Visitor's Guide Soviet Exhibitions 09.12.2016

Home , Faceted glass, Prima (cigarette)

VISITOR’S GUIDE SOVIET EXHIBITIONS 09.12.2016 – 30.04.2017 VISITOR’S GUIDE SOMMAIRE SOVIET EXHIBITIONS 09.12.2016 – 30.04.2017

IX EVERYDAY UTOPIA SOVIET OBJECTS 1953 – 1991

SOVIET GLAMOUR USSR HAUTE-COUTURE

IN THE ALEXANDRE VASSILIEV VII

COLLECTION I VI II IV V VIII VLADIMIR SOKOLAEV III REPORTER OF THE ORDINARY

ROOM I EVERYDAY UTOPIA 04 – 07 ROOM II LIVING ENVIRONMENTS 08 – 11 ROOM III SOVIET DESIGN 12 – 17 ROOM IV – V PRIVATE LIFE, PUBLIC LIFE 18 – 21 ROOM VI SOVIET GLAMOUR 22 – 25 ROOM VII SOVIET OBJECTS 26 – 43 ROOM VIII SOVIET OBJECTS 44 – 61 ROOM IX VLADIMIR SOKOLAEV 62 – 65 CREDITS INTRODUCTION 3

CONCEPT AND TEXTS CURATORS OF THE EXHIBITION “VLADIMIR ARTEFACTS Milk was sold in the same packaging from the Gabriel Umstätter, Lada Umstätter, Rada Landar, SOKOLAEV, REPORTER OF THE ORDINARY” FROM A LOST CIVILISATION steppes of Kazakhstan to north of the Arctic circle. Geneviève Piron Gabriel Umstätter, Lada Umstätter in collaboration That a new society was born from the ruins of anoth- with Khristina Sokolaeva On the night of the 8th of December 1991, the pres- er and fed on some of the former’s forms does not TRANSLATION idents of the Soviet socialist republics of Russia, the change this reality in any way : the Soviet civilisation Philip Maire CURATORS OF THE EXHIBITION “SOVIET Ukraine and Belarus entered into an agreement that belongs to a by gone era. An industrial society, with GLAMOUR. USSR HAUTE-COUTURE IN determined the fate of one of the world’s most pow- its own system for culture, leisure, tourism, scientific GRAPHIC DESIGN THE ALEXANDRE VASSILIEV COLLECTION” erful nations. A few days later, the USSR was no research, that produced its own objects and weap- onlab.ch Rada Landar, Alexandre Vassiliev more. The flags of independent states soon flour- ons at a level comparable to other great developed Project manager : Liliya Selezneva ished in lieu of the internationalist emblem of this nations of the XXth century, vanished like Atlantis. GENERAL CURATORS Curator of the collection : Kirill Gasilin gigantic empire. The preceding period had been the The objects it made have become artefacts as per- Lada Umstätter, Rada Landar, Geneviève Piron, scene of an acceleration of history, experienced as a plexing as those left by lost civilisations. Sometimes Gabriel Umstätter suspension of time. People now spoke up publically, pompous, often old-fashioned, even more so mun- in a democratic way, honoured the victims of the dane, they resemble those of neighbouring societ- CURATORIAL COMMITTEE regime in symbolic actions and dismantled monu- ies : same bowls, same toys, same boots, or so it Mathias a Marca, Corinne Billod Zender, ments. Stars shone in the eyes of millions, gathered would seem. He or she who examines these arte- Vladimir Doukelski, Nicole Hovorka, in compact crowds : hopes of freedom, of a new facts adopts the stance of an archaeologist. Studies Jean-Philippe Jaccard, Joël Rappan, beginning, of a liberated economy. and explanations are necessary in order to under- Liliya Selezneva, Sophie Vantieghem, For those who witnessed them, the years that fol- stand their meaning and imagine their purpose. Alexandre Vassiliev lowed were somewhat surrealistic. A former world stood in defiance while a new world emerged. Basic Soviet commodity-type products like milk, flour, sugar, all in their old thick paper wrapping shared retail store shelves with brightly coloured products imported from Germany or Jordan. Churches once converted into livestock warehouses were restored by volunteers, often with the help of old communists. Strangely, the fur caps of military servicemen were adorned for a time with contradictory symbols : the COVER PAGE P. 20 P. 36 P. 54 Roly-poly, 1950s, Rada and Misha, board game Mending of tights, The Space Pavilion at the red star of the Soviet state and the imperial eagle plastic. Geneva, Musée in a dacha near Abramtsevo, Novokuznetsk, 19 November Exhibition of Achievements of of the new Russian Federation. People welcomed d’ethnographie / photograph Moscow area, 1980s, private 1983, photograph by Vladimir National Economy, Moscow, the return of the imperial symbol, the two-headed by J. Watts photograph Sokolaev, collection of the 1960s, private photograph eagle, by naming it the “Chernobyl chicken”, a typ- artist’s family ically Soviet touch of dark humour. P. 4 – 5 P. 22 – 23 P. 58 The Guide on Palace Square, Fashion show in a large P. 40 Newspaper articles displayed Objects disappeared faster than the habits that Victory Day, Leningrad, “Passaj” shop, Leningrad, Celebration parade (slogan : on a wall panel, 1970s, surrounded their use. Very quickly, insignia, cos- 9 May 1982, photograph by 17 March 1982, photograph “Long Live the Communist photograph by Victor tumes, flags, piles of tableware and goods, once Vladimir Sokolaev, collection by Vladimir Sokolaev, Party”), 1959, photograph Akhlomov / Glaz Gallery, preciously passed on from generation to generation, of the artist’s family collection of the artist’s family by Victor Akhlomov / Moscow were scrapped and sold off in flea markets. The Glaz Gallery, Moscow P. 08 – 09 P. 24 P. 62 – 63 codes and symbols associated with the “system of Slogan on a boulevard : “Long Baku fashion house, Henriette P. 44 – 45 Station Square : gust of wind, Soviet objects” seemed to be forgotten in less than Live the Communist Party!”, Fouks tries on the new designs Reunion of cousins at their Novokuznetsk, 11 May 1981, ten years. To such an extent that it has become hard 1970s, photograph by Victor of her collection, 1960s, grandmother’s house, Baku, photograph by Vladimir today for the lay public to grasp their meaning and Akhlomov / Glaz Gallery, private photograph late 1950s – early 1960s, Sokolaev, collection of the imagine their uses. Moscow private photograph artist’s family P. 26 – 27 These objects were uniformly used all over a mas- P. 12 – 13 Rada and Lada on waking P. 46 P. 64 sive area dominated by a single culture. Despite its Façade adorned with in their room, 1970s, Head of a photography shop in In my workshop with the ethnic and geographic diversity, the USSR formed a portraits of Marx, Engels and private photograph front of the flags and diplomas PRAKTIKA camera I never cohesive whole sheltered within an almost hermetic Lenin before a celebration, of honour earned by the firm used, Novokuznetsk, August border. A powerful centre undertook a relentless Leningrad, 1988, photograph P. 28 at socialist competitions, 1978, photograph by Vladimir by Victor Akhlomov / Class photo, School N° 32, Moscow, 1960, photograph Sokolaev, collection of the process of standardisation and modernisation, Glaz Gallery, Moscow Moscow, 1979, private by Victor Akhlomov / Glaz artist’s family disseminating in every one of its regions not only photograph Gallery, Moscow decisions of a political, economic or social nature, P. 16 but also objects, cultural productions and lifestyles. Dairy products, image taken P. 32 P. 50 There were of course tensions and divides within from the “Book of Healthy Two boys play on a Young woman waiting in and Tasty Cooking”, Moscow, building site, Kirov Street, front of a theatre, Moscow, an empire that merged societies that were at dif- 1965 edition Novokuznetsk, 1st January 1960s, photograph by Victor ferent stages of development, had their own sur- 1983, photograph by Vladimir Akhlomov / Glaz Gallery, viving local traditions and had seen the emergence P. 18 – 19 Sokolaev, collection of the Moscow of antagonistic social groups. But in celebrations, 1st May parade on Red artist’s family from Kaliningrad, in eastern Prussia, to Vladivostok, Square, Moscow, 1981, photograph by Victor in the Far East, people waved the same flags. The Akhlomov / Glaz Gallery, elites in their function saunas would drink the same Moscow champagne as the ordinary folk at their weddings. 4 ROOM I EVERYDAY UTOPIA 5 SOVIET OBJECTS 1953 – 1991 7

