Social Psychology Quarterly XX(X) 1–23 Coming Out as Fat: Ó American Sociological Association 2011 DOI: 10.1177/0190272511398190 Rethinking Stigma http://spq.sagepub.com

Abigail Saguy1 and Anna Ward2

Abstract This paper examines the surprising case of women who ‘‘come out as fat’’ to test and refine theories about social change, social mobilization, stigma, and stigma resistance. First, sup- porting theories about ‘‘social movement spillover,’’ we find that overlapping memberships in queer and fat activist groups, as well as networks between these groups, have facilitated the migration of this cultural narrative. Second, we find that the different, embodied context of body size and sexual orientation, leads to changes in meaning as this narrative travels. Specifically, the hypervisibility of fat changes what it means to come out as a fat person, com- pared to what it means to come out as gay or lesbian. Third, this case leads us to question the importance of the distinction made in the literatures on stigma and on social movements between assimilationist strategies that stress sameness, on the one hand, and radical political strategies that emphasize difference, on the other. Finally, this case suggests that the extent to which a stigmatized trait is associated with membership in a social group—with its own practices, values, and norms—shapes what it means to ‘‘come out’’ as one who possesses that trait.

Keywords stigma, coming out, covering, flaunting, destigmatization strategies

When asked about how she became up with exclusion’’ (Wann interview 8/ involved with the fat rights movement, 17/01). Another activist, Sherrie, simi- prominent fat rights activist and larly talks about how she ‘‘came out as author Marilyn Wann talks about her a fat person’’ at her first National ‘‘Really Bad Day,’’ when a romantic Association to Advance Fat Acceptance interest told her he was embarrassed (NAAFA) convention: ‘‘Even though to introduce her to his friends because you may look fat, it’s hard to admit it. she was fat and when she received a let- ter from Blue Cross refusing her health insurance because she was ‘‘morbidly obese.’’ At that point, Wann realized 1University of California, Los Angeles that ‘‘living in the closet [was] not 2Swarthmore College working,’’ and she ‘‘decided to come Corresponding Author: out as a fat person and tried to do it Abigail Saguy, UCLA Department of Sociology, 264 really publicly and really loudly Haines Hall, Los Angeles, CA 90095 because . . . [she] wasn’t going to put Email: [email protected] 2 Social Psychology Quarterly XX(X)

As we talk about in NAAFA, it’s coming something hidden, body size is hypervi- out as a fat person’’ (Sherrie interview sible. It is what Goffman (1963) referred 9/7/01).1 to as a ‘‘discredited identity,’’ meaning In an essay on the ‘‘queerness of fat,’’ that it is plainly visible, as opposed to Katie LeBesco notes that ‘‘fat activists a ‘‘discreditable identity,’’ which can be regularly describe the experience of concealed.2 coming out as fat and choosing to no This begs the question of why and longer pass as on-the-way-to thin’’ how fat acceptance activists have come (LeBesco 2004:95). She cites a 1983 to use this narrative and how they are example when ‘‘Pam Hinden told using it differently than have gays and what she called her ‘fat coming out lesbians. It thus speaks to the sociologi- story,’’’ in which she ‘‘explained that cal question of how cultural narratives coming out meant mustering courage travel and change in the process. As to engage in activities usually thought the above quotations demonstrate, fat proper only for thin people, giving up rights activists are not disclosing, as futile diets, and rebuilding her self- much as affirming, their fatness. They esteem’’ (LeBesco 2004:95). ‘‘We’re are reclaiming the term fat,commonly here, we’re spheres! Get used to it!’’ used as an insult, as a neutral or posi- Wann is quoted saying, echoing the tive descriptor (it is in this sense that ACT-up and Queer Nation’s mantra we use the word fat here), rejecting the ‘‘We’re here, we’re queer, get used to terms obese and overweight as patholo- it!’’ (Burkeman 1998; cited in LeBesco gizing normal human variation (Cooper 2004). 1998; Schroeder 1992; Wann 1999). It is intriguing that fat acceptance They are thus innovating upon the con- activists—who combat discrimination cept of coming out as a ‘‘destigmatization on the basis of body size—would talk strategy’’ (Lamont 2009; see also about coming out as fat. It is not surpris- Wimmer 2008). Thus, the relatively ing that members of this movement, understudied case of coming out as fat which emerged in the 1960s and 1970s provides an opportunity to test and in the wake of the civil rights, women’s refine theories of stigma and stigma rights, and gay rights movements, resistance. Before turning to our find- would be drawn to a proven strategy ings, we review our theoretical perspec- for combating stigma or unwanted dif- tive, provide background on queer and ference (Goffman 1963). However, the fat politics, and describe our data and narrative of coming out does not seem methods. to work with fat. That is, while coming out usually refers to revealing THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE: FATPHOBIA AND SOCIAL 1Unless they requested otherwise, interview- CHANGE ees are identified with first-name pseudonyms. This paper seeks to contribute to under- We use first and last names for those interview- ees who requested to be identified by their real standings of political resistance and names. social change. It specifically considers 2That said, fat women often talk about feeling political resistance to what we will call socially invisible, in that people only see a fat per- fatphobia, akin to homophobia, in son and cannot see the individual woman, much which thinner bodies are defined as as the protagonist in Ralph Ellison’s (1947) Invisible Man speaks of being black in the morally, medically, aesthetically, and United States in the 1940s. sexually desirable, while heavy bodies Coming Out as Fat 3 are vilified. The suffix ‘‘phobia’’ evokes et al. 2006; Oliver 2005). In contrast, the the fear and hatred that visible body food industry seems to have an economic fat on oneself or on others provokes for interest in promoting fatness. Indeed, many in the contemporary United the Center for Consumer Freedom, States. We conceptualize fatphobia as a food industry lobby, has publicized a social structure that is jointly com- research showing that the risks of obesity posed of cultural schemas and material have been overblown.4 Yet while clearly resources (Sewell 1992). Schemas are intent on protecting its bottom line from ‘‘virtual’’ in that they exist only as mem- accusations that its products contribute ory traces in people’s minds, are not to illness, the food industry has not pro- always conscious, and can be transposed duced a counter-ideology that celebrates or extended to new situations when the bigger bodies. On the contrary, advertise- opportunity arises (Sewell 1992:8). In ments for diet foods explicitly suggest contrast, resources are material. that thinness should be a personal goal, Schemas are enacted via resources, while other food advertisements implic- while the use of resources is directed itly convey the same message by, for by cultural schema. As a structure, con- instance, exclusively featuring very thin temporary American fatphobia is both models (Bordo 1993). Plus-size fashion is deep (schema dimension) and of high probably the industry most invested in power (resource dimension) (Sewell creating positive and glamorous images 1992). It is deep because it is pervasive of larger female bodies. While a growing and relatively unconscious. That is, in market, plus-size fashion nonetheless contrast to places where food is scarce represents a tiny segment of the fashion and where fatness signals health and industry as a whole, which caters to the high status (Klein 1996; Popenoe 2005; slimmest women and emphasizes the Stearns 1997), in contemporary and desirability of slenderness. In other wealthy Western societies, fatness pre- words, while not monolithic, contempo- dominantly signifies laziness, ill-health, rary Western economic interests over- and ugliness (Campos 2004; Latner and whelmingly support the idea that thin— Stunkard 2003; Puhl, Andreyeva, and not fat—is desirable. Brownell 2008).3 In contrast, slender- Yet even deeply entrenched and pow- ness is taken as proof of discipline, erful social structures can be chal- health, and beauty (Bordo 1993). lenged. One way to do this is to apply Fatphobia is of high power because existing schema to new contexts, negative attitudes about fat are but- a potential that Sewell calls the transpo- tressed by substantial economic and polit- sibility of schemas (Sewell 1992). Thus, ical material resources from the United talking about coming out as fat transpo- States and other state governments and ses schemas developed in the gay rights agencies, international organizations like movement (e.g., the importance of the World Health Organization (WHO), authenticity, value of diversity, critique pharmaceutical companies producing of pressures to conform) onto fat bodies, weight loss drugs, the weight loss indus- so that they can be seen as valuable try, the fashion industry, and the medical rather than pathological. This process, establishment (see Campos 2004; Campos in which innovations diffuse from one social movement to another (see Soule

