Social Psychology Quarterly 74(1) 53–75 Coming Out as Fat: Ó American Sociological Association 2011 DOI: 10.1177/0190272511398190 Rethinking Stigma http://spq.sagepub.com

Abigail C. Saguy1 and Anna Ward2

Abstract This paper examines the surprising case of women who ‘‘come out as fat’’ to test and refine the- ories about social change, social mobilization, stigma, and stigma resistance. First, supporting theories about ‘‘ spillover,’’ we find that overlapping memberships in queer and fat activist groups, as well as networks between these groups, have facilitated the migration of this cultural narrative. Second, we find that the different, embodied context of body size and sexual orientation leads to changes in meaning as this narrative travels. Specifically, the hyper- visibility of fat changes what it means to come out as a fat person, compared to what it means to come out as gay or lesbian. Third, this case leads us to question the importance of the distinc- tion made in the literatures on stigma and on social movements between assimilationist strat- egies that stress sameness, on the one hand, and radical political strategies that emphasize dif- ference, on the other. Finally, this case suggests that the extent to which a stigmatized trait is associated with membership in a social group—with its own practices, values, and norms— shapes what it means to ‘‘come out’’ as one who possesses that trait.

Keywords stigma, coming out, covering, flaunting, destigmatization strategies

When asked about how she became a fat person’’ at her first National involved with the fat rights movement, Association to Advance Fat Acceptance prominent fat rights activist and (NAAFA) convention: ‘‘Even though author Marilyn Wann talks about her you may look fat, it’s hard to admit it. ‘‘Really Bad Day,’’ when a romantic As we talk about in NAAFA, it’s coming interest told her he was embarrassed out as a fat person’’ (Sherrie interview to introduce her to his friends because 9/7/01).1 she was fat and when she received a let- ter from Blue Cross refusing her health insurance because she was ‘‘morbidly 1University of California, Los Angeles 2 obese.’’ At that point, Wann realized Swarthmore College that ‘‘living in the closet [was] not Corresponding Author: working,’’ and she ‘‘decided to come Abigail Saguy, UCLA Department of Sociology, 264 Haines Hall, Los Angeles, CA 90095 out as a fat person and tried to do it Email: [email protected] really publicly and really loudly 1 because . . . [she] wasn’t going to put Unless they requested otherwise, interview- ees are identified with first-name pseudonyms. up with exclusion’’ (Wann interview 8/ We use first and last names for those interview- 17/01). Another activist, Sherrie, simi- ees who requested to be identified by their real larly talks about how she ‘‘came out as names. 54 Social Psychology Quarterly 74(1)

In an essay on the ‘‘queerness of fat,’’ This begs the question of why and Katie LeBesco notes that ‘‘fat activists how fat acceptance activists have come regularly describe the experience of to use this narrative and how they are coming out as fat and choosing to no using it differently than have gays and longer pass as on-the-way-to thin’’ lesbians. It thus speaks to the sociolog- (LeBesco 2004:95). She cites a 1983 ical question of how cultural narra- example when ‘‘Pam Hinden told tives travel and change in the process. what she called her ‘fat coming out As the above quotations demonstrate, story,’’’ in which she ‘‘explained that fat rights activists are not disclosing, coming out meant mustering courage as much as affirming, their fatness. to engage in activities usually thought They are reclaiming the term fat,com- proper only for thin people, giving up monly used as an insult, as a neutral futile diets, and rebuilding her self- or positive descriptor (it is in this sense esteem’’ (LeBesco 2004:95). ‘‘We’re that we use the word fat here), reject- here, we’re spheres! Get used to it!’’ ing the terms obese and as Wann is quoted saying, echoing the pathologizing normal human variation ACT-up and Queer Nation’s mantra (Cooper 1998; Schroeder 1992; Wann ‘‘We’re here, we’re queer, get used to 1999). They are innovating upon the it!’’ (Burkeman 1998; cited in LeBesco concept of coming out as a ‘‘destigmati- 2004). zation strategy’’ (Lamont 2009; see It is intriguing that fat acceptance also Wimmer 2008). Thus, the rela- activists—who combat tively understudied case of coming on the basis of body size—would talk out as fat provides an opportunity to about coming out as fat. It is not sur- test and refine theories of stigma and prising that members of this move- stigma resistance. Before turning to ment, which emerged in the 1960s our findings, we review our theoretical and 1970s in the wake of the civil perspective, provide background on rights, women’s rights, and gay rights queer and fat , and describe movements, would be drawn to our data and methods. aprovenstrategyforcombatingstigma or unwanted difference (Goffman THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE: 1963). However, the narrative of com- FATPHOBIA AND SOCIAL ing out does not seem to work with CHANGE fat. That is, while coming out usually refers to revealing something hidden, This paper seeks to contribute to under- body size is hypervisible. It is what standings of political resistance and Goffman (1963) referred to as a ‘‘dis- social change. It specifically considers credited identity,’’ meaning that it is political resistance to what we will call plainly visible, as opposed to a ‘‘discred- fatphobia, akin to , in itable identity,’’ which can be which thinner bodies are defined as concealed.2 morally, medically, aesthetically, and sexually desirable, while heavy bodies are vilified. The suffix ‘‘phobia’’ evokes 2That said, fat women often talk about feeling the fear and that