This exhibition seizes an opportunity : the coinciding anniversaries of two events 1938 – 1953 FACETED GLASS that symbolize the beginning and the end of the Soviet adventure. They are the The Soviets enter the war belatedly (1941) following the German-Soviet Non-aggression Pact. Despite The Gus-Khrustalnuj glass factory, which specialis- centenary of the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the 25th anniversary of the the army being disorganized because of the purges, es in making cheap and sturdy crockery during the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. Despite its legacy, many already feel as resistance is heroic (Battle of Stalingrad, Leningrad war, produces the first Soviet faceted glass in 1943. though it were a remote and mysterious era. This exhibition is an attempt to report Blockade) and leads to victory, but costs the lives of Its shape is reminiscent of 17th century glasses 20 million. The Council for Mutual Economic Assis- made of wood strips that were assembled like bar- on the multiple dimensions of an experiment that for a long time embodied the tance (COMECON) binds the economic policies of rels ; a persistent oral tradition, however, attributes hope that humanity could be created anew. new socialist brother states to the USSR. A wind of its design to sculptor Vera Mukhina (1889 – 1953). This exhibition propounds the idea of a genuine “Soviet civilisation”, singular freedom is followed by the resurgence of repression She was made famous by her Worker and Kholkhoz (anti-Semitic actions : Doctor’s plot). Beginning of Woman, a monumental group sculpture that caused and coherent, most completely achieved after the transitional years of the inter-war the Cold War. quite a sensation at the 1937 Exposition internatio- period, in other words in the four decades following the death of Stalin. In order nale in Paris, where it adorned the Soviet pavilion, to offer a vivid glimpse of the value system and the often disconcerting practical 1953 – 1964 and later, as soon as 1939, welcomed visitors to the Khrushchev gradually seizes power. His “Secret VDNKh, the “Exhibition of Achievements of National aspects of life in a society guided by a general attempt to achieve a utopia, it Speech” reports on the crimes of Stalin. Read out Economy” in Moscow. showcases everyday objects that could once be found all over the Soviet Union at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party, it ush- 500 to 600 million faceted glasses are produced but have now become quite rare. ers in a time of “Peaceful coexistence” : release of every year from the beginning of the 1950s to the millions of prisoners, relative cultural freedom, but end of the 1980s. They can be found everywhere : These objects demonstrate an alternative route in XXth century design : they violent crackdowns in Poland and Hungary. 1957 : in crèches, schools, factories, prisons, hospitals, were often conceived following specifications that differed greatly from their launch of Sputnik 1. 1961 : Gagarin is the first and in every home. In markets, the faceted glass Western equivalents, as is shown in the section of the exhibition dedicated to human to travel into outer space, construction of becomes a standard for measuring grain ; fitted with the Berlin Wall. Attempts to reform institutions and a glass holder, it is transformed into an element of the the creation and distribution of objects. Beyond these functional and aesthetic the economy remain inconclusive, especially in the iconic Soviet Railways tea set. In the early 1960s, aspects, however, they also encapsulate a human experience that is all at once agriculture sector. 1962 : Cuban Missile Crisis. a campaign against drunkenness and alcoholism rich and surprising, funny and tragic. From their appearing side by side emerges brings about the withdrawal of small volume vodka 1964 – 1984 bottles (125 to 250 ml) : the faceted glass becomes a network of forgotten meanings. Khrushchev is removed from power and replaced an essential component of “three-way drinking”, or For this purpose, these objects have been gathered into eight sections ded- by Brezhnev. Long period of stagnation. 1968 : the sharing out a half-litre vodka bottle between oneself icated to topics that run through the whole Soviet period : the stages of life and Prague Spring is crushed by the tanks of the War- and two momentary comrades. saw Pact forces. The Strategic Arms Limitation their rituals, housing and the quest for staple goods in a society where shortages Talks (SALT) impose restrictions on nuclear weap- are the norm, public or private occasions to celebrate ; work – much more than a ons. 1979 : invasion of Afghanistan. 1980 : Summer livelihood in a country where unemployment does not officially exist – and its rela- Olympics in Moscow. 1982 : Brezhnev dies after six years of severe illness. Andropov attempts several tionship with leisure ; reasons for pride and relating to others, in a closed society reforms, but does not slacken on censorship or the where identity is formed in contrast with an internal or external enemy. repression of dissidents. His death follows after 8 Beyond the coherence the exhibition wishes to demonstrate, this was a time months of illness. of marked evolution, a fact admirably illustrated by the transformation of Soviet 1984 – 1991 housing over time : from the communal apartments of the inter-war period to the Gorbachev attempts to introduce radical reforms : separate apartments built under Brezhnev, the history of Soviet housing condi- perestroika (reconstruction) and glasnost (openness). 1986 : nuclear disaster of Chernobyl. Econo- tions provides an ideal framework to understand everyday life in the Soviet era. mic reforms : authorisation of small-scale entrepre- It is a laboratory for all the nerves that run through the social body, for instance neurship, openness to the foreign markets. Awaken- between private and public life, realities and ideals. ing of nationalist sentiments in peripheral republics. 1989 : a dose of democracy is injected with the creation of a new legislative assembly. Fall of the Berlin Wall : Gorbachev does not interfere. 1991 : KEY DATES IN HISTORY 1924 – 1938 failed coup due to the intervention of Yeltsin. One Progressive rise to power of Stalin, end of the NEP. by one the republics proclaim their independence. 1917 – 1924 First five-year plan : its aim is to provide the USSR Dissolution of the USSR, replaced by the CIS. Russian Revolution (February and October Revo- with a form of heavy industry. Starting in 1928, forced lution), 1917 : end of the monarchy, the Bolsheviks collectivisation of the land (creation of the kolkhozes After work, in the light of a kero- come to power, founding of the Cheka (ancestor of and sovkhozes). Repression in rural areas leads to sene lamp, they combined pure the KGB) and the Red Army. Civil war (1917 – 1921). famines. 1934 : the assassination of Kirov serves as Hardening of the regime : War communism, fol- a pretext to the launch of the Great Stalinist Purges. alcohol with the cold, cedar-scent- lowed by a time of relaxation due to the NEP (New 2nd five-year plan : production is intensified, stakha- ed water of Kazybinsk and drank Economic Policy). 1922 : creation of the USSR novism. 1936 : beginning of the Moscow Trials. Par- in faceted glasses made yellow by (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) that unites anoid eradication of the opponents of the regime : Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Transcaucasia under Soviets are shot or sent into gulags (forced-labor the faint and turbid flame of the fire. a same flag. Death of Lenin in 1924. camps) by the millions. V. Orlov, The Salty Watermelon, 1963 8 ROOM II LIVING ENVIRONMENTS 9 10 ROOM II LIVING ENVIRONMENTS 11

