Russian Foreign Policy: Sources and Implications Support of This Monograph Was Completed in Spring 2008
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History 251 Medieval Russia
Medieval Russia Christian Raffensperger History 251H/C - 1W Fall Semester - 2012 MWF 11:30-12:30 Hollenbeck 318 Russia occupies a unique position between Europe and Asia. This class will explore the creation of the Russian state, and the foundation of the question of is Russia European or Asian? We will begin with the exploration and settlement of the Vikings in Eastern Europe, which began the genesis of the state known as “Rus’.” That state was integrated into the larger medieval world through a variety of means, from Christianization, to dynastic marriage, and economic ties. However, over the course of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the creation of the crusading ideal and the arrival of the Mongols began the process of separating Rus’ (becoming Russia) from the rest of Europe. This continued with the creation of power centers in NE Russia, and the transition of the idea of empire from Byzantium at its fall to Muscovy. This story of medieval Russia is a unique one that impacts both the traditional history of medieval Europe, as well as the birth of the first Eurasian empire. Professor: Christian Raffensperger Office: Hollenbeck 311 Office Phone: 937-327-7843 Office Hours: MWF 9:00–11:00 A.M. or by appointment E-mail address: [email protected] Assignments and Deadlines The format for this class is lecture and discussion, and thus attendance is a main requirement of the course, as is participation. As a way to track your progress on the readings, there will be a series of quizzes during class. All quizzes will be unannounced. -
For Free Distribution
AN UPDATE ANDREW WILSON ON THE WEST HOW UKRAINE CAN RECOVER MONEY ON DONBAS AND CRIMEA AND YaNUKOVYCH FROM OLIGARCHS № 4 (70) MARCH 2014 A COUNTRY OF FREE RADICALS WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION DOZENS OF PROTESTERS DEAD FOUR HUNDRED INJURED THE EXACT NUMBER OF VICTIMS OF THE REGIME REMAINS UNKNOWN |CONTENTS BRIEFING Ukraine as the Latest The Mist of Victory: The revolution is Fashion: Poles support the Maidan gladly and over. A war begins passionately 4 22 FOCUS Leonidas Donskis: “Every piece of information about The Feast of Defiance: The surge of separatism Ukraine on Russian TV was would have peacefully died down in Crimea. similar to what I had long been listening immediately after 13 Then, Russia interfered January 1991 when the Soviet troops killed fourteen peaceful 6 civilians in Vilnius” Volodymyr Panchenko explains why the 24 Crimea is not a “native Russian land” International lawyer Volodymyr Vasylenko: 8 “There is no statute of Knockout in the Donbas: Confusion, shock and urgent need of limitations for crimes a wise solution from the new government against humanity” Divide and rule? The Ukrainian Week has superimposed three maps of Ukraine: adminirative, economic and hiorical-ethnographic. This simple experiment shows that the maps do not match. This leads to the queion: What principle are the political adepts of federalization going to use to carve up Ukraine? 9 Hiorical-ethnographic divisions 26 (coloured lines) Chernihiv Sumy V O L Y N Adminirative divisions Watch -
REQUIEM for DONBAS Three Essays on the Costs of War in Ukraine
JOHANNES KEPLER UNIVERSITY LINZ Altenberger Str. 69 4040 Linz, Austria www.jku.at, DVR 0093696 REQUIEM FOR DONBAS Three Essays on the Costs of War in Ukraine By Artem Kochnev A Doctoral Thesis submitted at Department of Economics to obtain the academic degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Doctoral Program “PhD Program in Economics” Supervisor and First Examiner Second Examiner em. Univ-Prof. Dr. Michael Landesmann Dr. habil. rer. soc. oec. Robert Stehrer May 2020 Abstract The thesis investigates short- and long-term effects of war on the economy of Ukraine. Specifically, it discusses the impact of separatists’ control and subsequent adverse trade policies on the real economy, responses of stock market investors to battle events, and the effect of conflict intensity on reform progress and institutional change in Ukraine. The thesis finds that the impact of war on the economy is most pronounced on the real economy of the war-torn regions. Whereas separatists’ control caused a decline in economic activity by at least 38%, the thesis does not find evidence supporting that the impact of conflict intensity on asset prices and institutional change in Ukraine was linear in parameters. The thesis explains the lack of the linear relationship between asset price move- ments and conflict intensity by investors’ inattention caused by information overload during the early stages of the conflict. Regarding the possible relationship between con- flict and institutional change, the thesis argues that it was electoral competition, not the conflict dynamics, that had an impact on the decision-making process of the policymak- ers in Ukraine. -
Advancing Freedom in Russia Steven Groves