visible body socially invisible, in that people only see a fat per- fat on oneself or on others provokes for son and cannot see the individual woman, much as the protagonist in Ralph Ellison’s (1947) many in the contemporary United Invisible Man speaks of being black in the States. We conceptualize fatphobia as United States in the 1940s. a social structure that is jointly Coming Out as Fat 55 composed of cultural schemas and mate- research showing that the risks of rial resources (Sewell 1992). Schemas have been overblown.4 Yet while clearly are ‘‘virtual’’ in that they exist only as intent on protecting its bottom line from memory traces in people’s minds, are accusations that its products contribute not always conscious, and can be trans- to illness, the food industry has not pro- posed or extended to new situations duced a counter-ideology that celebrates when the opportunity arises (Sewell bigger bodies. On the contrary, advertise- 1992:8). In contrast, resources are mate- ments for foods explicitly suggest rial. Schemas are enacted via resour- that thinness should be a personal goal, ces, while the use of resources is while other food advertisements implic- directed by cultural schema. As a struc- itly convey the same message by, for ture, contemporary American fatpho- instance, exclusively featuring very thin bia is both deep (schema dimension) models (Bordo 1993). Plus-size fashion is and of high power (resource dimen- probably the industry most invested in sion) (Sewell 1992). It is deep because creating positive and glamorous images it is pervasive and relatively uncon- of larger female bodies. While a growing scious. That is, in contrast to places market, plus-size fashion nonetheless where food is scarce and where fatness represents a tiny segment of the fashion signals health and high status (Klein industry as a whole, which caters to the 1996; Popenoe 2005; Stearns 1997), in slimmest women and emphasizes the contemporary and wealthy Western desirability of slenderness. In other societies, fatness predominantly signi- words, while not monolithic, contempo- fies laziness, ill-health, and ugliness rary Western economic interests over- (Campos 2004; Latner and Stunkard whelmingly support the idea that thin— 2003; Puhl, Andreyeva, and Brownell not fat—is desirable. 2008).3 In contrast, slenderness is Yet even deeply entrenched and pow- taken as proof of discipline, health, erful social structures can be chal- and beauty (Bordo 1993). lenged. One way to do this is to apply Fatphobia is of high power because existing schema to new contexts, negative attitudes about fat are but- a potential that Sewell calls the transpo- tressed by substantial economic and polit- sibility of schemas (Sewell 1992). Thus, ical material resources from the United talking about coming out as fat transpo- States and other state governments and ses schemas developed in the gay rights agencies, international organizations like movement (e.g., the importance of the World Health Organization (WHO), authenticity, value of , critique pharmaceutical companies producing of pressures to conform) onto fat bodies, drugs, the weight loss indus- so that they can be seen as valuable try, the fashion industry, and the medical rather than pathological. This process, establishment (see Campos 2004; Campos in which innovations diffuse from one et al. 2006; Oliver 2005). In contrast, the social movement to another (see Soule food industry seems to have an economic 2004), is what social movement theorists interest in promoting fatness. Indeed, call a social movement spillover the Center for Consumer Freedom, (McAdam 1995; Meyer and Whittier afoodindustrylobby,haspublicized 1994). Previous work suggests that cul- tural diffusion is most likely when 3Fat is, however, multivocal, and positive con- notations of fat persist in certain contexts and in 4See http://www.consumerfreedom.com/adver subgroups. See, for example, Klein 1996. tisements_detail.cfm/ad/30. 56 Social Psychology Quarterly 74(1) a frame resonates across social settings resources provides opportunities for (Snow et al. 1986) and among move- social change. This refers to how material ments that have overlapping constitu- resources can be interpreted in different ents (Meyer and Whittier 1994). ways. Thus, a fat body can be read as In that the coming out narrative has the embodiment of excess and moral soft- become broad and inclusive enough to ness, but it can also be seen as, say, accommodate a variety of different per- expansive or generous. Similarly, thin spectives and interests beyond the spe- bodies can be read as streamlined, but cific social movement where it origi- they can also be interpreted as narrow nated, it could be considered a master (as in narrow-minded) or stingy. The frame (Snow et al. 1986). Indeed, John ways in which material resources—in Kitsuse (1980) noted as early as 1980 this case physical bodies—can be inter- that a variety of groups, including ‘‘fat preted are not infinite. It would be diffi- people, little people, [and] old people’’ cult to argue that a fat body is stream- were ‘‘coming out all over.’’ He argued lined, just as it seems counterintuitive that while these groups were not reveal- to frame a thin body as expansive, but ing a hidden stigma, they were nonethe- there is nonetheless a varied (though lim- less ‘‘coming out’’ by declaring ‘‘their ited) number of schema—with positive presence openly and without apology to and negative valences—that can be claim the rights of citizenship’’ (Kitsuse applied to the same material resource. 