Starting in 1918, the resettlement of families from the working-class suburbs STALINKI BREJNEVKI increases the density in large city-centre accommodation. Rooms in flats, some- Stalinist apartment blocks, with their often monu- Under the leadership of Leonid Brezhnev, this first times even halls and corridors are adapted to welcome a large number of tenants. mental, imposing neoclassical façades, are charac- generation of suburban housing is replaced with nine The apartment become a locus for social intermingling : bedrooms are shared terised by their solidity, the quality of the finish, and to sixteen storey-high apartment blocks formed of between four or five lodgers, families run into each other in the corridors or the three to four meter high ceilings. Lit up by massive “improved planning apartments”, also known as the chandeliers, they are often decorated with columns, “Moscow series”. Besides a kitchen twice as large as kitchen. White collar workers are forced to rub shoulders with farmers, workmen sculptures, reliefs and wall panels covered in mosa- in the past, the main improvements are the addition and civil servants in the intimacy of their living quarters. The communal apartment ics or paintings. The entrance to these buildings of a lift and a waste disposal system at every level, is born and will remain the most common housing arrangement for city dwellers intended to house the country’s elite often includes a with its trademark scent and host of cockroaches lodge, a porter and a lift. This Stalinist classicism cul- in the winter. As of 1971 and over three five-year until the end of the 1960s and often much later. minates in Moscow’s seven “high houses”, a series plans, these mass-produced apartment blocks, built “Witness-apartments” of a radiant future, the stalinki, sturdy apartment blocks of skyscrapers with elements of Russian medieval in record time, spread all over the country. The plan built in the Stalinist period, are characterised by balcony and loggia-adorned architecture, built with the intention of rivalling their is to create modern cities similar to London, with a American counterparts. These very costly housing centre and a belt of suburban districts ready to wel- façades, lavish interiors with moulded ceilings and meticulous ornamentations. blocks host the State University and the Ministry of come over a million new residents. A façade for the totalitarian State, they are originally set aside for the country’s Foreign Affairs as well as hotels and luxury accom- These new districts are comprised of separate elite who lead a bourgeois lifestyle, and later, after the Stalinist purges, mostly modation. The lifestyle of residents here is quite dif- and remote groups of buildings that sluggish and ferent from the way the common people live, and overcrowded buses link to the city centre. Street turned into new communal apartments. access to the premises is very restricted. names recur with a dull consistency : Builders The Khrushchev period introduces an opposite idea of architecture that seeks The furniture in Stalinist apartments is typically Avenue, Lenin or Komsomol Street. In these larger to respond to the endemic issues of the past. It relies on new construction methods massive, elegant and sturdy, and gives off an impres- apartments, a sideboard is an essential attribute of sion of stability ; the wood is crafted, dressed in fab- the living room, which is usually also the parents’ that use prefabricated elements, which enable a deployment on a gigantic, national ric, sometimes velvet, with matching tulle curtains. room. The many drawers accommodate heaps scale. Despite many construction flaws, the khrushtshobi give families access to The ornaments contain classical references to the of linen, lacework, silverware, string and papers, a private sphere. Starting in 1971, “improved planning apartments” are stacked imperial art of Rome or Napoleonic France, hence whereas crystal glasses and porcelain tableware the term “Stalinist Empire style”. Porcelain knick- are displayed in the glass cabinet. Furthermore, the up to form buildings 9 to 16 storeys high, the brezhnevki, that continue along the knacks, vases and statues of men and animals, hunt- soundproofing requirements of this type of building same line of effort by banking on a form of town planning made of satellite dor- ing scenes appear alongside busts of Chaikovski, quickly become markers of taste : thanks to the tex- mitory towns. Assembled in record time, they enable the housing of populations Pushkin and Lenin. tile industry, wall hangings are back in fashion. that up to that point had been living in temporary shacks. KHROUCHTCHOBI

KOMMOUNALKA In the process of De-Stalinisation initiated by Nikita COMMUNAL APARTMENT Khrushchev, architects are blamed for the pointless luxury they displayed instead of serving the people : In the communal apartment each family shares Often relationships are tense in an atmosphere of order is given to hark back to Lenin’s original plan one room between all its members (two if they are mutual surveillance. All residents share more or less and a more sparse and functional style. The focus lucky) while the corridor, kitchen and bathroom are the same dream : to one day have their own individ- is now on improving living standards across the communal. Specific customs are born to structure ual apartment. USSR as fast as possible. A new type of apartment life in the kommunalka. To-do lists of tasks to be block is developed, five to six storeys high, and performed alternately are pinned to the door of the assembled from standardised, prefabricated ele- bathroom and kitchen. Irrespective of origin, the res- ments. Health standards plummet, ceilings shed idents must make do with living in close proximity : half a meter in hight, insulation is basic. Numerous “Oh, we have our comforts” goes a song, “like the technical issues plague these buildings that are dead in their coffins. My wife and I, we sleep in the lined up like matchboxes to form the first Soviet dresser, and my mother-in-law in the sink.” dormitory towns. The communal apartment is the birthplace of an Although subsequent generations will ironi- unprecedented urban form of collective existence, cally give these small, one to two bedroom apart- shaped by the social codes of life in the village ments the nickname khrushtshobi, a contraction of and the habits of the lower classes. The kitchen is “Khrushchev” and “dump”, for the time being the where meals are prepared, but not only : clothes are new tenants are delighted : “The whole flat is ours, also washed there, and hung to dry. It is also there ours alone, even the kitchen is ours alone!”, sing an that news and gossip, as well as the latest political enamoured couple in Shostakovich’s operetta Mos- changes in the country, can be heard and passed on. cow, Cheryomushki. Washable, functional modern The kitchen can also at times be a scene of conflict No, we’ll go without a shower. objects are designed specially for these small-scale and revenge (a cockroach slipped into the neigh- Especially as the neighbour homes. Fridges are now too large to enter. Makeshift But after you’ve removed the ket- bour’s soup) as well as sharing and swapping (salt, always fills up the bath with her cold rooms appear on windowsills and become clos- tle, you look up at the ceiling, and money, childcare). Each family has its own table and ets in the warmer months of the year. Dressers and oil or gas powered stove. Clotheslines are stretched dirty laundry. couches are replaced with laminated shelves and admire the system of cracks… above heads, wash tubs are hooked to the walls. A. Zinoviev, The Yellow House, 1980 sofa beds, while sideboards appear in living room. J. Brodsky, The Eyelet, 1970s 12 ROOM III SOVIET DESIGN 13 14 ROOM III SOVIET DESIGN 15