No. 2088 November 29, 2007 Advancing Freedom in Russia Steven Groves The current Moscow power establishment is The Moscow leadership seems impervious to leading Russia back in time. Instead of moving for- America’s and Europe’s pleas to foster democracy. ward toward a nation that cherishes and protects While the U.S. and its allies wait for a more oppor- freedom and democracy, the establishment is creat- tune time to reengage, they should consider refo- ing a state and body politic dominated by a new cusing their efforts on Russia’s neighbors that are breed of oligarchic groups composed of security willing to democratize. Ultimately, the Russians officers and their business allies. themselves need to realize that they can benefit The Russian media are no longer free and unre- more by integrating into the West and developing stricted. With the exception of a few minor show- democratic institutions that will preserve and pro- case outlets and the Internet, the media are tect their freedoms. dominated by the Kremlin and its allies. The major- On the other hand, Washington cannot ignore ity of political parties are under state control, and Moscow. Too many pressing issues—from Iran and the activities of nongovernmental organizations nuclear proliferation to arms control treaties and the (NGOs) with foreign ties are under severe scrutiny. future of conventional forces in Europe—are on the Russia is no longer a free nation. table. Even during the Soviet era, Washington and A return to authoritarianism is not in the interests Moscow at times had a robust diplomatic engage- of the Russian people, their European neighbors, or ment, despite viewing the world very differently. -
President Addresses First Joint Session of New Kazakh Parliament
+5° / +1°C WEDNESDAY, MARCH 30, 2016 No 6 (96) www.astanatimes.com President Addresses First Exit Poll Says Nur Otan Joint Session of New Kazakh Wins Overwhelmingly as Parliament, Sets Priorities Mazhilis Retains Previous Makeup greens Birlik (Unity) grabbed mea- By Galiaskar Seitzhan ger 0.35 percent. This outcome is basically a virtual repetition of the ASTANA – President Nursultan previous parliamentary election in Nazarbayev-led Nur Otan Party January 2012, which ended with won 82 percent of the popular vote very similar results. in the parliamentary election in Turnout, however, proved strong- Kazakhstan, according to exit poll er this time setting a new record in results announced at midnight on the country’s electoral history and March 21. beating the result from four years The survey also showed the ruling ago when 75.45 percent of regis- party will be opposed by the same tered voters showed up at the polls. parties in the new convocation of Yulia Kuchinskaya, head of the President Nursultan Nazarbayev (at the speaking rostrum) addresses the first joint session of the Senate and the Mazhilis on March 25. the Mazhilis (the national legisla- Astana-based Institute of Democ- ture’s lower chamber) as it was the racy sociological survey company pro-business Ak zhol Democratic According to Kazakhstan’s Cen- niversary of independence with Nazarbayev recalled that the omy of Kazakhstan. Various social Party and leftist Communist Peo- tral Election Commission Chair- By Malika orazgaliyeva the newly elected parliament. 25th anniversary of Kazakhstan’s problems grow even in relatively ple’s Party again barely crossed the man (CEC) Kuandyk Turgankulov, Three parties and nine members independence coincided with a prosperous countries, he noted. -
Brave New World Service a Unique Opportunity for the Bbc to Bring the World to the UK
BRAVE NEW WORLD SERVIce A UNIQUE OPPORTUNITY FOR THE BBC TO BRING THE WORLD TO THE UK JOHN MCCaRTHY WITH CHARLOTTE JENNER CONTENTS Introduction 2 Value 4 Integration: A Brave New World Service? 8 Conclusion 16 Recommendations 16 INTERVIEWEES Steven Barnett, Professor of Communications, Ishbel Matheson, Director of Media, Save the Children and University of Westminster former East Africa Correspondent, BBC World Service John Baron MP, Member of Foreign Affairs Select Committee Rod McKenzie, Editor, BBC Radio 1 Newsbeat and Charlie Beckett, Director, POLIS BBC 1Xtra News Tom Burke, Director of Global Youth Work, Y Care International Richard Ottaway MP, Chair, Foreign Affairs Select Committee Alistair Burnett, Editor, BBC World Tonight Rita Payne, Chair, Commonwealth Journalists Mary Dejevsky, Columnist and leader writer, The Independent Association and former Asia Editor, BBC World and former newsroom subeditor, BBC World Service Marcia Poole, Director of Communications, International Jim Egan, Head of Strategy and Distribution, BBC Global News Labour Organisation (ILO) and former Head of the Phil Harding, Journalist and media consultant and former World Service training department Director of English Networks and News, BBC World Service Stewart Purvis, Professor of Journalism and former Lindsey Hilsum, International Editor, Channel 4 News Chief Executive, ITN Isabel Hilton, Editor of China Dialogue, journalist and broadcaster Tony Quinn, Head of Planning, JWT Mary Hockaday, Head of BBC Newsroom Nick Roseveare, Chief Executive, BOND Peter -
Jan Sobczak Alexei Nikolaevich, Tsarevich of Russia