1980:8). While he did not show that And this provides opportunities for those ‘‘new deviants,’’ as Kitsuse (1980:8) challenging the symbolic order. called them, were themselves using the term coming out, Kitsuse himself used it as a master frame to make sense of Coming Out and Flaunting a wide range of new political activism, The case of coming out as fat also pro- thus foreshadowing the phenomenon at vides an opportunity to rethink the center of our analysis. Goffman’s (1963) classic work on The effect of transposing schema or stigma. For Goffman, only those with using a master frame, however, is not invisible stigmas, what he calls ‘‘dis- entirely predictable. Just because a met- creditable’’ identities, can pass as aphor or narrative has been successful normal, that is, as not possessing the in one setting is no guarantee that it stigma in question. Thus a light skinned will be successful in another. To work, African American may pass as white, or it may have to be changed somewhat a stereotypically masculine-looking gay to fit the new setting. Moreover, the man may pass as straight. Building on experience in the second setting is likely Goffman (1963), professor Kenji to have implications for subsequent usa- Yoshino (2006) talks about coming out ges of this metaphor. This corresponds as a refusal to pass. Based on this typol- to what Sewell (1992) calls the unpre- ogy, it is impossible to come out as fat, dictability of resource accumulation. given that fatness is visible. Yet fat The case of fat rights allows us to exam- rights activists do talk about coming ine the important and understudied out as fat, which leads us to rethink issue of how different (embodied) reali- the importance of visibility in stigma ties shape the diffusion of social move- and destigmatization strategies. ment narratives. According to Goffman’s (1963) typol- Finally, for our purposes, Sewell ogy, fat, as a discredited identity, is (1992) discusses how the polysemy of immediately apparent and impossible Coming Out as Fat 57 to hide. While a person with a dis- for good gays—the kind who would not credited identity cannot pass, they can challenge the norms of straight , cover by preventing their stigma from who would not flaunt their sexuality, ‘‘looming large’’ (Goffman 1963). Thus, and who would not insist on living dif- a blind man may direct his eyes toward ferently from ordinary folk’’ (Warner the person with whom he is speaking, 1999:113). not to pass as seeing, but to avoid mak- Indeed, Yoshino’s notion of flaunting ing the other uncomfortable by drawing as a refusal to cover resonates with attention to his difference (Goffman queer theory and activism, in which 1963). Yoshino (2006) calls the refusal ‘‘queer maintains a relation of resistance to cover, which results in drawing atten- to whatever constitutes the normal’’ tion to a visible stigma, flaunting.He (Jagose 1996:99). Queer theory often gives examples of who are not performatively celebrates acts that are only out about their sexuality but flaunt typically coded as socially deviant in by, say, bringing their romantic part- order to resist the very categorization ners to office parties, kissing their of ‘‘normal’’ and ‘‘deviant.’’ Yoshino same-sex partner in public, or speaking (2006) argues that coming out involves out about gay politics. By extension, a politics of assimilation, whereas a fat woman may cover by wearing flaunting represents a politics of dark clothes or flaunt by wearing difference. a hot-pink bikini. Thus, while coming Sociologist Mary Bernstein makes out is assumed to be a strategy for dis- asimilardistinctionbetweenidentity creditable identities, flaunting is avail- for education, which ‘‘involves challeng- able to those with both visible and invis- ing how dominant perceive ible stigmas. stigmatized individuals and communi- Yoshino (2006) argues that the same ties in an attempt to gain legitimacy’’ behavior may or may not be covering and identity for critique,which‘‘con- or flaunting, depending on personal sen- fronts the values, categories, and practi- sibilities. For instance, some African ces of the dominant culture’’ (Bernstein Americans experience prohibitions 1997). She argues that the former against dreadlocks as a demand to approach is more common among collec- cover, while others personally prefer to tivities with strong organizational infra- straighten their hair. Yoshino (2006) structure and access to decision makers, further argues that a given behavior while the latter is more common among can constitute covering on some dimen- groups with weak organizational struc- sions and flaunting on others. He specif- ture and no access to decision makers ically discusses the dimensions of (Bernstein 1997). appearance, cultural expression (what Yet, as we will see, in the case of fat, he calls ‘‘affiliation’’), activism, and asso- coming out often involves affirming dif- ciation. Demanding gay marriage, for ference, while flaunting is often part of instance, can be seen as flaunting along astrategyofinclusion,leadingusto the dimensions of appearance, activism, rethink destigmatization strategies. and association, but covering along the Finally, the fat case draws our attention dimension of affiliation, in that it reaf- to how other underemphasized variations firms the mainstream cultural value of in stigma—particularly the extent to marriage. Queer theorist Michael which a given stigma is associated with Warner affirms this view when he cultural practices, beliefs, and values— argues that gay marriage ‘‘would make shape destigmatization strategies. 58 Social Psychology Quarterly 74(1)