3Fat is, however, multivocal, and positive con- notations of fat persist in certain contexts and in 4See http://www.consumerfreedom.com/adver- subgroups. See, for example, Klein 1996. tisements_detail.cfm/ad/30. 4 Social Psychology Quarterly XX(X)

2004), is what social movement theorists issue of how different (embodied) reali- call a social movement spillover ties shape the diffusion of social move- (McAdam 1995; Meyer and Whittier ment narratives. 1994). Previous work suggests that cul- Finally, for our purposes, Sewell tural diffusion is most likely when (1992) discusses how the polysemy of a frame resonates across social settings resources provides opportunities for (Snow et al. 1986) and among move- social change. This refers to how material ments that have overlapping constitu- resources can be interpreted in different ents (Meyer and Whittier 1994). ways. Thus, a fat body can be read as In that the coming out narrative has the embodiment of excess and moral soft- become broad and inclusive enough to ness, but it can also be seen as, say, accommodate a variety of different per- expansive or generous. Similarly, thin spectives and interests beyond the spe- bodies can be read as streamlined, but cific social movement where it origi- they can also be interpreted as narrow nated, it could be considered a master (as in narrow-minded) or stingy. The frame (Snow et al. 1986). Indeed, John ways in which material resources—in Kitsuse (1980) noted as early as 1980 this case physical bodies—can be inter- that a variety of groups, including ‘‘fat preted are not infinite. It would be diffi- people, little people, [and] old people’’ culttoarguethatafatbodyisstream- were ‘‘coming out all over.’’ He argued lined, just as it seems counterintuitive that while these groups were not reveal- to frame a thin body as expansive, but ing a hidden stigma, they were nonethe- there is nonetheless a varied (though lim- less ‘‘coming out’’ by declaring ‘‘their ited) number of schema—with positive presence openly and without apology to and negative valences—that can be claim the rights of citizenship’’ (Kitsuse applied to the same material resource. 1980:8). While he did not show that And this provides opportunities for those ‘‘new deviants,’’ as Kitsuse (1980:8) challenging the symbolic order. called them, were themselves using the term coming out, Kitsuse himself used it as a master frame to make sense of Coming Out and Flaunting a wide range of new political activism, The case of coming out as fat also pro- thus foreshadowing the phenomenon at vides an opportunity to rethink the center of our analysis. Goffman’s (1963) classic work on The effect of transposing schema or stigma. For Goffman, only those with using a master frame, however, is not invisible stigmas, what he calls ‘‘dis- entirely predictable. Just because a met- creditable’’ identities, can pass as aphor or narrative has been successful normal, that is, as not possessing the in one setting is no guarantee that it stigma in question. Thus a light skinned will be successful in another. To work, African American may pass as white, or it may have to be changed somewhat a stereotypically masculine-looking gay to fit the new setting. Moreover, the man may pass as straight. Building on experience in the second setting is likely Goffman (1963), law professor Kenji to have implications for subsequent usa- Yoshino (2006) talks about coming out ges of this metaphor. This corresponds as a refusal to pass. Based on this typol- to what Sewell (1992) calls the unpre- ogy, it is impossible to come out as fat, dictability of resource accumulation. given that fatness is visible. Yet fat The case of fat rights allows us to exam- rights activists do talk about coming ine the important and understudied out as fat, which leads us to rethink Coming Out as Fat 5 the importance of visibility in stigma dimension of affiliation, in that it reaf- and destigmatization strategies. firms the mainstream cultural value of According to Goffman’s (1963) typol- marriage. Queer theorist Michael ogy, fat, as a discredited identity, is Warner affirms this view when he immediately apparent and impossible argues that gay marriage ‘‘would make to hide. While a person with a dis- for good gays—the kind who would not credited identity cannot pass, they can challenge the norms of straight culture, cover by preventing their stigma from who would not flaunt their sexuality, ‘‘looming large’’ (Goffman 1963). Thus, and who would not insist on living dif- a blind man may direct his eyes towards ferently from ordinary folk’’ (Warner the person with whom he is speaking, 1999:113). nottopassasseeing,buttoavoidmak- Indeed, Yoshino’s notion of flaunting ing the other uncomfortable by drawing as a refusal to cover resonates with attention to his difference (Goffman queer theory and activism, in which 1963). Yoshino (2006) calls the refusal ‘‘queer maintains a relation of resistance to cover, which results in drawing atten- to whatever constitutes the normal’’ tion to a visible stigma, flaunting.He (Jagose 1996:99). Queer theory often gives examples of gay men who are not performatively celebrates acts that are only out about their sexuality but flaunt typically coded as socially deviant in by, say, bringing their romantic part- order to resist the very categorization ners to office parties, kissing their of ‘‘normal’’ and ‘‘deviant.’’ Yoshino same-sex partner in public, or speaking (2006) argues that coming out involves out about gay politics. By extension, a politics of assimilation, whereas a fat woman may cover by wearing flaunting represents a politics of dark clothes or flaunt by wearing difference. a hot-pink bikini. Thus, while coming Sociologist Mary Bernstein makes out is assumed to be a strategy for dis- a similar distinction between identity creditable identities, flaunting is avail- for education, which ‘‘involves challeng- able to those with both visible and invis- ing how dominant cultures perceive ible stigmas. stigmatized individuals and communi- Yoshino (2006) argues that the same ties in an attempt to gain legitimacy’’ behavior may or may not be covering and identity for critique,which‘‘con- or flaunting, depending on personal sen- fronts the values, categories, and practi- sibilities. For instance, some African ces of the dominant culture’’ (Bernstein Americans experience prohibitions 1997). She argues that the former against dreadlocks as a demand to approach is more common among collec- cover, while others personally prefer to tivities with strong organizational infra- straighten their hair. Yoshino (2006) structure and access to decision makers, further argues that a given behavior while the latter is more common among can constitute covering on some dimen- groups with weak organizational struc- sions and flaunting on others. He specif- ture and no access to decision makers ically discusses the dimensions of (Bernstein 1997). appearance, cultural expression (what Yet, as we will see, in the case of fat, he calls ‘‘affiliation’’), activism, and asso- coming out often involves affirming dif- ciation. Demanding gay marriage, for ference, while flaunting is often part of instance, can be seen as flaunting along a strategy of inclusion, leading us to the dimensions of appearance, activism, rethink destigmatization strategies. and association, but covering along the Finally, the fat case draws our attention 6 Social Psychology Quarterly XX(X) to how other underemphasized variations and gay organizations in existence dur- in stigma—particularly the extent to ing the 1950s and 1960s, including the which a given stigma is associated with Mattachine Society and the Daughters cultural practices, beliefs, and values— of Bilitis, developed in response to the shape destigmatization strategies. legal and political enforcement of sexual norms after the war. While they made political demands, the Mattachine BACKGROUND: THE COMING OUT Society’s use of coming out narratives NARRATIVE was focused on the ‘‘internal acceptance In his examination of prewar gay male of a homosexual identity (which could be communities in major cities, George wholly private)’’ (Johansson and Percy Chauncey explains that coming out 1994:21). was not initially associated with the The Stonewall Riots of 1969, or the closet. Rather, one spoke of coming Stonewall Rebellion, is a watershed in out into homosexual society or the gay