One is entitled to wonder whether the concept of design, born in the context of 1980 – 1990 developed to alleviate the more intractable faults in Western consumerist society, is directly transposable to the USSR. Indeed, the Owing to bureaucratic unwieldiness and the system the system. Most of the time, however, they had to of planned economy, most of the projects undertak- rely on their own skills as seamstresses and their word remains unknown there until the 1980s : another expression is used, “indus- en by the VNIITE unfortunately remain at prototype own ingenuity in the face of persistent shortages. trial aesthetic”, as practised by “construction” artists “specialising in industrial stage. Besides a few isolated achievements and And yet, a centralized fashion bureau had been graphics”. The planned economy (a.k.a. the notorious five-year plans) is a par- exhibitions at the Industrial Design Centre in Mos- established in the late 1940s, the ODMO (All-Union cow, the visual communication and urban signage House of Prototypes), which had branches in twelve ticularly rigid environment, further complicated by persistent and unpredictable systems created for the Summer Olympics in Mos- republics, and brought together fashion designers shortages driven by inefficient production and distribution systems. In the absence cow are a rare and widely deployed example of the as well as art historians and journalists. Every year of competition the idea of publicity ceases to have any meaning and innovation is integrated “design programs” developed in the insti- they came up with new designs for each and every tute at that time. Russian designers are finally given textile factory in the USSR. Their proposed initial hardly spurred at all : the same manufactured products, usually in a single design the right to open their own private studios in 1987. quality, however, was unfortunately always lowered produced by a single factory, may be found (with difficulty) all over the USSR. or lost in the final products, which depended on Technological progress only really takes place in the only truly competitive sec- what materials were really available at the time. The CONSTRUCTION-ARTISTS ODMO also offered designer collections, intended tor : aeronautics, military technology, precision instruments and heavy industry, for display in foreign countries or available through all areas in which the USSR has elected to rival the West during the Cold War. Before the 1950s, the emphasis placed upon the separate distribution networks set aside for the Sovi- The role assigned to design by socialist ideology is to serve society : the ambi- development of infrastructure and heavy industry, et elite. Despite these limitations, it also played an and then on military requirements, leaves little room important part in the development of an aesthetic tion is to create functional and sustainable objects, even though in actual fact the to reflect on consumerist goods and their improve- taste, thanks especially to designs and patterns that quality of consumer goods is often below par. The reality of everyday life leaves a ment, both aesthetically and technically. Industrial were issued in an important fashion magazine. lot of room for DIY and resourcefulness : lacklustre objects are personalised, other design receives its first sign of official recognition as late as 1962 with the creation of the VNIITE (USSR unobtainable ones are made from scratch. Bereft of any commercial purpose, Research Institute of Industrial Design), based in the styling of packagings or manufactured products is often used as a vehicle for Moscow with ten additional regional branches. Its ideology, in the names of the products themselves (“Red October” chocolate, tasks are manifold : to provide mandates for the She passed the picturesque pyr- industry, to produce prototypes, to develop a form “Victory” or “Motherland” watches) or in their design, readily inspired from the of theoretical research (by means of the Technical amids made of bottles of alcohol Space Race, a matter of great Soviet pride. Posters essentially play a role in edu- Aesthetics journal, among others), and to promote and long, brownish, rounded cation or propaganda : campaigns to improve work productivity or public health, public interest in design thanks to the exhibition cen- blocks of cheese that looked so tre in Moscow. Its main accomplishments are direct- commemoration of Soviet achievements and generic quality of Soviet products, ly linked to the technology sector, which benefited very much like sausages… disparagement of ideological enemies. greatly from breakthroughs in the military and aero- A. Solzhenitsyn, Cancer Ward, 1966 nautics sectors : heavy and light vehicles, optical and technical instruments (cameras, watches), but also information and distribution systems, unfortunately seldom implemented. Sustainability, functionality and ergonomics matter much more than aesthetics ; CHRONOLOGY 1950 – 1960 with no marketing role to play, the visual appearance TRADEMARKS In the context of the post-war restructuring of the of consumer goods sometimes constitutes an area 1920 – 1930 economy, a new trade, the construction-artist, is of freedom, unless orders are given to place ideolog- Despite the experiments of the constructivist Embracing the ideals of the Revolution, avant-gar- created and incorporated into the industrial process ical content there first. The constraints that arise in a avant-garde artists being swept aside by the wave de artists wish to create new objects equal to this in the hope of improving the quality of mass-pro- society plagued by shortages can also at times lead of Socialist realism that began in the late 1920s, unprecedented task. The Constructivists in partic- duced consumer goods. As they had dropped to answers both elegant and simple, or interesting they nonetheless retain a lasting effect in the areas ular (El Lissitzky, Rodchenko, Stepanova, Tatlin…) behind technologically, the Soviets copy or find from an ecological perspective. of page layout and typography. Besides a few large turn their back on fine arts and commit with great inspiration in Western products in order to bridge firms lucky enough to have in-house specialised inventiveness to the applied arts (graphic design, the gap, for instance in household appliances or cars. teams, graphic design mandates are at first entrust- photography, photomontage, but also textile and On an aesthetic level, de-Stalinisation also brings CLOTHING ed indiscriminately to members of the Artists’ Union. utility clothing design). In Moscow, the Vkhutemas about a rapprochement with Western modernism. A central unit specialised in industrial graphic design, (Higher Art and Technical Studios) form an import- She would use her grandmother’s old Singer sewing Promgrafika, is eventually set up in 1954. ant centre for teaching and experimentation. 1960 – 1980 machine, brought back from Smolensk… A law created in 1962 forces all Soviet pro- The VNIITE (USSR Research Institute of Industrial A. Solzhenitsyn, Cancer Ward, 1966 ducers to register their own trademarks : a new 1930 – 1950 Design) is established in 1962. With its ten regional The process of de-Stalinisation enables Mos- wave of simple yet expressive logos rejuvenates The accession to power of Stalin signals a return to branches, it becomes the main centre for the cre- cow to open up slightly to the outside world : events the many acronyms and emblems that make up order with the closure of avant-garde institutes and ation and control of Soviet industrial design. Prod- like the World Festival of Youth (1957), a Christian the visual vocabulary of the countless political and the hegemonic imposition of the Socialist realism ucts of Soviet design gradually replace Western Dior fashion show (1959) and the American National sports organisations in the country. A new systemic aesthetic, massively exerted in poster art and fully copies and a State quality label is created with a Exhibition (1959) shed a harsh light on Soviet textile approach is gradually adopted as early as the late dedicated to propaganda. As a counterpoint to the view to foster an enhancement of production, now production, which, at the time and above all, manu- 1960s. Its aim is to develop visual identities that go expansion of heavy industry, quality furniture in a increased and made accessible to a wider audi- factured utility clothing developed at the pace set by beyond simple logos. Perhaps the most successful “Stalinist Empire style” closer to the decorative arts ence. The USSR begins to export goods across the the five-year plans. In order to escape standardised example of this approach is found in the visual com- is manufactured in small amounts to satisfy the new Socialist Block and in Western Europe : cameras, products, Soviet women had no other choice but to munication and urban signage systems designed for bourgeoisie that is the nomenklatura. watches and cars. rely on a network of small sewing workshops, initially the 1980 Summer Olympics. 16 ROOM III SOVIET DESIGN 17

PACKAGING

In the USSR many products were sold without packaging or simply wrapped in newspaper. It was common to have to bring ones own containers to shops (jars or tins) to buy liquid foods : milk, sunflower oil, beer… In urban locations, bottles for various dairy products were set apart by means of different colour aluminium caps, which allowed for a thorough recy- cling of all glass and metal. With the exception of a few State firms, like the “Red October” chocolate factory, the design of product packaging was swiftly centralised : from 1947 to 1991, packaging for most of the country’s production is provided by the “Soyuzprodoformlenie” (“Decoration of USSR Food Products”) conglomerate. Free from any marketing purpose, packaging is frequently used as a medium for propaganda, as are the brands and product names. These are often entirely disconnected from the product itself, like the “Friendship” cheese, the “Sputnik” razor or the “50th Anniversary of the October Revolution” hair clippers. The Soviet sense of humour eagerly invented more of these, like the “In Lenin’s Footsteps” soap.

From time to time I turn around and look at granddad, who is walking slowly down the street, and the milk bottles that shine in his mesh shopping bag. A. Likhanov, My General, 1975 18 ROOM IV – V PRIVATE LIFE, PUBLIC LIFE 19 20 ROOM IV – V PRIVATE LIFE, PUBLIC LIFE 21

Soviet citizens maintained with their own country a relationship that was far from obvious. For decades an entire nation had learned to always obsessively strive to be part of a whole and to plan for the future : people lived together in communal apartments, took part in events, belonged to a same social class and, generally speaking, to the same great collective effort to build the future of the USSR. How- ever, an undeniable sense of weariness emerged over time, increasing especially during the period of stagnation under Brezhnev. Even those who would never have even thought of questioning the soundness of these ideals were overcome ; the ubiquitous slogans seemed to simply have sunk into the background, and people had also gradually taught themselves to lead an individualistic lifestyle. They lived in the moment, day by day, sitting on the fence between official representations and the increasing demands of their own, private life. The film clips shown in these two cabinets seek to illustrate these aspects of public and private life. The series of film clips is dedicated to private life and made up of excerpts taken from fiction films of the Soviet era. These films sought to portray episodes of everyday life within the limits of censorship existing at the time. The second room is dedicated to public life and made up mainly of photos taken from official records. They are in keeping with the ideal image that the Soviet Union wished to project. 22 ROOM VI SOVIET GLAMOUR 23 24 ROOM VI SOVIET GLAMOUR 25

In return for the revolutionary heroism it expected from its citizens on a daily basis, the Soviet State had a duty to offer a glimpse of the brighter days to come. Soviet haute-couture played a part in manufacturing this dream. The dresses and accessories on show in this room were carefully selected by fashion historian Alexander Vassiliev from his extraordinary personal collection, which covers the entire history of Russian costume. Spanning almost 40 years, they offer a comprehensive overview of this most inaccessible part of Soviet fashion, but not only : because they are all so intimately connected to the women whom they belonged to, they also represent a broader slice of history. As a result of the narrowness of the “market” for high fashion in the USSR, all of these women were indeed well-known figures in Soviet culture and politics. These “glamorous” outfits were worn by a vast array of Soviet celebrities : the muse of a cult poet (Lili Brik, partner of Mayakovski), a family member of one of the most powerful leaders in the country (Galina Brezhneva, daughter of Brezhnev), a prima ballerina (Olga Lepeshinskaya), famous theatre and cinema actresses, variety show stars and television presenters. Amid the common objects of an exhibition devoted to “everyday utopia”, these dresses reveal a surprising aspect of the conflicting dreams of Soviet citizens and shed light on the small group of women, some of which were truly remarkable, who were brought to embody these dreams.

