The University of Chicago Win, Lose, Or Draw: Roman Provincial Administration and Resistance in the Early Principate a Dissertat
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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO WIN, LOSE, OR DRAW: ROMAN PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION AND RESISTANCE IN THE EARLY PRINCIPATE A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY BY JARED KREINER CHICAGO, ILLINOIS MARCH 2020 © 2020 Jared Kreiner All Rights Reserved For Chelsea Table of Contents Acknowledgements vi Abstract viii List of Maps xii List of Tables xiii List of Figures xiv Introduction 1 Chapter 1: Role of Urbanization and Military Administrators Post Annexation 31 Case Study: Frisian Revolt 28 CE 58 Chapter 2: The Provincial Census in the Early Principate: Recently Annexed and Under-Urbanized Regions 73 Case Studies: Mass Resistance to the Provincial Census 120 Revolt of the Cietae 36 CE 123 Census of Drusus 12 BCE 131 Census of Quirinius 6 CE 146 Chapter 3: Warfare and Burden Levels in the Early Principate 169 Case Studies: Overburdened Communities in Revolt 201 Revolt of Florus and Sacrovir 21 CE 201 Revolts in Illyricum: Dalmatian Revolt (10 BCE) and the Great Illyrian Revolt (6-9 CE) 236 Chapter 4: Varian Disaster (9 CE), Tacfarinas’ Revolt (c.17-24 CE), and the Boudican Revolt (60/1 CE) 267 Chapter 5: Provincial Revolts in the Julio-Claudian Period 310 Appendix 1: Prefects Mentioned in Chapter 1, Organized Chronologically 332 iv Appendix 2: Prosopographies of Praefecti Civitatum, Organized Geographically 336 Appendix 3: Auxiliary Units Discussed in Chapters 2 and 3 366 Appendix 4: Auxilia Units Potentially Raised Around the Time of Provincial Censuses (31 BCE – 79 CE) 390 Bibliography 392 v Acknowledgements I find myself more grateful than words can express for the support that I have received throughout this long and arduous project. The encouragement from friends and family to colleagues and mentors has led to success, that otherwise would not have been possible. I owe a great deal of thanks to my undergrad professors from Christopher Newport University that guided me on this path; John Hyland, Bradley Buszard, Rosa Maria Motta, David Pollio, and Jana Adamitis. I would also like to thank Cameron Hawkins who played such an important role in the early stages of my graduate education at the University of Chicago and in the initial formulations of this project. Furthermore, I would like to thank my dissertation committee; Cliff Ando, Jonathan Hall, and Alain Bresson. To Cliff, for his help in guiding the direction of this project through meetings, comments, and recommendations. I truly believe that our meetings throughout the writing process have been the most enjoyable moments of my graduate experience. To Jonathan, whom I am proud to call my academic grandfather, for all the engaging conversations after workshops, for the worldly professional advice, and for his tireless efforts in honing my academic prose. To Alain, for all the enthusiastic encouragement throughout this arduous project, for the lunchtime meetings to discuss various projects, and for the probing questions that always fueled further research. I feel so fortunate to have worked with all three of them, and their guidance was instrumental in the direction and form of this project. This project was made possible through a Social Sciences Division 5-year Fellowship and an Andrew W. Mellon Dissertation Completion Fellowship. A debt of gratitude is also owed to the libraries of University of Durham (Spring 2016) and Christopher Newport University (Fall 2018 – Fall 2019) for the use of their facilities when I was relocating to be closer to my wife. vi I am eternally grateful to my friends, who provided diversions necessary to maintain my sanity. For all the shared conversations, encouragement, humor, board game nights, brewery and wings trips, metal concerts, FIFA nights, and camaraderie; Josh Vera, Paul Vadan, Tim Clark, Jordan Johansen, Larry Carrillo, Cody Heslop, Sarah Miller†, Benjamin Miller, Rhyne King, Anna Darden, Nick Venable, Chris Dunlap, Colin Rydell, Erika Jeck, Aimee Genova, Deirdre Lyons, Toufic Mayassi, Jamal Abed-Rabbo, Allison Robinson, Taylor Kreiner, Mike Kreiner, Matt Almeida, Steve Hyink, and Elizabeth Young, I extend to you all, my heartfelt gratitude. Of course, I would not have achieved anything without the support of my family. My parents who afforded me the education and ability to pursue a higher degree. My parents and grandparents, both natural (Kreiner and Herr) and in-law (Blake and Fiscella), supported me through their constant interest in this project and concern for my well-being. I cannot express the gratitude I have for their constant love and support throughout this process. And finally, to my wife, Chelsea, no acknowledgement could be great