traditional narratives of lesbian and world, including enormous drag balls gay history in the United States and is that were patterned on the mainstream often credited with sparking the gay lib- debutante and masquerade balls, ‘‘a eration movement (see D’Emilio 1983; world neither so small, nor so isolated, Duberman 1993). The Stonewall Inn, nor often, so hidden as ‘closet’ implies’’ a popular, members-only bar in (Chauncey 1994:7). In other words, dur- Greenwich Village in Manhattan, had, ing this period, coming out was concep- like other establishments catering to les- tualized as mainly social and cultural bians and gays, often been the target of (see also Garber 1989:325). Borrowing police raids. On July 27, 1969, however, from Sewell’s (1992) language, the Stonewall patrons resisted a police raid, upper-class debutante ball was trans- which escalated into Village-wide riots posed onto the gay social scene, exert- that continued off and on for several ing social change in a cultural more days, as others joined the resistance. than a political sense. Recent scholarship has shown that By placing large numbers of men in a vibrant political field was already in same-sex living arrangements and put- place prior to Stonewall and that the ting women in workplaces with large New Left played a greater role than numbers of women, the war increased the Stonewall rebellion in energizing the likelihood that those with same-sex and radicalizing the movement desires would find like-minded people (Armstrong 2002). Nonetheless, (Berube´ 1989). The end of the war, how- Stonewall remains a pivotal and defin- ever, brought renewed attention from ing moment in collective gay rights the government, community and reli- narratives. gious leaders, and the media to gender In the 1970s, the gay rights move- and sexual identity (Faderman 1991). ment took the civil rights and black As Alan Berube´ explains: ‘‘The taste of power movements as a new model for freedom during the war, the magnitude political organizing and conceptualizing of the postwar crackdown, and the gay identity (Armstrong 2002). While example of the growing black civil rights pre-Stonewall organizations such as movement caused more and more les- the Mattachine Society conceptualized bians and gay men to think of them- homosexuality as a relatively minor selves as an unjustly persecuted minor- aberration of mental character, the ity’’ (Berube´ 1989:393). The few lesbian post-Stonewall organizations framed Coming Out as Fat 7 gay identity as a significant component coming out anthologies. It includes of social and personal identity. The com- a step-by-step model for coming out ing out narrative assumed a central role straight, a variety of coming out in gay identity and community, as is narratives, advice for families and reflected by the publication of numerous friends dealing with the process, and anthologies of coming out stories a resource list for those seeking (Holmes 1988; Moore 1997; Penelope further advice and information on and Wolfe 1980; Umans 1988). coming out straight (Cohen 2000). The coming out narrative became OrganizationslikeFreeToBeMe,an a rite of passage, something to be shared ex-gay group aimed at young adults, with others, and the centerpiece of gay explicitly adopt the language of lesbian liberation movements. Coming out was, and gay scholarship and activism, for the first time, set up in explicit specifically arguments about the fluid- relation to the metaphor of the closet. ity of sexual identity, to argue that gay A hostile, homophobic mainstream cul- peoplecanchoosetobecomestraight turewasblamedforthecreationofthe (New Direction for Life Ministries closet but individuals, including gay Inc. 2009). individuals, were blamed for its main- tenance. Thus, the mantra ‘‘Come DATA AND METHODS Out, Come Out, Wherever You Are’’ of the 1980s and 1990s can be under- The idea for this paper emerged at the stood as just as much of a demand for 2001 annual convention of National gays and lesbians to publicly declare Association to Advance Fat their sexuality as an assurance of Acceptance, which the first author safety and community. This new for- attended as part of a larger study inves- mulation of coming out asserts ‘‘the tigating debates over body weight. Bill public relevance of what others deem Fabrey, a self-identified fat admirer private’’ (Gamson 1998:200; see also (men who are sexually attracted to fat Valocchi 2001). Questions of authentic- women), founded NAAFA in 1969, in ity, and the recognition that the veil of the wake of the civil rights movement. theprivatespherehadtobeliftedfor Fabrey says he consciously chose a mon- effective political mobilization, iker that resembled that of the NAACP, brought forth such notions as the the National Association for the ‘‘closet case’’ and the tactic of outing Advancement of Colored People in which one’s sexual orientation is (Fabrey interview 8/17/01), thus claim- publicly revealed by a third party. ing moral equivalence between discrim- Thereissomeevidencethatthecloset ination on the basis of race and size. has recently receded as a powerful Today NAAFA denounces weight-based metaphor among gay and lesbians discrimination and negative images of (Seidman 2002). fat people in the media, and encourages Ex-gay movements, also known as self-acceptance and empowerment reorientation movements, have adopted through workshops held during the the language of coming out to describe annual national convention and local the journey from a gay identity to a chapter meetings. The annual NAAFA straight identity. Richard Cohen’s book national convention and state chapter Coming Out Straight: Understanding meetings also offer social events for and Healing Homosexuality adopts the fat women (most weighing between language and style of lesbian and gay 200 and 500 pounds) and fat admirers 8 Social Psychology Quarterly XX(X) to meet and socialize (Saguy and Riley additional respondents had publicly 2005). used the analogy of coming out as fat At 5’3’’ and about 120 pounds, the in their activism and/or writing, and first author is generally not considered the interview sought to clarify how fat and worried that this might hinder they were using this analogy and its her ability to develop rapport with source. The remaining four respondents NAAFA members. Her fears, however, had not used this expression before the were unfounded. Her presence evoked interview. One of them thought the met- some puzzlement at first, but when aphor did not work because the visibility NAAFA members heard that she was of body size meant there was nothing to a sociologist interested in the fat reveal: ‘‘I never felt like I was in the acceptance movement, they were eager closet, so I couldn’t come out.’’ Two of to share their perspectives. Indeed, these four, however, found the metaphor several members commented that as useful and readily adopted it during the a ‘‘thin person,’’ she was better posi- interview to make sense of how they tioned to advocate for fat acceptance identify as fat. The fourth interview, (assuming this would be her inclina- conducted during the 2008 NAAFA con- tion) in that she could not so easily be vention, like the original interviews in dismissed as having an axe to grind. 2001, did not explicitly address the met- This is an instance of how thin privi- aphor of coming out but discussed iden- lege functions in debates over body tifying as fat and fat acceptance politics size (see Bacon 2009; Saguy and Riley more generally. The respondent in this 2005). interview did not use the term ‘‘coming During the 2001 convention and in out as fat,’’ but described experiences the two months following the meetings, that closely paralleled what others the first author had several informal labeled coming out. discussions with participants and Interviews lasted at least 90 minutes, conducted formal, in-depth, semi- and several respondents were inter- structured interviews with nine viewed more than once. Interviews NAAFA members: eight fat-identified were taped and transcribed verbatim, women and fat-admirer Bill Fabrey. but interview excerpts were edited for Much to her surprise, the first author clarity. Twelve respondents were white found that during their interviews, five and three were bi- or multi-racial. of the eight women spontaneously used Over half (eight) identified as either the analogy of ‘‘coming out’’ and/or the bisexual or queer. Ages ranged from 25 ‘‘closet’’ to talk about how they identify to 60 at the time of the interview, with as fat. Bill Fabrey also recounted an average age of 42 years. With one a very detailed coming out narrative in exception in which a respondent had regard to his sexual desire for fat recently lost 100 pounds and was of women, suggesting that future work average size, body weight ranged from should examine the case of fat admirers about 200 to 425 pounds. The respon- in greater detail. dent who had recently lost 100 pounds As a follow-up, an additional seven remained a good candidate for the women were interviewed in 2006-2008. study, in that she has a long history of They were selected based on their involvement in the movement and her involvement in fat acceptance groups weight history provides her an interest- and/or their high profile in the fat accep- ing vantage point to discuss how body tance literature. Three of these size shapes micro-interactions. Coming Out as Fat 9