DREAMS OF PLENTY films show beaming kolkhozians feasting on more than they need. Housewives can’t get their hands Great sacrifices were required in order to build on enough fabric to sew clothes but the Fashion communism. Soviets in the 1920s and 1930s went magazine offers patterns for elegant suits. Lies feed through repeated spells of terror, rationing and cri- hopes and end up as a substitute for reality, teaching sis : War communism, famines and disorganisation people how to live in that enchanted “other place” of of rural areas, migrations, mass arrests, followed by singing tomorrows. the tragedies of World War II. This generation got used to a life of heroism and paucity. After the war, a desire for comfort leads to the emergence of a new bourgeoisie. The ideal of an ascetic life, as symbolized by the Bolshevik bedroom furnished with a single iron bed, is replaced with another, made of plush interiors, knickknacks and cosy furniture. The regime encourages the ascent of a new bourgeois class, with its own privileged housing conditions and selected consumer goods. This elite brings back haute-couture, builds dachas, feasts on champagne and caviar and has access to high-end car models. These inequalities are justified, in the eyes of the Stalinist authorities, because they are thought to lead to a gradual sharing out of wealth : the social avant-garde is first to enjoy these new benefits, but soon the many will catch up. Although life remains tough and staple goods We stopped by Granovsky Street are still lacking on a daily basis, propaganda displays to swap our ration cards for a kilo endless images of abundance. Shop counters are of sausages, a pound of ham and empty but photos in magazines are brimming with rich and varied foods, delicious dishes and colourful some Danube herring… alcoholic drinks. Families struggle to find bread but V. Aksionov, Paper landscape, 1983 26 ROOM VII SOVIET OBJECTS 27 28 ROOM VII GOING THROUGH LIFE 29

Life in the USSR is punctuated with rites of passage. Participation in communist organisations begins at school : the youngest pupils are called children of October and sport badges that feature the face of Lenin as a child. The pioneer move- ment draws its inspiration from scouting and trains 9 to 14 year-olds to become patriotic and committed citizens : they take part in parades, collect waste paper and learn about community life in camps and outdoor activities. From the age of 14, the komsomol are given responsibilities and included in the Party structure. Access to higher education and certain functions would be unthinkable without these allegiances : to join the Party is an honour bestowed on the elite of society. Despite these stately ceremonies, the major stages of Soviet life are often dotted with considerably more mundane procedures. Patience and cunning are key to finding a place to live, luck and connections essential to come by a good position ; only the patient and skilful find theoretically unobtainable goods. Thus to “obtain” a document, an exit visa, an apartment, a car, but also coveted objects like a pair of boots or imported jeans, is often a highlight in the life of an individual. Rituals surrounding birth and death are characterised by a blending of traditions and Soviet innovations Although it is still occasionally practised when on holiday in a rural area, baptism is officially replaced with State registration. In funeral rites, numerous and significant details highlight the position the deceased held within the Soviet hierarchy : speeches, number of medals on the funeral cushion. Punctuated with endless toasts and songs, all major life events are an opportunity to drink : the start of military service, a wedding, an award, death or emigration.

You will begin to read and write, you will begin to decipher these most intimate and precious of words : mummy, Fatherland, Lenin. 1984, Alphabet book, first page 30 ROOM VII GOING THROUGH LIFE 31

PARTY MEMBERSHIP CARD This card indicates membership of the Soviet Union Communist Party. Members of the Party are considered the elite of society and to join is usually perceived as a step up the social ladder. The accession process is both lengthy and strictly codified : the prospective candidate must first be welcomed, then recommended, show proof of his or her loyalty, and wait for a year and sometimes much longer before being finally accepted. In the beginning, the membership card contained much personal information about the citizen’s behaviour and ideological profile. As of the 1930s, these details are transferred to personal records and files. General information relative to rewards and punishments linked to Party life is all that remains on membership cards. The membership card is a document of crucial importance : to lose it is the stuff of nightmares, and leads to dire consequences (castigation, fines, exclusion). The threat of exclusion is more or less always secretly hanging over each member of the Party, disgrace and decline being the potential out- comes (“You may leave your Party membership card on the table” is a threat that touches the core of an individual’s identity). Vladimir Lenin owned the first ever Party membership card. The legend has it that it sported the number 1. Each new member who joins the Party ranks is given a number, which indicates that he or she has now made history. In 1973, when the form � of Party cards is redrawn, Leonid Brezhnev claims Party card, 1973, paper, card, the number 2 for himself, signalling in this way his private collection, photograph direct affiliation with the Guide. by P. Bohrer Staff meeting, Novy Urengoi, Russian. Social origin : Siberia, 1978, photograph employee. Member of the by Victor Akhlomov / Glaz CPSU since 1933. Party Gallery, Moscow membership card n° 00008242. Head of section in his office, I. Droujnikov, Angels on the Head of a Pin, 1970 1970s, private photograph 32 ROOM VII LIVING AT HOME 33

The dominant feature of Soviet housing is the lack of space : the population, massively urbanized within a single generation, now has requirements that mass construction will never be able to meet. Waiting lists for new apartments are long, and people must get used to life in an overcrowded environment : in many homes it is still common for 4 to 6 people to share a room. Social privilege in this context is mainly the right to a “living area” larger than the overall standard. Housing is affordable, but also controlled. Each citizen must secure a residence permit, inscribed in his or her passport. This document prevents provincials from moving to big cities, and helps set up a social ladder of privilege through work. Indeed, the right to work gives automatic access to a residence permit. This domestic visa determines many life choices : training, employment, marriage, divorce. It also binds people to their dwelling for generations. Housing districts are made up of long low-rises and groups of massive, anonymous looking buildings. Letter boxes indicate apartment numbers, not the names of residents. Housing built by the State is also poorly kept : oft abandoned communal spaces contrast with private ones, where everyone is committed to completing installations. Village lifestyle habits persist in housing districts : residents gather after work in crowded buses, pensioners play dominoes in building courtyards shared with kids having fun and running around between clothes lines laden with drying linen. Whether they are suspicious or supportive, neighbours de facto belong to an inner circle of close relations : they are often a source of supply and mutual services.