enough to describe the encouragement and support you have given me. You; who have edited for me, read through paragraphs for me, and convincingly feigned interest in the subject for me, thank you! vii Abstract The late Republic and early Principate witnessed mass expansion of the Roman Empire, and the ensuing consolidation and incorporation efforts in the decades after conquest resulted in dozens of episodes of mass indigenous resistance. Scholars have addressed issues of provincial revolts in several fields of Roman history, and a few have sought to understand provincial revolts phenomenologically. Within acculturation studies, Stephen Dyson has examined the role of socio-economic and political changes brought about by Roman conquest and incorporation in causing revolts, arguing that revolts often broke out in the second generation after conquest because Rome’s attempts to consolidate its power over newly conquered peoples disrupted local practices (1971, 1975). Meanwhile, recent articles by Greg Woolf (2011) and Myles Lavan (2017) call to attention the way ancient authors wrote about revolt, namely revealing how revolt narratives fit into broader historiographic trends (as well as the intertextuality of narratives), tropes, and authorial agendas. Recently, Gil Gambash has approached provincial revolts from the field of Roman imperialism, where he focuses on the agency and various responses of Roman central policymakers, as well as how they managed tensions with provincials, handled revolts when they broke out, and how Rome commemorated revolts (2015). Despite great advancements in our understandings of the nature and functioning of the Roman Empire, its administrative apparatus, and how it incorporated recently conquered peoples into the empire, there is still a need to study systemically the relationship between provincial resistance and the administrative institutions cited for causing mass unrest to make further progress on these aspects. This project utilizes known instances of mass provincial resistance towards Roman provincial institutions as a magnifying glass to study how Rome first implemented its administrative structures in recently acquired territories. Through this endeavor, viii we may see if and how these provincial institutions were conducted differently than in later (and more settled) periods of the Principate, and to what extent the method and timing of Rome implementing these administrative structures could inadvertently incite resistance. Specifically, in my project, I look at how institutions such as taxation, the provincial census, and conscription were implemented and conducted in the first few decades after conquest in order to show how these institutions could contribute to the occurrence of provincial revolts as well as reveal the previously misunderstood connections between revolts and these institutions. Chapter 1 focuses on the use of military officers as prefects set over local communities (praefecti civitatum) in the early decades of Roman rule. I contextualize the circumstances and periodicity of their use and emphasize that they are only utilized when Rome had concerns about a population’s propensity for unrest or their trustworthiness to conduct specific tasks. The appearance of prefects among provincial communities suggests that in certain places in the early Principate there was a greater Roman presence, allowing us to view the potential relationship between military officers operating at local levels and the occurrence of revolt (such as in the case of the Frisian revolt of 28 CE) in a new way. In Chapter 2, I reconstruct the operation of the provincial census in the early Principate to show how it may have been conducted differently when compared to later periods. Whereas previous scholarship has ascribed resistance to the modus operandi of Rome’s form of census taking, through case studies of mass resistance against the census (Gaul in 13/2 BCE, Judaea in 6 CE, and Rough Cilicia c. 36 CE) I argue that mass provincial resistance to the census only occurred when Rome or its proxies lacked a control over a region at the time of a census, either due to regional instability or conducting it too soon during the consolidation process. ix In Chapter 3, after briefly outlining patterns in eleven episodes of anti-fiscal complaints and revolts, I show that many anti-fiscal episodes occurred in a wartime context. I then argue that under certain conditions, such as military campaigning on the fringes of the empire, that certain populations experienced heavier burdens due to the strains placed on populations by increased military recruitment and requisitions on top of routine exactions. This argument is sustained by investigating how the Roman armies’ auxiliary levies, and logistical and requisition systems could negatively impact the production capabilities,