As these interviews are not drawn published and unpublished articles from a probability sample of fat- detailing the history of the Chubsters. identified women (an impossible task, We further drew on the fat acceptance given that the full universe of fat-identi- literature for historical information fied women is unknown) and were con- about the movement and its use of the ducted over a seven-year period, they term coming out, and we solicited feed- cannot tell us about the prevalence of back from many of the interview the coming out narrative among fat-iden- respondents and movement activists to tified women at any given moment in hone our analysis. Finally, as part of time. However, they do suggest that an effort to capture the social context this narrative is being used in this new in which fat activists are coming out as context. Our goal here is to examine how. fat, we searched Lexis-Nexis for all To answer this, we also draw on ongo- news articles for all available years in ing (since 2001) participant observation major papers that contained the terms on two fat-acceptance listservs, from coming out and closet in the keywords. which the first author regularly copies Our specific focus on women induc- and analyzes relevant threads, auto- tively emerged from the fact that the biographies, and anthologies focusing fat acceptance movement is comprised on fat identity, fat acceptance zines almost exclusively of (fat) women. (self-published or online magazines), Women are also the main producers of websites, and blogs. We further draw autobiographies chronicling their pro- on analyses of NAAFA newsletters. cess of coming out as fat. Both patterns The most recent newsletters (Winter are probably largely due to the fact 2005–Winter 2008, or 16 issues) are that fat stigma weighs more heavily on available on the NAAFA website, and women than on men (men, in contrast, we were able to obtain from the current suffer more stigmatization than women newsletter editor electronic versions of if they are short) (Conley and Glauber issues published between 1999 and 2007; Puhl et al. 2008). Specifically, 2003. We searched all of these issues the fat acceptance movement is domi- for the words out and closet. The oldest nated by fat, white, middle-class women issues (1970–2002) are not publicly (Sobal 1999), for whom body size is espe- accessible, but Bill Fabrey generously cially salient (see Brownell et al. 2005; manually searched his personal full Cawley and Danziger 2005). How fat archive for any mention of coming out men negotiate their body size is an and provided us with a detailed report important topic that has been examined of what he found. Whenever possible, elsewhere (Monaghan 2008), but it lies we contacted authors of relevant articles beyond the scope of the present study. to ask them about how and why they chose this specific terminology to talk FINDINGS about affirming a fat identity. The first author also engaged in sev- Studying the migration of the coming eral email exchanges with Charlotte out narrative from queer to fat politics Cooper, founder of the Chubsters, to allows us to (1) identify general mecha- gather specific information about this nisms of cultural migration and (2) to particular group, and with several of see how narratives change when they the interview respondents to clarify are used in a new social context. points or ask additional questions. Given that body size is typically more From Cooper, we also obtained visible than sexual orientation, this 10 Social Psychology Quarterly XX(X) case further provides an opportunity to A search, in October 2009, of the reconsider the role that visibility plays terms coming out and closet in the key- in stigma and stigma resistance words of major papers, indexed by (Goffman 1963; Yoshino 2006). Third, Lexis-Nexis for all available years, as we will see, this case leads us to yields news stories that speak of people question the distinction between com- coming out not only as gays or lesbians, ing out and a politics of assimilation, but also as asexuals, celibates, male het- on one hand, and flaunting and a poli- erosexuals, female homemakers, and tics of difference, on the other stay-at-home fathers. There are referen- (Bernstein 1997; Yoshino 2006). ces to Jews, Christian musicians, athe- Finally, examining the case of fat ists, secular humanists, and witches acceptance draws our attention to coming out about their respective faiths. underexamined aspects of stigma—spe- Socialists, republicans, white suprema- cifically the extent to which it is associ- cist groups, climate change deniers, ated with membership in a social and Scots are described as coming out group—that help predict if and how by revealing their political views or a given stigma will be reclaimed. We nationalities. A mother of a young man develop each of these points in four con- who is mentally ill describes herself as secutive sections below. ‘‘coming out of the closet’’ by talking about his illness. Similarly, several articles discuss the coming out of taboo Migration of Cultural Narratives topics, including sexual harassment in There are at least two pathways that the late 1970s, immigration in the late the narrative of coming out may have 1980s, family violence, abuse of Jewish travelled from queer to fat politics. women, surrogate motherhood, meno- First, it may be that the narrative has pause, mood disorder, erectile dysfunc- become culturally ubiquitous in a way tion, and male vanity. One article that makes it increasingly available describes abortion as moving ‘‘back in for appropriation in highly diverse set- the closet.’’ tings, perhaps with little effort having We found a reference to ‘‘large-size to be expended by the appropriators, women...comingoutofthefashion and perhaps with a gradual weakening closet, with versions of European of the definitional control, so that peo- designs now available in sizes from 14 ple can make of the terms whatever to 26’’ but we did not find examples of they like. Alternatively, or in addition, coming out as a fat person, as evoked it may be that migration of the coming by our respondents. Similarly missing out narrative from queer to fat politics from our list were examples of African has been facilitated by networks or Americans coming out as black. overlapping memberships between Indeed, stand-up comedian Wanda the two movements (Meyer and Sykes, who is black and recently came Whittier 1994). While coming out has out as a lesbian, treats as a laughable indeed become cultural ubiquitous, impossibility the idea of ‘‘coming out we find that queer-fat networks and black’’ to her parents in a 2009 HBO overlapping memberships in these special ‘‘I’ma Be Me’’ (Sykes 2009). movements have played a crucial role Consistent with this, the news media in the diffusion of the coming out nar- examples of coming out all involve rative from queer to fat political instances in which something both stig- groups. matized and hidden is brought into the Coming Out as Fat 11 open. In other words, while the narra- were organized in Portland in the late tive of coming out has indeed become 1990s and early 2000s, and organiza- culturally ubiquitous, fat acceptance tions like the National Association for activists still appear innovative in their Lesbians of SizE (NOLOSE). ‘‘Even use of this narrative to affirm a visible now,’’ writes Wann, ‘‘when I think of stigma. local fat activist community, most of Moreover, our interview and textual the people I turn to are fat and queer data suggest that residents of San women or gender-queer people’’ (Wann Francisco, where queer politics has email 9/30/09). been most active (Armstrong 2002), In an essay, activist Charlotte Cooper queer-identified activists, and queer the- explains that ‘‘as queers it’s likely that orists were among the first to talk of we are a little bit more advanced [in] coming out as fat. For instance, that we are better able to reject homo- Marilyn Wann was living in San phobia, or question assimilation’’ Francisco in the early 1990s when she (Cooper 2009:4–5). Note that fat activist created the zine FAT!SO? and talks Pat Hindon, who was quoted in the about being influenced by her gay male introduction as one of the first people friends in Queer Nation who took her to talk about coming out as fat, also to ‘‘politicized/punk drag shows and identified as lesbian (LeBesco 2004:95). other gay community stuff’’ (Wann Similarly, in a 1983 essay entitled email 9/30/09). She took further inspira- ‘‘Coming