Kostia sleeps on a camp bed in the loggia, a tiny balcony with glazing. A. Rybakov, Krosh Holidays, 1966 34 ROOM VII LIVING AT HOME 35

APARTMENT NUMBER The apartment numbers, stuck directly on the doors, express just how impersonal Soviet housing was. The names of residents never appear on letter boxes or entrance doors : these apartments were State property, and such details acted as constant reminders of State control. Generally speaking, numbers play an important part in the everyday life of Soviet citizens. Insti- tutions and firms are given appointed numbers : school N° 16, furniture factory N° 2, Hospital N° 15, Confectionery Factory N° 6, and so on. The impersonal character of spaces and rooms also finds its expression in the inventory numbers that appear on pieces of furniture and objects at work sites or in the apartments of State officials. These numbers following lyrics, sung by a popular Soviet band who, are inscribed either directly on the lamps and piec- in 1972, say farewell to all the young people sent to es of furniture or on tags that are fastened to them. the country’s great construction sites : “My heart is Scheduled inventory campaigns make sure they are filled with emotion / the postman wraps up a par- checked on a regular basis. cel / My dress is neither a street nor a house, / My In the 1950s, developments linked to research address is the Soviet Union.” on the atomic bomb bring along the establishment Apartment numbers, of secret towns to host military bases and strategic 1960s, enamelled metal. factories. These places are commonly granted the Geneva, Musée d’ethno moniker “letterboxes” due to the single delivery graphie / photograph by address they have been given in order to preserve J. Watts their secret identity. A similar system also applies � to specific special institutes. These closed towns He found his name on the list, Prefabricated building bear the name of the city closest to them, to which courtyard, 1970s, private a number is adjoined (Tomsk-7, Krasnoyarsk-26, along with mysterious symbols : photograph Chelyabinsk-40). Those who work there are under 3 p. n° 14 1 ch. 18 m. 6 Chok. the obligation not to disclose it. Life in these code (Which meant V. Kudryatsev had Building courtyard, Moscow, name towns holds certain attractions : shortages 1970s, photograph by don’t hit quite as hard thanks to a privileged distri- been given a room of 18 square Guennadi Mikheyev, artist’s bution system, and they are also virtually crime free, meters, for 3 people, in apart- collection given that they are essentially impenetrable. ment 14, building No 6 in the These specific circumstances, in which ano- Chokolovski district). Landing of a prefabricated nymity plays an important role and virtually all real residential building, 1960s, estate is State-owned, shed a particular light on the V. Nekrassov, Kira Gueorguievna, 1962 private photograph 36 ROOM VII FINDING ALL YOU NEED 37

Everyday life in the Soviet Union revolves around supplies and how problematic they are to come by. Since its very inception, the planned economy leads to a struggle to get hold of even the most basic goods : sausages, boots, medicine. Production is not based on supply and demand, but obeys the decisions of the administration, hence the often convulsive aspects of the market : for months mayonnaise is virtually unobtainable, whereas jars of fruits in syrup pile up on store shelves. Citizens never leave their home without a foldable bag tucked into a pocket, so as to be ready if an unforeseen opportunity arises. Soviets develop many skills to make do with these constraints. They buy in bulk, whenever they have the chance, and often for their whole family and entou- rage. They swap goods and services, furniture and clothes are handmade. They travel to larger centres in order to find what they need in greater supply. Above all, they wait patiently in shop queues, an activity that can take up several hours in the day of a Soviet citizen. It is the goal of every household to assign one of its members to this duty, often a grandparent. The Soviet market is largely invisible. Many products “run out” before they even reach the shops. Others come directly from the supplier and are distributed in the workplace. The distribution of goods is stratified according to social cat- egories : the rights of war veterans, parcels for political leaders, special “closed” canteens and shops accessible only to those who carry the right badge, other benefits linked to function… The fur that was used to make a coat, the cut of a dress made in a “closed workshop”, a car, imported furniture, even the simple contents of a plate, all tell a great deal about social allegiance, despite the pro- fessed equal treatment. “To get hold of” is an art of survival that relies above all on a good network of relationships.

I’m mending Kostia’s tights. The knees is where they always wear out. N. Baranskaïa, A Week Like Any Other, 1969 38 ROOM VII FINDING ALL YOU NEED 39

SHOPPING BAG Mesh shopping bag. Commonly known as the “avos’ka”, it is an inescapable object of Soviet life, where scarcity is the norm. This bag, made of syn- thetic or cotton thread, is simultaneously lightweight, readily foldable, and adapted to carrying large volumes. It enables its owner to buy, in large quantities when available, a product that has been long sought after, and is now all of a sudden distributed in a shop or on the street. The word avos’ka comes from the expression na avos’ (pot luck, just in case), which points to this providential relationship with food that is found along the way. The mesh shopping bags are for the most part manufactured in the workshops of the Society for the Blind, and are ubiquitous in Soviet households regardless of their standards of living. The classic bag is red, black or blue, made of 14 rows and 24 holes, and designed to carry significant weights (up Mesh shopping bag, 1960s, to 70 kg). In winter they are also put to good use, cotton. Geneva, Musée filled with provisions and hung outside the window. d’ethnographie / photograph The “avos’ka” is readily slipped into a purse, a brief- by J. Watts case or a pocket : in the absence of packaging and � plastic bags to carry goods from the shops back Woman with a stock of cakes, home, it is a crucial element of everyday life. It’s see- 1970s, photograph by Victor through design also incites passers-by to find out Akhlomov / Glaz Gallery, about new arrivals whenever they cross paths with Do you remember what there was Moscow the happy owner of a hefty shopping bag. in the shopping bags? Tea, sugar, Melon sale, Enthusiasts’ oil, sausages. Street, Novokuznetsk, 19 May S. Sokolov, A School for Fools, 1973 1984, photograph by Vladimir Sokolaev, collection of the artist’s family

He pulled a shopping bag from his pocket (“don’t forget, on your Smoked ribs, Vera Solomina Street, Novokuznetsk, way back from work!” his wife had 8 September 1988, ordered him). photograph by Vladimir Sokolaev, collection of the V. Makanine, The Underground, 1998 artist’s family 40 ROOM VII CELEBRATING 41

The October Revolution ushers in an era of major events in public spaces. The parades, in which citizens converge towards the city centre, symbolise a people who is on the march and has conquered the streets. A new calendar of events, which revolves around the Revolution and the heroes who died for the cause or the Fatherland, is created according to the new value system. A secular cate- chism of official celebrations develops accordingly. These celebrations offer an opportunity to organise collective happiness whilst reminding everyone of their place within the hierarchy. November 7th (anniversary of the Revolution), May 1st (International Worker’s Day) and May 9th (World War II Victory Day) are minutely programmed mass celebrations in which groups of workers and institution representatives parade in highly organised battalions alongside squares of gymnasts and rows of children, each bearing flags, banners and the portraits of leaders. The great patriotic celebrations are also an opportunity for the country to show off its power in military parades. Organised weeks in advance, these official celebrations determine street decorations as well as the completion of major public works and are accompanied by triumphant reports. The Production Plan calendar is also set to the rhythm of these celebrations. Travel vouchers and special foods are also handed out on these occasions : sweets, alcohol, sausages and rare preserves, essential on festive tables. For every Soviet celebration presents a private dimension that constitutes its culmination. Just as they do on New Year’s Eve or at birthdays (the only festivities devoid of ideological justification), relatives and friends gather around a table laden with food. Together they eat, laugh, drink, tell funny political stories and join voices in popular singalongs, often late into the night.

Moscow sings October / Wonderful celebration / And the song is heard / By the Russians and by the Tajiks / The Yakut children / Hear the fireworks. A. Barto, Your celebration, 1947 42 ROOM VII CELEBRATING 43

DECORATIONS FOR A SMALL NEW YEAR’S TREE New Year’s tree decorations designed for an approx- imately 30 cm high artificial fir tree, compact enough to adorn a small-size room or the corner of an apartment. Despite apparent similarities, these decorations are set apart by a choice of themes that reflect significantly different periods. Some of them refer to common food products : cucumbers, carrots, pears, turnips. Among these one can also spot a parachute, which suggests military accomplishments, and a new-born, inspired by a desire for peace. These objects take us back to the harsh living conditions in the late Stalinist period, which was marked by severe shortages and the trauma of war. It is a time defined by dreams of plenty, the glorification of victory and an incentive to spur demography. The small cosmonaut and corn on the cob send us back to the early sixties, when Khrushchev is in power, a time marked by the conquest of space and major agricultural campaigns to promote maize production. Although apparently trivial, these small decorative objects are thus also vehicles for propaganda. Such meanings, however, are pushed with such insistence that they end up not being noticed by anyone anymore in everyday life.