BACKGROUND: THE COMING OUT norms after the war. While they made NARRATIVE political demands, the Mattachine Society’s use of coming out narratives In his examination of prewar gay male was focused on the ‘‘internal acceptance communities in major cities, George of a homosexual identity (which could be Chauncey explains that coming out wholly private)’’ (Johansson and Percy was not initially associated with the 1994:21). closet. Rather, one spoke of coming The Stonewall Riots of 1969, or the out into homosexual society or the Stonewall Rebellion, is a watershed in gay world, including enormous drag traditional narratives of lesbian and balls that were patterned on the main- gay history in the United States and is stream debutante and masquerade often credited with sparking the gay lib- balls, ‘‘a world neither so small, nor eration movement (see D’Emilio 1983; so isolated, nor often, so hidden as Duberman 1993). The Stonewall Inn, ‘closet’ implies’’ (Chauncey 1994:7). In a popular, members-only bar in other words, during this period, com- Greenwich Village in Manhattan, had, ing out was conceptualized as mainly like other establishments catering to les- social and cultural (see also Garber bians and gays, often been the target of 1989:325). Borrowing from Sewell’s police raids. On July 27, 1969, however, (1992) language, the upper-class Stonewall patrons resisted a police raid, debutante ball was transposed onto which escalated into Village-wide riots the gay social scene, exerting social that continued off and on for several change in a cultural more than a polit- days, as others joined the resistance. ical sense. Recent scholarship has shown that By placing large numbers of men in a vibrant political field was already in same-sex living arrangements and put- place prior to Stonewall and that the ting women in workplaces with large New Left played a greater role than the numbers of women, the war increased Stonewall rebellion in energizing and the likelihood that those with same-sex radicalizing the movement (Armstrong desires would find like-minded people 2002). Nonetheless, Stonewall remains (Berube´ 1989). The end of the war, how- a pivotal and defining moment in collec- ever, brought renewed attention from tive gay rights narratives. the government, community and reli- In the 1970s, the gay rights move- gious leaders, and the media to gender ment took the civil rights and black and sexual identity (Faderman 1991). power movements as a new model for As Alan Berube´ explains: ‘‘The taste of political organizing and conceptualizing freedom during the war, the magnitude gay identity (Armstrong 2002). While of the postwar crackdown, and the pre-Stonewall organizations such as example of the growing black civil rights the Mattachine Society conceptualized movement caused more and more les- homosexuality as a relatively minor bians and gay men to think of them- aberration of mental character, the selves as an unjustly persecuted minor- post-Stonewall organizations framed ity’’ (Berube´ 1989:393). The few lesbian gay identity as a significant component and gay organizations in existence dur- of social and personal identity. The com- ing the 1950s and 1960s, including the ing out narrative assumed a central role Mattachine Society and the Daughters in gay identity and community, as is of Bilitis, developed in response to the reflected by the publication of numerous legal and political enforcement of sexual anthologies of coming out stories Coming Out as Fat 59

(Holmes 1988; Moore 1997; Penelope further advice and information on and Wolfe 1980; Umans 1988). coming out straight (Cohen 2000). The coming out narrative became Organizations like Free To Be Me, an a rite of passage, something to be shared ex-gay group aimed at young adults, with others, and the centerpiece of gay explicitly adopt the language of lesbian liberation movements. Coming out was, and gay scholarship and activism, for the first time, set up in explicit specifically arguments about the fluid- relation to the metaphor of the closet. ity of sexual identity, to argue that gay Ahostile,homophobicmainstreamcul- people can choose to become straight ture was blamed for the creation of the (New Direction for Life Ministries closet but individuals, including gay Inc. 2009). individuals, were blamed for its main- tenance. Thus, the mantra ‘‘Come DATA AND METHODS Out, Come Out, Wherever You Are’’ of the 1980s and 1990s can be under- The idea for this paper emerged at stood as just as much of a demand for the 2001 annual convention of gays and lesbians to publicly declare National Association to Advance Fat their sexuality as an assurance of Acceptance, which the first author safety and community. This new for- attended as part of a larger study inves- mulation of coming out asserts ‘‘the tigating debates over body weight. Bill public relevance of what others deem Fabrey, a self-identified fat admirer private’’ (Gamson 1998:200; see also (men who are sexually attracted to fat Valocchi 2001). Questions of authentic- women), founded NAAFA in 1969, in ity, and the recognition that the veil the wake of the civil rights movement. of the private sphere had to be Fabrey says he consciously chose a - lifted for effective political mobiliza- moniker that resembled that of the tion, brought forth such notions as NAACP, the National Association for the ‘‘closet case’’ and the tactic of out- the Advancement of Colored People ing in which one’s sexual orientation (Fabrey interview 8/17/01), thus claim- is publicly revealed by a third party. ing moral equivalence between discrim- There is some evidence that the closet ination on the basis of race and size. has recently receded as a powerful Today NAAFA denounces weight-based metaphor among gay and lesbians discrimination and negative images of (Seidman 2002). fat people in the media, and encourages Ex-gay movements, also known as self-acceptance and reorientation movements, have adopted through workshops held during the the language of coming out to describe annual national convention and local the journey from a gay identity to a chapter meetings. The annual NAAFA straight identity. Richard Cohen’s book national convention and state chapter Coming Out Straight: Understanding meetings also offer social events for and Healing Homosexuality adopts the fat women (most weighing between language and style of lesbian and gay 200 and 500 pounds) and fat admirers coming out anthologies. It includes to meet and socialize (Saguy and Riley astep-by-stepmodelforcomingout 2005). straight, a variety of coming out At 5’3’’ and about 120 pounds, the narratives, advice for families and first author is generally not considered friends dealing with the process, and fat and worried that this might hinder a resource list for those seeking her ability to develop rapport with 60 Social Psychology Quarterly 74(1)