Jan Sobczak Alexei Nikolaevich, Tsarevich of Russia Echa Przeszłości 12, 143-156 2011 ECHA PRZESZŁOŚCI XII, 2011 ISSN 1509-9873 Jan Sobczak ALEXEI NIKOLAEVICH, TSAREVICH OF RUSSIA This article does not aspire to give an exhaustive account of the life of Alexei Nikolaevich, not only for reasons of limited space. The role played by the young lad who was much loved by the nation, became the Russian tsesarevich and was murdered at the tender age of 14, would not justify such an effort. In addition to delivering general biographical information about Alexei that can be found in a variety of sources, I will attempt to throw some light on the less known aspects of his life that profoundly affected the fate of the Russian Empire and brought tragic consequences for the young imperial heir1. Alexei Nikolaevich was born in Peterhof on 12 August (30 July) 1904 on Friday at noon, during an unusually hot summer that had started already in February, at the beginning of Russia’s much unfortunate war against Japan. Alexei was the fifth child and the only son of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna. He had four older sisters who were the Grand Duchesses: Olga (8.5 years older than Alexei), Tatiana (7 years older), Maria (5 years older) and Anastasia (3 years older). In line with the law of succession, Alexei automatically became heir to the throne, and his birth was heralded to the public by a 300-gun salute from the Peter and Paul Fortress. According to Nicholas II, the imperial heir was named Alexei to break away from a nearly century-old tradition of naming the oldest sons Alexander and Nicholas and to commemorate Peter the Great’s father, Alexei Mikhailovich, the second tsar of the Romanov dynasty that had ruled over Russia for nearly 300 years from the 17th century. -
The Growing Influence of the Russian Orthodox Church in Shaping Russia’S Policies Abroad
02 BLITT.DOC (DO NOT DELETE) 11/28/2011 10:25 PM RUSSIA’S “ORTHODOX” FOREIGN POLICY: THE GROWING INFLUENCE OF THE RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH IN SHAPING RUSSIA’S POLICIES ABROAD PROF. ROBERT C. BLITT* TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction ................................................................................364 2. The Russian Orthodox Church’s Foreign Policy Mandate ......................................................................................365 3. Russian Foreign Policy and Disregard for the Constitutional Obligations of Secularism, Separation, and Nondiscrimination .............................................................367 3.1. The Ideological Centrality of Orthodoxy in Russian Foreign Policy as Expressed through Euphemism ...................... 368 3.1.1. The Role of “Spirituality" in Russia’s National Security Strategy .................................................................. 368 3.1.2. A Note on Culture as a Synonym for Orthodoxy ......374 3.1.3. “Spiritual Security” & “Spiritual Revival” ..............377 3.2. Putting Rhetoric into Practice: The Ascendancy of “Spirituality” in Russia’s Foreign Policy ....................................380 3.2.1. Russian Orthodox Church-Ministry of Foreign Affairs Working Group .........................................................380 3.2.2. Russkiy Mir Foundation: A Chimera State-Church Foreign Policy Tool ................................................................383 3.2.3. Support for Days of Spiritual Culture .....................390 3.2.4. Facilitating an Exclusive -
Latvian Foreign and Security Policy
Supported by: In cooperation with: The Latvian Foreign and Security Policy Yearbook 2018 aims to contribute to the understanding of Latvia’s foreign and security policy decisions and considerations in 2017, as well as assess the opportunities and concerns that await Latvia in 2018. During the past year Latvia saw considerable improvements in its security situation, while simultaneously met with new international and regional challenges. 2018 promises to be a similarly dynamic year full of opportunities and tests. Latvia will have to make brave and strong choices in its foreign and security policy. Supported by: the Parliament of the Republic of Latvia and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Latvia In cooperation with: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Editors: Andris Sprūds, Ilvija Bruģe Authors: Māris Andžāns, Kristiāns Andžāns, Aldis Austers, Reinis Āboltiņš, Una Aleksandra Bērziņa-Čerenkova, Sintija Broka, Ilvija Bruģe, Kārlis Bukovskis, Alina Clay, Lolita Čigāne, Mārtiņš Daugulis, Justīne Elferte, Ilze Garoza, Ojārs Ēriks Kalniņš, Andis Kudors, Imants Lieģis, Žaneta Ozoliņa, Gunta Pastore, Diāna Potjomkina, Edgars Rinkēvičs, Uģis Romanovs, Ojārs Skudra, Andris Sprūds Project coordinators: Ilvija Bruģe, Sintija Broka The opinions expressed here are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the positions of the Latvian Institute of International Affairs, Parliament of the Republic of Latvia, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Latvia or Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung or represent the opinion of any government authority or ministry. Translation from Latvian: Ingmārs Bisenieks English language editor: Līvija Uskale Layout: Oskars Stalidzāns Cover design: Kristīne Plūksna-Zvagule This book is published in collaboration with the Publishers Zinātne © Authors of the articles, 2018 © Translation: Ingmārs Bisenieks, 2018 ISBN 978-9934-567-18-6 © Layout: Oskars Stalidzāns, 2018 UDK 327(474.3)”20”(058) © Cover design: Kristīne Plūksna-Zvagule, 2018 Sp950 © Latvian Institute of International Affairs, 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD Andris Sprūds . -