� Two sets of New Year’s decorations for a small artificial fir tree, 1950s and 1960s, Tree decorations were in high glass, paper, plastic, private collection, photograph demand : shiny baubles, cellophane P. Bohrer papillotes, “golden rain” cardboard decorations, golden walnuts, Near a New Year’s tree, multiple colour candles, “fir tree 1960s, private photograph sparkle”, which resembles moth- Friends gather to celebrate balls, and is sold in small sealed New Year’s Eve in the Anna, packets, just like Glauber salt. Lada and Rada’s house, Moscow, 1988, private V. Panova, Span of the Year, 1960 photograph 44 ROOM VIII SOVIET OBJECTS 45 46 ROOM VIII WORKING 47

Work in the USSR is much more than a source of social status and revenue. It is through work that citizens help society progress and play a part in the collective education as well as their own. It is at work that the main ideological activities are carried out : courses in political instruction, participation in meetings, drafting of the wall newspaper, socialist competitions and “compulsory voluntary” work. “Work is a matter of honour, glory, virtue and heroism” goes the hallowed slogan. It is also a means of getting access to material goods. Many institutions and firms allocate their own housing and offer their employees opportunities to order or buy unobtainable items directly. This is the way to get hold of a shap- ka, a typewriter, foodstuffs, subscriptions to newspapers or “travel vouchers”, usually through the union. “He who does not work does not eat” warns another slogan. Soviet citizens are under the obligation to contribute to production and to the achievement of the Plan. Unemployment doesn’t exist : the absence of employment for over 4 months is punishable by law (“parasitism”). Rhythm in the workplace is often erratic due to constraints linked to planning. Moments of intense activity follow waiting periods in connection with supply and coordination problems. Paid employees gain little motivation from Soviet working conditions and tend to keep themselves busy in relatively unlawful ways : they take long cigarette breaks, do their own thing, chitchat and botch whatever work they are given. All these liberties are often perceived as compensation for the time taken from citizens by the State for compulsory political and social activities.

During the Spring of 1960, the central press announced that communist worker-extraordinaire Gideon Bochevar had exceeded and more than doubled the production norm for root crops. S. Antonov, The Torn Rouble, 1966 48 ROOM VIII WORKING 49

PACKS OF “BELOMORKANAL” “PAPIROSA” A Russian brand of cigarettes launched in 1932 by the Uritsky Tobacco Factory in Leningrad. The defining features of these cigarettes are due to the combined efforts of engineer Vasily Iohanidi (creator of the tobacco blend) and plastic artist Andrey Tara- kanov. The brand is introduced to commemorate the Pack of “Belomorkanal” triumphant opening of one of the first great projects (White Sea Canal) built under Stalin, the White Sea-Baltic Canal (Bye- “papirosa” (cigarettes with lomorsko-Baltiyskiy Kanal in Russian, abbreviated a cardboard filter), years 1970 to 1984, card, paper, to Belomorkanal). tobacco. Geneva, Musée This infamous construction site launched the d’ethnographie / photograph Stalinist system of camps, which relied on the by J. Watts exploitation of a free labour force made up of millions of prisoners, all victims of an arbitrary system. Loss � Worker having a break in of life in these camps was exceedingly high, working the canteen, Novokuznetsk, conditions were extremely primitive and the result, August 1978, photograph by despite propaganda, proved a disaster – large ships Vladimir Sokolaev, collection were unable to use the canal, which was too shallow. of the artist’s family By way of a filter, the cheap and cheerful, ever popular “papirosa” (in Russian papirosy) Belomor- Team of female insulators at kanal cigarettes have a long cardboard tube that their lunch break, Kuznetski the user can pinch to reduce the effect of the acrid Metal Conglomerate, smoke produced by the black, pulverulent tobac- Novokuznetsk, 26 August co. They are nonetheless universally appreciated 1978, photograph by Vladimir Sokolaev, collection of the throughout the Soviet period, and their production artist’s family did not cease with the fall of the Soviet Union. They are smoked throughout the many cigarette breaks that serve as excuses to kill time at work. Some- Winners of a socialist what paradoxically, they carry in their brand name competition, rewards for the production of a lorry design, the memory of a model construction site that relied “Kamaz” lorry factory, on a form of modern slavery. Naberezhnye Chelny, 16 February 1976, photograph by Victor Akhlomov / Glaz Gallery, Moscow

Gymnastics at work Before her, on the table, were (competition day), Municipal shirts containing personal files and, Department for the Trade of Industrial Goods, on top of them, a pack of “Belo- Novokuznetsk, Siberia, 10 morkanal” and a box of matches. April 1983, photograph by Vladimir Sokolaev, collection V. Doudintsev, Not by Bread Alone, 1956 of the artist’s family 50 ROOM VIII RELAXING 51

One of the social benefits introduced after the October Revolution is the right to rest. Workers are invited to relax with help from the State and the unions thanks to a network of resting places and sanatoriums. Children enjoy subsidised holiday camps (pioneer camps) and adults gain access to various structures depending on merit and profession : a modest “rest home” in a neighbouring forest or, for the more privileged, a sanatorium in the Caucasus or Crimea offering treatments and recreation facilities. Soviet citizens also access tourism through individual means. The 1960s witness a boom in nature hikes and wild camping. But for most people, to travel abroad remains the greatest dream. It is not entirely unachievable : involvement in the unions, an amateur theatre company or the higher spheres of society sometimes entails an organised trip abroad. To go to one of the “brother countries” of Eastern Europe at least once in ones life is everyone’s desire. Meanwhile, the Baltic States, Central Asia and the Black Sea coast offer a more accessible and local form of exoticism.. Just as sport is an integral part of a good Soviet citizen’s code of education, access to culture is widely encouraged. Theatre, concert and circus tickets (the level of performance is very high) are quite affordable. Schools and unions often organise cultural outings, thanks notably to a highly developed network of museums. As for cinema, it is the popular art par excellence. Walks are also quite popular, for example in amusement parks. Friends and neighbours tend to meet up at home : indeed, all cafés and restaurants are branches of State-owned firms, hence don’t have the conviviality and intimacy of a kitchen in a private apartment, in which one can converse freely.

So, my West. It’s the Baltic States. On a geographic and human level. It’s closer to Europe. They have coffees over there. Whipped cream. M. Jvanetski, My West, 1987 52 ROOM VIII RELAXING 53

“KVN-49” TV SET The first ever Soviet TV set. The KVN acronym is drawn from the initials of the three Leningrad engi- neers (V. Kenigson, N. Warsawskiy and A. Nikola- yevskiy) who designed it to support the beginning of television broadcasting in the USSR in November 1948. Mass production of this TV set is launched the following year, in 1949. The KVN-49 TV set enjoys a long production life : until 1960, with minor technical changes. TV’s are expensive and sought-after items, worth several months’ wages. For years they were shared between neighbours. The tiny screen is inge- niously expanded by a giant magnifying lens placed on a stand in front of the screen. The magnifying glass effect is created by means of water or glycer- ine, which is poured into the glass screen.

� “KVN-49” TV set with its magnifying lens, to be placed in front of the screen, years 1949 to 1967, metal, glass, plastic. Geneva, Musée d’ethnographie / photograph by J. Watts

Nora and her friends watching A TV, sure we’ve got one, it’s an TV, Baku, late 1950s, private old KVN-49 set we salvaged from photograph aunt Sonia’s home. Lada and Rada, Moscow, N. Baranskaïa, A Week Like Any Other, 1969 1970s, private photograph 54 ROOM VIII BEING PROUD 55

The Soviet plan for society appears to be the most progressive and humanistic in the world. Citizens are asked to ceaselessly nurture their national pride : “We are ahead of the rest of the planet” says the song. Religion is replaced with a faith in the future that relies on the achievements of science and technology. Moreover, the first man in space, a Soviet, seems to proclaim the advent of a new era : “ the current generation will live under communism”, proclaims the Party in 1961. This forecasted near future would mark the emergence of a society without money or social inequality, for which a distinction between work and leisure is no longer necessary. “Peace”, “Friendship”, “Onwards with communism!” : these slogans, painted in giant letters, are constant reminders of the universal values of the heroic nation that defeated fascism in 1945. In everyday life, the media tend the flame. Soviet achievements are constantly extolled, made to sound huge, statistics are measured in hyperbolic units : millions of tons of coal, hundreds of millions of m3 and km2. Competition with capitalism entails comparisons as constant as they are favourable. Political, scientific and technological accomplishments, sporting achievements, forms of social progress like affordable accommodation, free healthcare and education, the absence of unemployment are all official sources of pride. Instead of advertising geared towards selling products, graphic designers create posters that extol national ingenuity. Everyday objects themselves reg- ularly refer to the “great Soviet achievements” : from brand names (“Rocket”, “Cosmos”, “Friendship”) to the design of these objects, readily inspired by space conquest imagery, everything in their daily lives must remind Soviet citizens that, as actors in an extraordinary project, they are making history.