Out: Notes on Fat Lesbian tion from queer zines being produced in Pride,’’ the author Thunder, who identi- San Francisco at the time, including fied as a ‘‘dyke,’’ spoke about ‘‘going Diseased Pariah News and Hothead from being a fat woman to coming out Paisan: Homicidal Lesbian Terrorist. as a fat woman’’ (Thunder 1983:212, Wann notes that when she began emphasis in the original). According to printing FAT!SO? in July of 1994, she Cooper, in response to an earlier version used the ‘‘fat dyke community as a major of this paper, it is not so much that fat support for [her] work’’ (Wann email 9/ activists have appropriated coming out 30/09). While traditionally marginalized narratives from lesbian or queer groups, in the NAAFA itself, feminist lesbians but that gay liberation rhetoric was were active in the organization’s Fat already ‘‘woven into the history of fat Feminist Caucus and founded several liberation’’ via the experience of queer independent groups, including the fat activists. Feminist Underground in the early Queer theorists, who critically study 1970s (Fabrey email 11/23/09; Stimson the socially constructed nature of sexual n.d.). Since then, lesbians and bisexual acts and self-identifications, were also women have organized and supported among the first to view fat through scores of San Francisco–based fat activ- a queer lens. For instance, an essay ist groups, including performance that began as a 1986 conference paper groups such as the Fat Lip Readers by queer theorist Eve Sedgwick (Moon Theater, Big Burlesque, Fat Bottom and Sedgwick 2001), explicitly uses the Revue, Bod Squad, Big Moves, the phrase ‘‘coming out as a fat woman’’ Padded Lilies, the Fat Women’s Swim, (see also Kyrola 2005; LeBesco 2004). Radiance magazine, and the Fat Girl It claims that, despite the visibility of zine (Wann email 9/30/09). There are fat, ‘‘there is such a process as coming also queer cultural and fat positive out as a fat woman’’ in which ‘‘the events, such as Fat Girl Speaks, that denomination of oneself as a fat woman 12 Social Psychology Quarterly XX(X) isaway...ofmakingcleartothepeople NAAFA members to come out as proud around one that their cultural meanings fat people and fat activists’’ (Barron will be, and will be heard as, assaultive 2006:1). and diminishing to the degree that When asked how they came to use they are not fat-affirmative’’ (Moon and this language, several of these NAAFA Sedgwick 2001:206). newsletter contributors pointed to the Analyses of NAAFA newsletters contact they had had with queer activ- lends additional support to the claim ism or with others who were in touch that networks between queer and fat with in queer activism. Sally Smith groups facilitated the migration of the explains that she worked for LIFE coming out narrative. We found six (Lobby for Individual Freedom and explicit mentions to ‘‘coming out as fat’’ Equality), an umbrella group of primar- in NAAFA newsletters printed between ily gay and lesbian organizations whose 1981 and 2006. In the first, published mission was to lobby for responsible in the 1981 Spring/Summer newsletter, AIDS legislation. She says, ‘‘I’m sure Kimm Bonner, then chair of the New that being immersed in (what was at England chapter of the NAAFA writes, the time) a gay rights issue provided ‘‘Personally—what I’ve gotten out of a prism with which to view my experi- this [joining NAAFA] is to come out of ence’’ (Smith email 12/16/09). Bill the closet—I feel really good about who Fabrey says he picked up the expression I am. I’ve been able to tell everyone in of ‘‘coming out’’ as a fat admirer from my life—family, friends, people at work ‘‘fat feminists,’’ who he says were the that ‘Hey—this is me—if I like it, you first at NAAFA to use the phrase in ref- should accept it too’’’ (Bonner 1981:2). erence to body size: ‘‘I never thought of In 1988 then executive director Sally it until they used it’’ (Fabrey email 10/ E. Smith writes, ‘‘In my first year as 6/09). While himself a heterosexual a NAAFA, I came out of the closet on man, Fabrey’s ex-wife of many years size acceptance issues’’ (Smith 1988:3). identifies as bisexual, and he considers An April 1989 article with no byline, himself ‘‘supportive of gays and les- but which Bill Fabrey attributes to him- bians’’ (Fabrey email 12/3/09). self, says, ‘‘The first NAAFA office was When asked how it had occurred to located in Fabrey’s spare bathroom, her to use this language, Bruno, who is and the membership file was main- straight and ‘‘happily married for 32 tained in their walk-in closet . . . (Talk years,’’ mentions that she may have about fat people and their admirers com- picked it up from one or several ing out of the closet!)’’ (NAAFA 1989:2). NAAFA board members who were living Barbara Altman Bruno writes in the in San Francisco: ‘‘Since she [a NAAFA 1993 newsletter that ‘‘it takes most peo- board member] lives and I used to live ple a period of time before they will in the Bay Area, ‘coming out’ was a com- ‘come out’ as fat people, and join mon term’’ (Bruno email 12/16/09). NAAFA’’ (Bruno 1993:7), and in 1995, Barron mentions that she ‘‘used to ‘‘Your ‘coming out’ process [as fat peo- hang out a lot in Hank’s Gab Cafe´ (on ple] may have taken many years, per- Marilyn [Wann’s] FAT!SO? website)’’ haps decades’’ (Bruno 1995:4). In 2006 and that ‘‘I’m sure that Marilyn had Kathy Barron writes about coming to something to do with it—she has been realize that many fat people are ‘‘‘in a huge inspiration to me and a driving the closet’ in terms of acknowledging force in much of my fat activism’’ themselves as fat’’ and urges ‘‘all (Barron email 12/16/09). Coming Out as Fat 13

How Visibility Matters a happy, confident, and beautiful face to fat, Nash undermines the fear and In some cases in which a person was loathing that this term typically pro- previously fat and still identifies as vokes in the contemporary United such, coming out as fat involves—as States. This act is of symbolic impor- with coming out as gay or lesbian— tance, especially given how often the the disclosure of a hidden self identifi- mass media use ‘‘headless fatties’’ (pho- cation. For instance, after losing 100 tos of fat bodies with heads cropped pounds and arriving at college where out of the image) when discussing the no one had known her as fat, Jennifer so-called obesity epidemic (Cooper spoke about hearing ‘‘women talk about 2007). fatness in a way I’d never heard before’’ More typically, coming out as fat and finding herself ‘‘rather mortified.’’ involves a person who is easily recog- She says, ‘‘I felt the only way they’d nized as fat affirming to herself and understand was if I outed myself. others her fatness as a nonnegotiable That’s what I did, rather uncomfort- aspect of self, rather than as a temporary ably’’ (Jennifer interview 7/14/06). state to be remedied through weight In her one-woman short video enti- loss. For example, Kelly says, ‘‘I’ve tled AFatRant(Nash 2007), which begun identifying more now with fat as had attracted over one million viewers opposed to thinking of myself as essen- on YouTube by August 2008, the young, tially a thin person who just needs to beautiful, witty, and fashionable Joy lose twenty pounds’’ (Kelly interview Nash announces that she weighs 224 12/22/06).5 For many, using the word pounds and is ‘‘moderately obese’’ fat is a key component of coming out. according to government guidelines. Lily says, ‘‘If there’s a marker for me, ‘‘I’m fat,’’ she says, ‘‘and it’s OK. It when I would say I came out as a fat doesn’t mean that I’m stupid or ugly or person, it’s when I first reclaimed the lazy or selfish. I’m fat. . . . F-A-T. It’s word fat’’ (Lily interview 7/7/06). three little letters. What are you so Marilyn Wann explains that she tries afraid of?’’ to ‘‘get people to use the F word. There After a public lecture in which the is nothing inherently bad about the F first author showed a clip of AFat word. I don’t use euphemisms because Rant, members of the audience pro- these reinforce the concept that there tested that the charming woman on is something wrong with fat’’ (Wann the screen was not actually fat. It may interview 6/9/06). be that many people do not realize just Bogeywomen zine suggests respond- how broadly the official category of ing to the statement ‘‘you’re not fat’’ by obese is defined, including one-third of saying ‘‘I am fat, honey. Don’t assume the U.S. population, many of whom do I’m as terrified of the word and the con- not look especially fat. When Nash cept as you are’’ (Owen, Buffington, and announces that she is obese, she may, Owen 2000-2001). When Nicky meets in fact, be announcing something people someone for the first time, she describes do not realize, thus challenging their herself as a ‘‘fat black woman.’’ When assumptions of who is obese, much in they express surprise, she responds by the same way that a straight-looking woman challenges assumptions about 5 Note the use of ‘‘with’’ as opposed to ‘‘as’’ fat what it means to be lesbian when she here and the reluctance it seems to signal. comes out as such. By associating Thanks to Rene Almeling for this point. 