NAAFA members. Her fears, however, interview. One of them thought the met- were unfounded. Her presence evoked aphor did not work because the visibility some puzzlement at first, but when of body size meant there was nothing to NAAFA members heard that she was reveal: ‘‘I never felt like I was in the a sociologist interested in the fat closet, so I couldn’t come out.’’ Two of acceptance movement, they were eager these four, however, found the metaphor to share their perspectives. Indeed, sev- useful and readily adopted it during the eral members commented that as interview to make sense of how they a ‘‘thin person,’’ she was better posi- identify as fat. The fourth interview, tioned to advocate for fat acceptance conducted during the 2008 NAAFA con- (assuming this would be her inclination) vention, like the original interviews in in that she could not so easily be dis- 2001, did not explicitly address the met- missed as having an axe to grind. This aphor of coming out but discussed iden- is an instance of how thin privilege func- tifying as fat and fat acceptance politics tions in debates over body size (see more generally. The respondent in this Bacon 2009; Saguy and Riley 2005). interview did not use the term ‘‘coming During the 2001 convention and in out as fat,’’ but described experiences the two months following the meetings, that closely paralleled what others the first author had several informal labeled coming out. discussions with participants and Interviews lasted at least 90 minutes, conducted formal, in-depth, semi- and several respondents were inter- structured interviews with nine viewed more than once. Interviews NAAFA members: eight fat-identified were taped and transcribed verbatim, women and fat-admirer Bill Fabrey. but interview excerpts were edited for Much to her surprise, the first author clarity. Twelve respondents were white found that during their interviews, five and three were bi- or multiracial. Over of the eight women spontaneously used half (eight) identified as either bisexual the analogy of ‘‘coming out’’ and/or the or queer. Ages ranged from 25 to 60 at ‘‘closet’’ to talk about how they identify the time of the interview, with an aver- as fat. Bill Fabrey also recounted age age of 42 years. With one exception a very detailed coming out narrative in in which a respondent had recently lost regard to his sexual desire for fat 100 pounds and was of average size, women, suggesting that future work body weight ranged from about 200 to should examine the case of fat admirers 425 pounds. The respondent who had in greater detail. recently lost 100 pounds remained As a follow-up, an additional seven a good candidate for the study, in that women were interviewed in 2006–2008. she has a long history of involvement They were selected based on their in the movement and her weight history involvement in fat acceptance groups provides her an interesting vantage and/or their high profile in the fat accep- point to discuss how body size shapes tance literature. Three of these addi- micro-interactions. tional respondents had publicly used As these interviews are not drawn the analogy of coming out as fat in their from a probability sample of fat- activism and/or writing, and the inter- identified women (an impossible task, view sought to clarify how they were given that the full universe of fat-identi- using this analogy and its source. The fied women is unknown) and were con- remaining four respondents had not ducted over a seven-year period, they used this expression before the cannot tell us about the prevalence of Coming Out as Fat 61 the coming out narrative among fat-iden- respondents and movement activists to tified women at any given moment in hone our analysis. Finally, as part of time. However, they do suggest that an effort to capture the social context this narrative is being used in this new in which fat activists are coming out as context. Our goal here is to examine how. fat, we searched Lexis-Nexis for all To answer this, we also draw on ongo- news articles for all available years in ing (since 2001) participant observation major papers that contained the terms on two fat-acceptance listservs, from coming out and closet in the keywords. which the first author regularly copies Our specific focus on women induc- and analyzes relevant threads, auto- tively emerged from the fact that the biographies, and anthologies focusing fat acceptance movement is comprised on fat identity, fat acceptance zines almost exclusively of (fat) women. (self-published or online magazines), Women are also the main producers of websites, and blogs. We further draw autobiographies chronicling their pro- on analyses of NAAFA newsletters. cess of coming out as fat. Both patterns The most recent newsletters (Winter are probably largely due to the fact 2005–Winter 2008, or 16 issues) are that fat stigma weighs more heavily on available on the NAAFA website, and women than on men (men, in contrast, we were able to obtain from the current suffer more stigmatization than women newsletter editor electronic versions of if they are short) (Conley and Glauber issues published between 1999 and 2007; Puhl et al. 2008). Specifically, 2003. We searched all of these issues the fat acceptance movement is domi- for the words out and closet. The oldest nated by fat, white, middle-class women issues (1970–2002) are not publicly (Sobal 1999), for