We live on our planet / In this most fantastic of times! And first among us all in a rocket / A Soviet citizen flies. S. Mikhalkov, The Earth’s Envoy, 1970 – 1981 56 ROOM VIII BEING PROUD 57

LIBRARY OF WORLD LITERATURE A collection of over 200 volumes of literary works from Russia and elsewhere considered to be the most important. In 1965, the State publishing house Khoudojestvennaya literatoura (“Fiction literature”) begins to develop a Library of World Fiction that will take ten years to complete. Many of the Soviet Union’s greatest specialists in literature, translators and illustrators take part in this project, which includes works by foreign writers never before translated into Russian. In each volume, readers are given specialist commentaries and scientific introductory texts. This ambitious publication, unique in its kind, is not sold in bookshops : to get hold of one of these volumes, one must register well in advance prior to its release. They read a lot, various types of Each volume in this collection is dedicated either books. They did not always agree � to a writer or to a theme uniting several works (for Library of World Literature instance “poetry in socialist countries”). Thanks to on what they liked. Achot liked (the index and a few of the two hundred volumes), Moscow, this collection, many Soviets discover for the very first long novels, Faulkner, The Forsyte ed. Khudozhestvennaya time complete versions of Don Quixote, Gargantua Saga and Buddenbrooks ; Sasha literatoura, 1967 – 1977, and Pantagruel. The selection process is governed private collection, photograph by a concern for education and favours classics. Cen- preferredddd fantaliterature, the P. Bohrer sorship determines not only the choice of writers, but Strugatsky brothers, Lem ; where- also which parts of the texts must be cut out. Some as Roman idolised Hamsun ; he A grandfather and his authors are forbidden or considered undesirable grandson, 1970, photograph and excluded from the series, which favours socially also pretended to be in love with by Victor Akhlomov / Glaz engaged authors favourable to socialist ideas. Hence Proust. They gathered around Gallery, Moscow the absence, in the Library, of several great names Hemingway, who was fashionable in XXth century world literature Franz Kafka, James � at the time. Alexandra, Nora and Joyce, Marcel Proust, Vladimir Nabokov and Antoine Venyamin, Baku, 1950s, de Saint-Exupéry, to name but a few. V. Nekrassov, A Story Small and Sad, 1986 private photograph 58 ROOM VIII INCLUDING AND EXCLUDING 59

The designation of an enemy is a permanent feature of Soviet history : born in the civil war, the new society was formed around the idea of class warfare. The population is divided into two groups : on the one hand, Soviets with full citizenship, who fully embrace the “Soviet lifestyle” ; on the other, the “dissidents, saboteurs and spies” unworthy of retaining a citizenship bestowed by allegiance rather than birthright. This fracture between “our people” and “the others” also divides the outside world. Pravda (the main Soviet newspaper), television programs and official speeches point out to citizens which groups to love and which to hate. Workers, unionists, the exploited, third-world nationals and citizens of the Soviet Block are “brothers” ; the enemy is a capitalist, embodied as a country by America, a “super scavenger” that exerts a “pestilential influence”. For ordinary people, curiosity towards the West is inextricably mixed up with fear : indeed, any link or contact with foreigners is controlled and can potentially lead to trouble. However motivated by the universal vocation of communism, international exchanges slowly open up Soviet society to external influences. Young people are seduced by Western fashion, jeans, jazz and rock music, discovered at the great international Soviet festivals. Despite frequency jamming, foreign “voices” get picked up all over the country (BBC, Voice of America). Thanks to radio sta- tions, the black market and the swapping of pirated cassettes, forbidden tracks circulate and are sung at parties. A genuine alternative culture spreads thanks to the “samizdat” (publishing of hand-crafted editions of forbidden works, e.g. by means of a typewriter and carbon paper), underground circles and events, and secret exchanges with foreign countries.

Children’s games, with their ancient names, will always be war games / And for a long time still people will divide / Into friends and foes. V. Vyssotski, Song about the new era, 1966 60 ROOM VIII INCLUDING AND EXCLUDING 61

JAZZ ON THE BONES Illegal hand-crafted records inscribed on X-ray film. The plastic material used for these medical photographs taken with an X-ray provided skilled enthusiasts with a means to replicate the grooves of forbidden foreign records thanks to a mecha- nism crafted from the arm of a gramophone. These records were sold at very high prices on the black market to enthusiasts, most of which were young people from the capitals, eager to listen to jazz and rock music at a time when these genres did not yet pass censorship in the USSR. This method was made redundant by the apparition of audio cassettes, which made the reproduction of hard-to-come-by music much easier, and therefore enabled its distribution on a much greater scale. To listen to tracks of jazz or rock music inscribed on X-ray scans was part of the code of dissidence of the first Soviet generation to have claimed a form of counter-culture.

� “Jazz on the bones”, illegal Let me mimic a gramophone as records inscribed on medical I sing to you / The muffled, familiar X-rays, 1950s, plastic, private collection, photograph tone coming out of a blunt nee- F. Nissels

dle / Like that small “on the bones” record, made in a sad way / That Sleepless nights (a couple walks home in the early young thugs haggle away in the morning), Leningrad, 1973, underground photograph by Victor Akhlomov / Glaz Gallery, V. Vyssotski, To MiIkhaïl Chemiakine, 1978 Moscow 62 ROOM IX VLADIMIR SOKOLAEV 63 64 ROOM IX REPORTER OF THE ORDINARY 65

Middle of the 1970s in Novokuznetsk, an industrial and mining town in central Siberia with a population of half a million. Everything in this city revolves around six factories, two large steel mills and a dozen or so coal mines. Three young scientists and amateur photographers, Vladimir Vorobiev (1941 – 2011), Vladimir Sokolaev (1952 – 2016) and Alexander Trofimov (1946) take advantage of a film studio associated with the biggest metal industry conglomerate in the country, and use its facilities to perfect their art and create the TRiVa group in 1978. The “Union of Professional Photographers for Creative Photography” is the first of its kind in the USSR. Besides some official commissions, presented in local exhibitions, the three young photographers also amass photos that are unfit for publication. For these, they adopt a documentary approach and an aesthetic of decisive moments and apply them to scenes of ordinary life. They expound their theories in a rigorous manifesto. They abstain from any form of image manipula- tion : no staging, no reframing, no retouching. In a country where any photo that reaches publication is necessarily staged or at least strictly monitored, such an approach can only swiftly get them into trouble. Under pressure from the authorities, the group is forced to disband in 1982 : a few photographs that had been chosen for exhibitions abroad are thought to display anti-Soviet sentiments. Fortunately, the photographers are able to save part of their archives ; these will, however, have to wait another 30 years before they finally reach a wide audience. It is the first time that the work of Vladimir Sokolaev, the most productive member of the group, is on show in Switzerland. His photographs reveal a kind of Soviet Cartier-Bresson, who cast an always humane and at times humorous eye on the harsh reality of everyday life in the Soviet Union, a reality that remained otherwise off-camera in Russian photography at the time. PARTNERS

MAIN LENDERS LENDERS

Avec le prêt exceptionnel du MEG (Musée d’ethnographie de Genève)

MAIN PARTNERS

MEDIA PARTNERS MUSÉE DES BEAUX-ARTS LA CHAUX-DE-FONDS WWW.MBAC.CH