Russian Strategy Towards Ukraine's Presidential Election
BULLETIN No. 49 (49) August 19, 2009 © PISM Editors: Sławomir Dębski (Editor-in-Chief), Łukasz Adamski, Mateusz Gniazdowski, Beata Górka-Winter, Leszek Jesień, Agnieszka Kondek (Executive Editor), Łukasz Kulesa, Ernest Wyciszkiewicz Russian Strategy towards Ukraine’s Presidential Election by Jarosław Ćwiek-Karpowicz Dmitry Medvedev’s letter to Viktor Yushchenko is a clear signal of Russia’s intention to influ- ence internal developments in Ukraine, including the course of the presidential campaign. In the run-up to the January 2010 poll, unlike in the period preceding the Orange Revolution, Russia will very likely refrain from backing just a single candidate, and instead will seek a deepening of the existing divisions and further destabilization on the Ukrainian political scene, destabilization which it sees as helping to protect Russian interests in Ukraine. Medvedev’s Letter. In an open letter to Viktor Yushchenko, dated 11 August, Dmitry Medvedev put the blame for the crisis in bilateral relations on the Ukrainian president, and he explained that the arrival of the new ambassador to Kiev, Mikhail Zurabov—replacing Viktor Chernomyrdin, who was recalled last June—would be postponed. Medvedev accused his Ukrainian counterpart of having knowingly abandoned the principles of friendship and partnership with Russia during the past several years. Among the Yushchenko administration’s alleged anti-Russian actions, he listed weapons shipments and support extended to Georgia in last year’s armed conflict in South Ossetia; endeavors to gain -
The Bolshevil{S and the Chinese Revolution 1919-1927 Chinese Worlds
The Bolshevil{s and the Chinese Revolution 1919-1927 Chinese Worlds Chinese Worlds publishes high-quality scholarship, research monographs, and source collections on Chinese history and society from 1900 into the next century. "Worlds" signals the ethnic, cultural, and political multiformity and regional diversity of China, the cycles of unity and division through which China's modern history has passed, and recent research trends toward regional studies and local issues. It also signals that Chineseness is not contained within territorial borders overseas Chinese communities in all countries and regions are also "Chinese worlds". The editors see them as part of a political, economic, social, and cultural continuum that spans the Chinese mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, South East Asia, and the world. The focus of Chinese Worlds is on modern politics and society and history. It includes both history in its broader sweep and specialist monographs on Chinese politics, anthropology, political economy, sociology, education, and the social science aspects of culture and religions. The Literary Field of New Fourth Artny Twentieth-Century China Communist Resistance along the Edited by Michel Hockx Yangtze and the Huai, 1938-1941 Gregor Benton Chinese Business in Malaysia Accumulation, Ascendance, A Road is Made Accommodation Communism in Shanghai 1920-1927 Edmund Terence Gomez Steve Smith Internal and International Migration The Bolsheviks and the Chinese Chinese Perspectives Revolution 1919-1927 Edited by Frank N Pieke and Hein Mallee -
The Transatlantic Partnership and Relations with Russia
The Transatlantic Partnership and Relations with Russia Edited by Frances G. Burwell & Svante E. Cornell The Transatlantic Partnership and Relations with Russia Frances G. Burwell Svante E. Cornell Editors © 2012 Institute for Security and Development Policy and the Atlantic Council of the United States “The Transatlantic Partnership and Relations with Russia” is a monograph published by the Institute for Security and Development Policy in cooperation with the Atlantic Council of the United States. The Institute for Security and Development Policy is based in Stockholm, Sweden, and cooperates closely with research centers worldwide. Through its Silk Road Studies Program, the Institute also runs a joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center with the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute of Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies. The Institute is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. It is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lectures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion. Since its founding in 1961-1962, the Atlantic Council of the United States has been a preeminent, non partisan institution devoted to promoting transatlantic cooperation and international security. Now in its 50th year, the Atlantic Council is harnessing that history of transatlantic leadership and applying its founders’ vision to a broad spectrum of modern global challenges from violent extremism to financial instability and from NATO’s future to energy security. The Council is home to ten programs and centers, broken down both functionally and regionally, which seamlessly work together to tackle today’s unique set of challenges.