whom body size is espe- accessible, but Bill Fabrey generously cially salient (see Brownell et al. 2005; manually searched his personal full Cawley and Danziger 2005). How fat archive for any mention of coming out men negotiate their body size is an and provided us with a detailed report important topic that has been examined of what he found. Whenever possible, elsewhere (Monaghan 2008), but it lies we contacted authors of relevant articles beyond the scope of the present study. to ask them about how and why they chose this specific terminology to talk FINDINGS about affirming a fat identity. The first author also engaged in sev- Studying the migration of the coming eral email exchanges with Charlotte out narrative from queer to fat politics Cooper, founder of the Chubsters, to allows us to (1) identify general mecha- gather specific information about this nisms of cultural migration and (2) to particular group, and with several of see how narratives change when they the interview respondents to clarify are used in a new social context. points or ask additional questions. Given that body size is typically more From Cooper, we also obtained pub- visible than sexual orientation, this lished and unpublished articles detail- case further provides an opportunity ing the history of the Chubsters. We fur- to reconsider the role that visibility ther drew on the fat acceptance plays in stigma and stigma resistance literature for historical information (Goffman 1963; Yoshino 2006). Third, about the movement and its use of the as we will see, this case leads us to term coming out, and we solicited feed- question the distinction between com- back from many of the interview ing out and a politics of assimilation, 62 Social Psychology Quarterly 74(1) on one hand, and flaunting and a poli- heterosexuals, female homemakers, tics of difference, on the other and stay-at-home fathers. There are (Bernstein 1997; Yoshino 2006). references to Jews, Christian musi- Finally, examining the case of fat cians, atheists, secular humanists, acceptance draws our attention to and witches coming out about their underexamined aspects of stigma—spe- respective faiths. Socialists, republi- cifically the extent to which it is associ- cans, white supremacist groups, cli- ated with membership in a social mate change deniers, and Scots are group—that help predict if and how described as coming out by revealing a given stigma will be reclaimed. We their political views or nationalities. develop each of these points in four con- A mother of a young man who is men- secutive sections below. tally ill describes herself as ‘‘coming out of the closet’’ by talking about his illness. Similarly, several articles dis- Migration of Cultural Narratives cuss the coming out of taboo topics, There are at least two pathways that including sexual harassment in the the narrative of coming out may have late 1970s, immigration in the late travelled from queer to fat politics. 1980s, family violence, abuse of First, it may be that the narrative has Jewish women, surrogate motherhood, become culturally ubiquitous in a way menopause, mood disorder, erectile that makes it increasingly available dysfunction, and male vanity. One for appropriation in highly diverse set- article describes abortion as moving tings, perhaps with little effort having ‘‘back in the closet.’’ to be expended by the appropriators, We found a reference to ‘‘large-size and perhaps with a gradual weakening women . . . coming out of the fashion of the definitional control, so that peo- closet, with versions of European ple can make of the terms whatever designs now available in sizes from 14 they like. Alternatively, or in addition, to 26’’ but we did not find examples of it may be that migration of the coming coming out as a fat person, as evoked out narrative from queer to fat politics by our respondents. Similarly missing has been facilitated by networks or from our list were examples of African overlapping memberships between Americans coming out as black. the two movements (Meyer and Indeed, stand-up comedian Wanda Whittier 1994). While coming out has Sykes, who is black and recently came indeed become culturally ubiquitous, out as a lesbian, treats as a laughable we find that queer-fat networks and impossibility the idea of ‘‘coming out overlapping memberships in these black’’ to her parents in a 2009 HBO movements have played a crucial role special ‘‘I’ma Be Me’’ (Sykes 2009). in the diffusion of the coming out nar- Consistent with this, the news media rative from queer to fat political examples of coming out all involve groups. instances in which something both stig- A search, in October 2009, of the matized and hidden is brought into the terms coming out and closet in the key- open. In other words, while the narra- words of major papers, indexed by tive of coming out has indeed become Lexis-Nexis for all available years, culturally ubiquitous, fat acceptance yields news stories that speak of people activists still appear innovative in their coming out not only as gays or lesbians, use of this narrative to affirm a visible but also as asexuals, celibates, male stigma. Coming Out as Fat 63

