth investigation of a complex and timely topic: the rise and fall of democracy and dictatorship in Italy and Spain. Why did dictatorships in these southern European countries live long lives, and die sudden deaths? How did Italian and Spanish dictators and democrats exercise influence and build popular consent? What does everyday life look like for citizens in dictatorships and democracies? How, troublingly enough, can democracies sometimes morph into dictatorships? Finally, can we, as informed citizens, prevent democracy’s undoing? This course will investigate these and other questions through a range of sources, including literature and film. * Office hours by appointment only on 1/29; 2/5; 2/12; 3/4; 3/25; 4/1; and 5/6. 1 Course Objectives This course fulfills your General Education Communication B Requirement. Throughout this course, we will practice skills like critical thinking, evaluating evidence, constructing arguments, and engaging with opposing viewpoints in writing and in speech. By the end of the course, you will become proficient in asking scholarly questions, analyzing primary and secondary sources, and situating sources within their proper context. -
Interventionism (Italy) | International Encyclopedia of the First World War
Version 1.0 | Last updated 08 January 2017 Interventionism (Italy) By Stéfanie Prezioso Italy entered the First World War in May 1915, roughly ten months after it began. During those ten months, the battle of opinions for and against intervention raged on. Public meetings, demonstrations, and street clashes that occasionally left partisans of neutrality (socialists, Catholics and liberals close to Giovanni Giolitti) wounded put the debate in the public eye. Table of Contents 1 The Various Interventionist Currents 2 Benito Mussolini and “Revolutionary” Interventionism 3 Interventionism and Anti-fascism 4 Conclusion Selected Bibliography Citation 1. The Various Interventionist Currents The complex constellation in favor of intervention linked radical cultural currents with a range of political movements. Its nationalist element connected the idea of Italian expansionism into the Balkans and the Adriatic Sea with opposition to representative democracy and socialism. But there was also a significant democratic/revolutionary interventionist configuration on the left. Republicans, revolutionary trade-unionists, and anarcho-syndicalists saw war as a means to an end, a way to fight the Central European empires, free the oppressed, radically transform Italian society, and end the monarchy. Some also wanted power to pass into the hands of the working class. 2. Benito Mussolini and “Revolutionary” Interventionism Alongside the founder of futurism, Filippo Tommaso Marinetti (1876-1944), and the poet Gabriele Interventionism (Italy) - 1914-1918-Online 1/3 D’Annunzio (1863-1938), both key purveyors of nationalist myths, it was Benito Mussolini (1883- 1945) – expelled from the Italian Socialist Party in October 1914 over his pro-war positions – who became the most important spokesman for the forces that coalesced in November 1914 under the name Fasci di azione rivoluzionaria, with confused slogans that both opposed and championed revolution.