14 Social Psychology Quarterly XX(X) saying ‘‘Fat is not a four-letter word. I’m a negative association with thinness very comfortable with the word fat,so that reverses, at least momentarily, feel free to use it. Fabulous and Thick. the moral hierarchy between fat and That’s what it stands for’’ (Nicky inter- thin. In Sewell’s (1992) terms, it exploits view 7/11/08). As our only (biracial) the polysemy of thin bodies as a material African American respondent, Nicky resource. Thus the Chubsters not only integrates the word thick, which is com- reject the stigma associated with being monly used among American blacks to fat but also envision an alternative appreciatively denote fleshiness, into world in which body size diversity is the word fat, creatively arguing that widely valued and where size bigots FAT is an acronym for Fabulous and are stigmatized. Thick. In proudly coming out as fat, one Respondents say that when they rejects cultural attitudes that fatness is reclaim the word fat, it can no longer be unhealthy, immoral, ugly, or otherwise used to humiliate, shame, or silence undesirable. One claims the right to them. For instance, when a woman tried define the meaning of one’s own body to cut in front of her in line and called and to stake out new cultural mean- her a ‘‘fat ass’’ when she protested, ings and practices around body size. Michelle says she ‘‘just smiled and said, Queer theorists have similarly chal- ‘Yes, I’ve got a fat ass, but you cut in lenged meanings of disability. For line and I’m first.’ And she absolutely instance, Robert McRuer argues that could not handle the fact that I was abso- asking ‘‘Wouldn’t you rather be hear- lutely unashamed to be called fat, that ing?’’ reinforces ‘‘compulsory able-bod- thatwasokaybymebecauseit’sjust iedness.’’ In response, McRuer calls an adjective like thin, tall, short, you for ‘‘coming out crip,’’ where crip (short know,brown,green,young,old for crippled) functions as an appropria- (Michelle interview 10/18/06). While com- tion of a derogatory term for disabled’’ ing out as fat in this way does not involve (McRuer 2006:9). As with fat, coming revealing a secret about one’s body size, out in this context means affirming it does reveal the surprising—and poten- and valorizing a stigmatized and tially subversive—attitude that being fat highly visible trait. is acceptable. The Chubster website goes further, imagining an alternative reality in Coming Out versus Flaunting which fat is celebrated and narrow fucks The case of coming out as fat leads us to are vilified. Narrow,thewebsite reconsider existing distinctions explains, ‘‘refers not to body size, between coming out or identity for edu- because Chubsters don’t give a shit cation, on one hand, and flaunting or what size clothes anyone wears, but to identity for critique, on the other a narrow mind’’ (Chubsters 2006, (Bernstein 1997; Yoshino 2006). While emphasis in the original). Narrow fucks we can identify cases in which fat rights are described as ‘‘hassling fatties in the activists are emphasizing similarity street,’’ ‘‘crowing about their diets and and others in which they are asserting gym memberships,’’ ‘‘believing that fat difference, often they are simulta- is wrong,’’ ‘‘selling weight loss products neously doing both in different ways. and services,’’ and ‘‘spreading lies about Moreover, we find that flaunting fat is the horror of obesity.’’ The use of the importantly often a way of claiming word narrow here is a creative play on inclusion, albeit on new terms. Coming Out as Fat 15

In AFatRant, Nash, a self-identi- Acceptance website includes a link fied fat woman, emphasizes both her entitled ‘‘What is HAES?’’ (NAAFA similarity to and difference from thin 2009) and the 2001, 2003, and 2009 people. By publicly lashing out against NAAFA conventions featured keynote clothing stores for not carrying clothes addresses by authors of books advocat- in the sizes she wears, that is ‘‘18, at ing for HAES (Bacon 2008; Campos least, sometimes 20, and often—dare 2004; Gaesser 1996). Given how I say it?—triple X!’’ she unabashedly weight-focused medicine and public asserts her physical difference from health currently are, advocating the contemporary cultural ideal of health at every size is radical in this thinness, if not from actual female bod- context. Some fat activists, however, ies. Yet by informing her viewers that question whether health is relevant she enjoys running, swimming, and to a discussion of rights. As Lily eating carrots, she also challenges explains, ‘‘I want to remove [health] stereotypes of fat people as couch pota- from the rights equation altogether toes who subsist on junk food, thereby and say this is a human right, give it emphasizing her shared cultural and to me’’ (Lily interview 7/7/06). moral commitment to health. From this perspective, one can make Likewise, when Marilyn Wann a powerful statement by rejecting the engages in arenas or activities ‘‘that social mandate to pursue health are coded as having thin people as par- through exercise and ‘‘healthy’’ eating. ticipants,’’ such as ordering vegetarian Lily thus recounts ordering pancakes entrees, doing yoga, or dancing in pub- and French toast in a restaurant lic (Wann email 2/24/09), she is both when she could not decide between asserting her difference in certain them as a ‘‘political’’ act of resistance spaces/activities, while also affirming (Lily interview 7/7/06). By ordering her similarity in cultural tastes. these two dishes, Lily performs the Correspondingly, when fat women excess for which fat people are reviled, take part in mainstream fitness clas- asserting her right to eat more than ses, they flaunt along the axis of others deem appropriate. Similarly, appearance, in that their fatness is Kelly explains how, at a restaurant, hypervisible, but not on the axis of cul- ‘‘one of our friends was like there’s no tural expression, in that they are reaf- way you could possibly eat all these firming, rather than challenging, the cheese fries. I’m like, ‘Really, do you hegemonic cultural value of physical want to see me?’ I did, you know, I fitness. ate every single one’’ (Kelly interview Many health researchers and clini- 12/22/06). cians have argued that our health The Chubsters website similarly goals should focus on ‘‘health at every flaunts on the axis of cultural expres- size’’ (HAES), including access to sion. It displays profile photos for 46 respectful healthcare, nutritious food, members, who boast special skills (e.g., and exercise, rather than weight loss sheer heft, the butt clench); weapons of (Bacon et al. 2002; Blair and Church choice (e.g., teeth, my tushy, deadly flat- 2004; Lyons and Burgard 1988), ulence); fatal flaws (e.g., BLTs, pie eat- and there is a strong emphasis on ing contests, lime jello); happiest-when health at every size in the fat libera- sections (e.g., bathing in chocolate, tion movement. For instance, the stalking and sneering, jiggling, eating National Association to Advance Fat a fine and mature cheddar); and mottos 16 Social Psychology Quarterly XX(X)

(e.g., Got Beef? Can I have some?).6 The Chubsters. This suggests that activists Chubsters flaunt and exaggerate fat may use a variety of strategies—some difference as part of an effort to sub- assimilationist and some more radi- vert fat stereotypes. As Chubsters cal—depending on the social context, founder Charlotte Cooper explains, just as their performance of fatness (or ‘‘Somehow, embracing fat stereotypes relative thinness?) will vary based on enabled us to subvert them, and per- the situation. haps rob them of their power over us’’ Moreover, whereas previous work (Cooper 2009). The Chubsters thus has distinguished between coming out embrace the excess that attaches to or identity for education, on one hand, fat embodiment to remobilize it as and flaunting or identity for critique, a source of pleasure and pride. The on the other (Bernstein 1997; Yoshino group’s intentionally loose organiza- 2006), we find that flaunting fat is often tional structure and disinterest in a strategy of inclusion. For instance, in gaining access to decision makers, an interview (8/17/01), Wann talks inspired by punk and Do It Yourself about deciding ‘‘to come out as a fat per- (DIY) practices (Cooper 2009; Stasko son...reallypubliclyandreallyloudly’’ 2007) fits with their strategy of iden- because she was no longer willing ‘‘to tity for critique (Bernstein 1997). put up with exclusion.’’ She explicitly While these tactics can be quite pow- discusses, in this interview, her decision erful, they run the risk of reinforcing to confront fat prejudice in ‘‘a fun and stereotypes. And if fat-identified sassy way.’’ She thus speaks of ‘‘coming womenfeelpeerpressuretogivethis out,’’ while using language such as kind of performance, it can feel like ‘‘really loudly’’ or ‘‘in a fun and sassy a demand to act out stereotypes, what way’’ that evoke flaunting. But ulti- Yoshino (2006) calls ‘‘reverse- mately, she seeks social inclusion. covering’’ or what Degher and Hughes Similarly, while a fat woman wearing (1999) call ‘‘reaction formation.’’ a bikini may seem like an act of flaunt- Reflecting upon the tensions between ing, Melissa describes it as claiming advocating health at every size and a‘‘normallife.’’Inherinterview, rejecting healthism, Sherrie says, ‘‘In Melissa retells how she bought her first this world where society so tells you to bikini in eighteen years at her first fat be thin, there’s a part of me that wants acceptance event and soon after wore it to eat a sundae in front of models. Part at a NAAFA convention fashion show, of me wants to say, ‘Look what I can as well as at the pool. Rather than do!’ But that’s a kid part, and then you flaunting her difference to stand out, have to grow up and say . . . ‘I have wearing the bikini represents an impor- a right to be healthy and a right to eat tant step in becoming more socially inte- celery’’’ (Sherrie interview 9/7/01). grated: ‘‘Many fat people sort of hide Often activists blend assimilationist themselves away, and they don’t get strategies and radical critique. For outandenjoytheirlife....So[it’s instance, Wann has served on the affirming when] they come and they NAAFA board, gives public lectures on see all these other fat people wearing fat acceptance, and actively lobbies for bathing suits and down in the pool and anti-weight-based discrimination laws, having a good time and dancing and but she is also a member of the just, you know, having a normal life’’ (Melissa interview 8/16/01, emphasis 6See www.chubstergang.com. added). Coming Out as Fat 17

Culture and Community a stigmatized trait as a valued part of one’s sense of self, they are limited in Fat acceptance activists speak about their ability to foster the sustained how organizations have helped them interpersonal interaction among like- find comfort and pride in their bodies minded individuals that is necessary on a personal level, while acknowledg- for the formation of group practices, ing that a ‘‘fat-pride community’’ or cul- beliefs, and values. ture, akin to gay/lesbian/queer culture The fact that the fat acceptance with its rainbow flag, gay neighbor- movement is not grounded in cohesive hoods, and pride parades, does not yet social groups with their own practices, exist. The National Association to values, and culture is, we would argue, Advance Fat Acceptance had only two the reason why the movement has not to three thousand paid members in yet developed a strong counter-culture 2001 (Saguy and Riley 2005). The and why coming out as fat is more about International Size Acceptance rejecting negative stereotypes than Association (ISAA) has branches across about affirming group practices, beliefs, the United States, in Canada, Brazil, or values. Wann speaks to this when the United Kingdom, France, she says that ‘‘fat people have yet to Australia, and in the Middle East and find a point of anger that would mean North Africa (ISAA 2007), but it has no turning back. Fat people still go not operated as a paid membership along with blaming ourselves—rather organization since 2005, according to than blaming the prejudice against ISAA director Allen Steadham us—when we’re treated as second-class (Steadham email 5/18/09). ‘‘Fat-pride or untouchable’’ (Wann email 1/12/09). community,’’ in Wann’s words, is hard Wann explains how, at a NAAFA con- to find (Wann interview 6/9/06). It is, vention, she was ‘‘joking about how she says, ‘‘very grassroots and small. Slim-FastÒ is self-hatred in a can, and It’s not even a lawn. It’s a few blades [later learned that] a woman sitting of grass’’ (Wann interview 6/9/06). nearby leaned over to another NAAFA Given this, websites and/or books pro- member and confided, ‘I’ve drunk vide a virtual ‘‘fat-pride community’’ for a Slim-FastÒ every morning since I’ve many. Before Joy Nash made her film A been here’’’ (Wann interview 6/9/06). Fat Rant, she had never been to a fat Similarly, Michelle says in an interview, acceptance meeting, but as she explains ‘‘I have people who are within my own in an interview, ‘‘I’d already been read- chapter who consider themselves to be ing a bunch of the [fat acceptance litera- fat-acceptance people, but on the other ture], like Shadow on a Tightrope and hand, they still never have walked [Marilyn Wann’s] FAT!SO? and things away from dieting. They never have’’ like that. So, I definitely knew that I (Michelle interview 10/18/06). wasn’t alone.’’ Similarly, Jennifer talks Just as many fat people, including about coming out ‘‘into a hypothetical some members of fat acceptance associa- community, aware there were other peo- tions, would rather be thin, prefer thin ple with these ideas, without actually mates, and would hope to have thin ever knowing any of them, ever meeting children, blind people—who do not any one of them’’ (Jennifer interview 7/ have a common culture, history, or 14/06). While virtual or hypothetical language—tend to shun the company ‘‘communities’’ can be comforting and of other blind people, seek sighted absolutely crucial to affirming mates, and do not wish to transmit their 18 Social Psychology Quarterly XX(X) blindness to their children (Deshen embodied experiences can lead people 1992). In contrast, members of the deaf to use old narratives in new ways. world, who have a vibrant culture, their Specifically, given the visibility of own language, and pride in their deaf- body size, coming out as fat has been ness, prefer to socialize with and marry used to affirm fatness as a neutral or other deaf people and often hope to have positive trait, while disclosing a fat-pos- deaf children (Lane 2005). itive perspective. This points to how Wann and others refer to the contem- cultural resources and physical bodies porary fat acceptance movement as jointly constrain social behavior. ‘‘pre-Stonewall’’ (Wann email 1/12/09), Third, the case of coming out as fat which suggests that it is early in its troubles the distinction made between development and is following a teleologi- coming out, identity for education, and cal path common to identity move- a strategy of assimilation, on one hand, ments.7 However, if the tentative and and flaunting, identity for critique, or weak nature of the movement is indeed a strategy of difference, on the other a product of the lack of a real offline (Bernstein 1997; Goffman 1963; community, it is unlikely to change in Yoshino 2006). These distinctions are the absence of a vital fat-pride commu- useful for examining how activists vary nity. Dieting groups, such as Weight in the extent to which they, say, affirm Watchers or Overeaters Anonymous, a shared cultural commitment to health could potentially provide a basis for or reject the hegemonic health impera- such a movement, in that they bring tive (Lupton 1995). Yet, when fat-identi- together large numbers of individuals fied women affirm their difference, (mostly women) who feel too fat, even whether in a bikini or in a restaurant, if they are often not heavier than aver- they are often not affirming difference age. Yet the fact that such groups are for difference’s sake but as part of an dedicated to helping members exit the effort to challenge social norms in order category of fat through weight loss to gain social inclusion. undermines their potential for fat Finally, this study suggests that des- pride. tigmatization strategies are informed by the extent to which a given stigma CONCLUSION is associated with membership in a social group. While there exists a vibrant gay This paper makes several sociological and lesbian culture in many large urban and social psychological contributions. centers, fat-pride culture remains First, it provides additional support largely virtual. As a result, coming out that networks and shared membership as fat often means affirming a label in different social movements facilitate and rejecting negative stereotypes the diffusion of cultural narratives rather than coming into a subculture among these movements. Given the with its own values, practices, and unpredictability of resource accumula- norms. This is an important distinction tion (Sewell 1992), discussions of com- with implications for which stigmas are ing out as fat may lead other groups likely to be reclaimed and how. with visible stigma to similarly talk of When Joy Nash affirms she is fat, she coming out as, say, blind or black. rejects the idea that this means that she Second, our study shows how different is ‘‘stupid or ugly or lazy or selfish.’’ But this raises a question: What about peo- 7Thanks to Steve Epstein for this point. plewhoarestupidoruglyorlazyor Coming Out as Fat 19 selfish? Might they one day come out as variable. We recognize different kinds such? More generally, what makes some of intelligence and stupidity, and the stigmas—and not others—reclaimable? idea that beauty is in the eye of the We speculate that stigma is likely to be beholder is a cliche´. Who counts as reclaimed when it corresponds to a cate- lazy or selfish is similarly largely a mat- gory (1) into which some people clearly ter of opinion. We have no governmental fall, (2) from which they perceive no or scientific categories for these terms, if easy escape, and (3) which entails clear we accept that mental disabilities differ social sanctions. People who cannot from garden-variety stupidity, and we buy health insurance, clothing in offline do not use these categories as a basis stores, or are forced to buy two airplane for denying legal, medical, or consumer seats because of their body size unques- rights. If this were to change, we might tionably fall into a category that carries indeed see new social movements social costs. Such incidents provide fre- emerge around these categories. quent reminders that their body size Some worry that the fat acceptance makes them a second-class citizen. movement harms health by encouraging While fat phobia harms women and an unhealthy lifestyle (Fumento 1998). men across the weight spectrum, albeit Even leaving aside the contested ques- in different ways, the fattest women tions of whether or not heavier weight are penalized the most. Thus, it is no is unhealthy or whether body size is surprise that they have dominated the changeable for most people, there is fat rights movement. A belief in weight strong evidence that weight-based stigma loss prevents many more people from itself negatively impacts health (Muennig joining the cause, as this keeps alive 2008). Given this, destigmatizing strate- the hope that exiting the fat category gies developed by the fat acceptance is possible. Indeed, while we have movement may improve the mental and focused on reclaiming stigma, what physical health of fat people (see also some call equalization or normative Lamont 2009). To the extent that fat acti- inversion (Wimmer 2008), outside of vists’ demands for respectful preventive the fat acceptance movement, other des- medical care for people of all sizes are tigmatization strategies are probably successful, this too should have a positive more common. In addition to exiting effect on health. Moreover, to the extent a category, these include appealing to that coming out narratives enable a posi- other commonalities, blurring the tive identification as fat, this may boundaries between categories, and strengthen and broaden support for polit- shifting the line dividing different cate- ical and legal claims on the basis of body gories (Lamont 2009; Wimmer 2008). size (Kirkland 2008; Solovay 2000). Like being fat, being black, female, or homosexual are categories into which some people clearly fall, from which ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS they perceive no easy escape, and which The authors thank all interview respondents for carry clear social sanctions. In all of their time and openness. Earlier versions of this these cases, medical science has, now paper were presented at the 2007 Culture and or in the past, played an important Power Conference, the University of Colorado role in creating and justifying these cat- Law School, UC Berkeley Law School’s Jurisprudence and Social Policy (JSP) egories. In contrast, stupidity, ugliness, Program, the 2009 annual meeting of the laziness, and selfishness are human American Sociological Association and the 2010 traits that are highly subjective and winter meetings of Sociologists for Women in 20 Social Psychology Quarterly XX(X)

Society (SWS). This paper benefited from feed- History: Reclaiming the Gay and Lesbian back from Rene Almeling, Deb Burgard, Paul Past, edited by M. Duberman, M. Vicinus, Campos, Charlotte Cooper, Steven Epstein, Bill and G. Chauncey. New York: New Fabrey, Marion Fourcade, Joshua Gamson, American Library. Kjerstin Gruys, Kristen Schilt, Charles W. Blair, Steven N. and Tim S. Church. 2004. Smith, Phil Smith, Sarah Soule, Iddo Tavery, ‘‘The Fitness, Obesity, and Health and Marilyn Wann. The authors are especially Equation: Is Physical Activity the Common grateful for the extensive and insightful com- Denominator?’’ JAMA 292:1232–34. ments they received from former SPQ editor Bonner, Kimm. 1981. ‘‘Spotlight on Kimm Gary Fine and from four anonymous reviewers. Bonner.’’ NAAFA Newsletter 2. The authors take full responsibility for all Bordo, Susan. 1993. Unbearable Weight: errors. Feminism, Western Culture, and the Body. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. FUNDING Brownell, Kelly D., Rebecca M. Puhl, Marlene B. Schwartz, and Leslie Rudd, eds. 2005. This research received funding from the Center Weight Bias: Nature, Consequences, and for the Advanced Study in the Behavioral Remedies. New York: Guilford Press. Sciences at Stanford University and the UCLA Bruno, Barbara Altman. 1993. ‘‘Support What Graduate Research Mentorship Program. It is Supports You.’’ NAAFA Newsletter 7. part of a larger project funded by a post-doctoral Bruno, Barbara Altman. 1995. ‘‘Disagree and fellowship from the Robert Wood Johnson Have a Great Life!’’ NAAFA Newsletter 4. Foundation Program in Health Policy Research. Burkeman, Oliver. 1998. ‘‘We’re Here and We’re Spheres’’ The Guardian, August 25, p. 7. REFERENCES Campos, Paul. 2004. The Obesity Myth. New York: Gotham Books. Armstrong, Elizabeth A. 2002. Forging Gay Campos, Paul, Abigail Saguy, Paul Identities: Organizing Sexuality in San Ernsberger, Eric Oliver, and Glen Francisco, 1950–1994. Chicago: University Gaesser. 2006. ‘‘The Epidemiology of of Chicago Press. Overweight and Obesity: Public Health Bacon, Linda. 2008. Health at Every Size: The Crisis or Moral Panic?’’ International Surprising Truth About Your Weight. Journal of Epidemiology 35:55–60. Dallas: BenBella Books. Cawley, John and Sheldon Danziger. 2005. Bacon, Linda. 2009. ‘‘Reflections on Fat ‘‘Morbid Obesity and the Transition from Acceptance: Lessons Learned from Welfare to Work.’’ Journal of Policy Privilege.’’ Paper presented at the Annual Analysis and Management 24:727–43. Convention of the National Association to Chauncey, George. 1994. Gay New York: Advance Fat Acceptance, August 1, Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making Washington, D.C. of the Gay Male World 1890–1940. New Bacon, L., N. L. Keim, M. D. Van Loan, M. York: Basic Books. Derricote, B. Kazaks A. Gale, and J. S. Chubsters, The. 2006. ‘‘The Chubsters.’’ Stern. 2002. ‘‘Evaluating a ‘Non-Diet’ Retrieved July 14, 2006 (http:// Wellness Intervention for Improvement of www.thechubstergang.com). Metabolic Fitness, Psychological Well- Cohen, Richard A. 2000. Coming Out Being, and Eating and Activity Straight: Understanding and Healing Behaviors.’’ International Journal of Homosexuality. Winchester, VA: Oakhill Obesity and Related Metabolic Disorders Press. 26:854–65. Conley, Dalton and Rebecca Glauber. 2007. Barron, Kathy. 2006. ‘‘The Body Liberation ‘‘Gender, Body Mass, and Economic Station.’’ NAAFA Newsletter 1. Status: New Evidence from the PSID.’’ Bernstein, Mary. 1997. ‘‘Celebration and Advances in Health Economics and Health Suppression: The Strategic Use of Identity Services Research 17:253–75. by the Lesbian and Gay Movement.’’ Cooper, Charlotte. 1998. Fat and Proud: The American Journal of Sociology 103:531–65. Politics of Size. London: Women’s Press. Berube´, Alan. 1989. ‘‘Marching to a Different Cooper, Charlotte. 2007. ‘‘Headless Fatties.’’ Drummer: Lesbian and Gay GIs in World Retrieved May 6, 2009 (http://www.charlot War II.’’ Pp. 383-94 in Hidden From tecooper.net/docs/fat/headless_fatties.htm). Coming Out as Fat 21

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Political Left and Gay Liberation in the Sociology and associate professor in the United States.’’ Sociological Perspectives Department of Women’s Studies at 44(4):445–67. UCLA. She is author of What is Sexual Wann, Marilyn. 1999. Fat!So? Because You Harassment: From Capitol Hill to the Don’t Have to Apologize for Your Size. Sorbonne and is currently writing Berkeley, CA: Ten Speed Press. Warner, Michael. 1999. The Trouble with a book provisionally entitled Who Normal: Sex, Politics, and the Ethics of Framed Fat: The War on Obesity and its Queer Life. New York: Free Press. Collateral Damage. Wimmer, Andreas. 2008. ‘‘Elementary Strategies of Ethnic Boundary Making.’’ Anna Ward is a Mellon postdoctoral fel- Ethnic and Racial Studies 31:1025–55. low in the Gender and Sexuality Studies Yoshino, Kenji. 2006. Covering: The Hidden Program at Swarthmore College. She is Assault on Our Civil Rights. New York: the author of ‘‘Pantomimes of Ecstasy: Random House. BeautifulAgony.com and the Representation of Pleasure,’’ published BIOS in the journal Camera Obscura: Feminism, Culture, and Media Studies. Abigail C. Saguy is associate professor and vice chair of the Department of