Moreover, our interview and textual the people I turn to are fat and queer data suggest that residents of San women or gender-queer people’’ (Wann Francisco, where queer politics has email 9/30/09). been most active (Armstrong 2002), In an essay, activist Charlotte Cooper queer-identified activists and queer the- explains that ‘‘as queers it’s likely that orists were among the first to talk of we are a little bit more advanced [in] coming out as fat. For instance, that we are better able to reject homo- Marilyn Wann was living in San phobia, or question assimilation’’ Francisco in the early 1990s when she (Cooper 2009:4–5). Note that fat activist created the zine FAT!SO? and talks Pat Hindon, who was quoted in the about being influenced by her gay male introduction as one of the first people friends in Queer Nation who took her to talk about coming out as fat, also to ‘‘politicized/punk drag shows and identified as lesbian (LeBesco 2004:95). other gay community stuff’’ (Wann Similarly, in a 1983 essay entitled email 9/30/09). She took further inspira- ‘‘Coming Out: Notes on Fat Lesbian tion from queer zines being produced in Pride,’’ the author Thunder, who identi- at the time, including fied as a ‘‘dyke,’’ spoke about ‘‘going Diseased Pariah News and Hothead from being a fat woman to coming out Paisan: Homicidal Lesbian Terrorist. as a fat woman’’ (Thunder 1983:212, Wann notes that when she began emphasis in the original). According to printing FAT!SO? in July of 1994, she Cooper, in response to an earlier version used the ‘‘fat dyke community as a major of this paper, it is not so much that fat support for [her] work’’ (Wann email 9/ activists have appropriated coming out 30/09). While traditionally marginalized narratives from lesbian or queer groups, in the NAAFA itself, feminist lesbians but that gay liberation rhetoric was were active in the organization’s Fat already ‘‘woven into the history of fat Feminist Caucus and founded several liberation’’ via the experience of queer independent groups, including the fat activists. Feminist Underground in the early Queer theorists, who critically study 1970s (Fabrey email 11/23/09; Stimson the socially constructed nature of sexual n.d.). Since then, lesbians and bisexual acts and self-identifications, were also women have organized and supported among the first to view fat through scores of San Francisco–based fat activ- a queer lens. For instance, an essay ist groups, including performance that began as a 1986 conference paper groups such as the Fat Lip Readers by queer theorist Eve Sedgwick (Moon Theater, Big Burlesque, Fat Bottom and Sedgwick 2001) explicitly uses the Revue, Bod Squad, Big Moves, the phrase ‘‘coming out as a fat woman’’ Padded Lilies, the Fat Women’s Swim, (see also Kyrola 2005; LeBesco 2004). Radiance magazine, and the Fat Girl It claims that, despite the visibility of zine (Wann email 9/30/09). There are fat, ‘‘there is such a process as coming also queer cultural and fat positive out as a fat woman’’ in which ‘‘the events, such as Fat Girl Speaks, that denomination of oneself as a fat woman were organized in Portland in the late is a way . . . of making clear to the people 1990s and early 2000s, and organiza- around one that their cultural meanings tions like the National Association for will be, and will be heard as, assaultive Lesbians of SizE (NOLOSE). ‘‘Even and diminishing to the degree that now,’’ writes Wann, ‘‘when I think of they are not fat-affirmative’’ (Moon and local fat activist community, most of Sedgwick 2001:206). 64 Social Psychology Quarterly 74(1)

Analyses of NAAFA newsletters lend contact they had had with queer activ- additional support to the claim that net- ism or with others who were in touch works between queer and fat groups with queer activism. Sally Smith facilitated the migration of the coming explains that she worked for LIFE out narrative. We found six explicit (Lobby for Individual Freedom and mentions to ‘‘coming out as fat’’ in Equality), an umbrella group of primar- NAAFA newsletters printed between ily gay and lesbian organizations whose 1981 and 2006. In the first, published mission was to lobby for responsible in the 1981 Spring/Summer newsletter, AIDS legislation. She says, ‘‘I’m sure Kimm Bonner, then chair of the New that being immersed in (what was at England chapter of the NAAFA writes, the time) a gay rights issue provided ‘‘Personally—what I’ve gotten out of aprismwithwhichtoviewmyexperi- this [joining NAAFA] is to come out of ence’’ (Smith email 12/16/09). Bill the closet—I feel really good about who Fabrey says he picked up the expres- I am. I’ve been able to tell everyone in sion of ‘‘coming out’’ as a fat admirer my life—family, friends, people at work from ‘‘fat feminists,’’ who he says that ‘Hey—this is me—if I like it, you were the first at NAAFA to use the should accept it too’’’ (Bonner 1981:2). phrase in reference to body size: ‘‘I In 1988 then executive director Sally never thought of it until they used it’’ E. Smith writes, ‘‘In my first year as (Fabrey email 10/6/09). While himself a NAAFA, I came out of the closet on aheterosexualman,Fabrey’sex-wife size acceptance issues’’ (Smith 1988:3). of many years identifies as bisexual, An April 1989 article with no byline, and he considers himself ‘‘supportive but which Bill Fabrey attributes to him- of gays and lesbians’’ (Fabrey email self, says, ‘‘The first NAAFA office was 12/3/09). located in Fabrey’s spare bathroom, When asked how it had occurred to and the membership file was main- her to use this language, Bruno, who is tained in their walk-in closet . . . (Talk straight and ‘‘happily married for 32 about fat people and their admirers com- years,’’ mentions that she may have ing out of the closet!)’’ (NAAFA 1989:2). picked it up from one or several Barbara Altman Bruno writes in the NAAFA board members who were living 1993 newsletter that ‘‘it takes most peo- in San Francisco: ‘‘Since she [a NAAFA ple a period of time before they will board member] lives and I used to live ‘come out’ as fat people, and join in the Bay Area, ‘coming out’ was a com- NAAFA’’ (Bruno 1993:7), and in 1995, mon term’’ (Bruno email 12/16/09). ‘‘Your ‘coming out’ process [as fat peo- Barron mentions that she ‘‘used to ple] may have taken many years, per- hang out a lot in Hank’s Gab Cafe´ (on haps decades’’ (Bruno 1995:4). In 2006 Marilyn [Wann’s] FAT!SO? website)’’ Kathy Barron writes about coming to and that ‘‘I’m sure that Marilyn had realize that many fat people are ‘‘‘in something to do with it—she has been the closet’ in terms of acknowledging a huge inspiration to me and a driving themselves as fat’’ and urges ‘‘all force in much of my fat activism’’ NAAFA members to come out as proud (Barron email 12/16/09). fat people and fat activists’’ (Barron 2006:1). How Visibility Matters When asked how they came to use this language, several of these NAAFA In some cases in which a person was newsletter contributors pointed to the previously fat and still identifies as Coming Out as Fat 65 such, coming out as fat involves—as States. This act is of symbolic impor- with coming out as gay or lesbian— tance, especially given how often the the disclosure of a hidden self identifi- use ‘‘headless fatties’’ (pho- cation. For instance, after losing 100 tos of fat bodies with heads cropped pounds and arriving at college where out of the image) when discussing the no one had known her as fat, Jennifer so-called obesity epidemic (Cooper spoke about hearing ‘‘women talk about 2007). fatness in a way I’d never heard before’’ More typically, coming out as fat and finding herself ‘‘rather mortified.’’ involves a person who is easily recog- She says, ‘‘I felt the only way they’d nized as fat affirming to herself and understand was if I outed myself. others her fatness as a nonnegotiable That’s what I did, rather uncomfort- aspect of self, rather than as a temporary ably’’ (Jennifer interview 7/14/06). state to be remedied through weight In her one-woman short video enti- loss. For example, Kelly says, ‘‘I’ve tled AFatRant(Nash 2007), which begun identifying more now with fat as had attracted over one million viewers opposed to thinking of myself as essen- on YouTube by August 2008, the young, tially a thin person who just needs to beautiful, witty, and fashionable Joy lose twenty pounds’’ (Kelly interview Nash announces that she weighs 224 12/22/06).5 For many, using the word pounds and is ‘‘moderately obese’’ fat is a key component of coming out. according to government guidelines. Lily says, ‘‘If there’s a marker for me, ‘‘I’m fat,’’ she says, ‘‘and it’s OK. It when I would say I came out as a fat doesn’t mean that I’m stupid or ugly or person, it’s when I first reclaimed the lazy or selfish. I’m fat. . . . F-A-T. It’s word fat’’ (Lily interview 7/7/06). three little letters. What are you so Marilyn Wann explains that she tries afraid of?’’ to ‘‘get people to use the F word. There After a public lecture in which the is nothing inherently bad about the F first author showed a clip of AFat word. I don’t use euphemisms because Rant, members of the audience pro- these reinforce the concept that there tested that the charming woman on is something wrong with fat’’ (Wann the screen was not actually fat. It may interview 6/9/06). be that many people do not realize just Bogeywomen zine suggests respond- how broadly the official category of ing to the statement ‘‘you’re not fat’’ by obese is defined, including one-third of saying ‘‘I am fat, honey. Don’t assume the U.S. population, many of whom do I’m as terrified of the word and the con- not look especially fat. When Nash cept as you are’’ (Owen, Buffington, and announces that she is obese, she may, Owen 2000-2001). When Nicky meets in fact, be announcing something people someone for the first time, she describes do not realize, thus challenging their herself as a ‘‘fat black woman.’’ When assumptions of who is obese, much in they express surprise, she responds by the same way that a straight-looking saying ‘‘Fat is not a four-letter word. woman challenges assumptions about I’m very comfortable with the word fat, what it means to be lesbian when she so feel free to use it. Fabulous and comes out as such. By associating Thick. That’s what it stands for’’ a happy, confident, and beautiful face to fat, Nash undermines the fear and 5Note the use of ‘‘with’’ as opposed to ‘‘as’’ fat loathing that this term typically pro- here and the reluctance it seems to signal. vokes in the contemporary United Thanks to Rene Almeling for this point. 66 Social Psychology Quarterly 74(1)

(Nicky interview 7/11/08). As our only the polysemy of thin bodies as a material (biracial) African American respondent, resource. Thus the Chubsters not only Nicky integrates the word thick,which reject the stigma associated with being is commonly used among American fat but also envision an alternative blacks to appreciatively denote fleshi- world in which body size diversity is ness, into the word fat, creatively argu- widely valued and where size bigots ing that FAT is an acronym for are stigmatized. Fabulous and Thick. In proudly coming out as fat, one Respondents say that when they rejects cultural attitudes that fatness is reclaim the word fat,itcannolongerbe unhealthy, immoral, ugly, or otherwise used to humiliate, , or silence undesirable. One claims the right to them. For instance, when a woman tried define the meaning of one’s own body to cut in front of her in line and called and to stake out new cultural mean- her a ‘‘fat ass’’ when she protested, ings and practices around body size. Michelle says she ‘‘just smiled and said, Queer theorists have similarly chal- ‘Yes, I’ve got a fat ass, but you cut in lenged meanings of . For line and I’m first.’ And she absolutely instance, Robert McRuer argues that could not handle the fact that I was abso- asking ‘‘Wouldn’t you rather be hear- lutely unashamed to be called fat, that ing?’’ reinforces ‘‘compulsory able-bod- that was okay by me because it’s just iedness.’’ In response, McRuer calls an adjective like thin, tall, short, you for ‘‘coming out crip,’’ where crip (short know, brown, green, young, old for crippled) functions as an appropria- (Michelle interview 10/18/06). While com- tion of a derogatory term for disabled’’ ing out as fat in this way does not involve (McRuer 2006:9). As with fat, coming revealing a secret about one’s body size, out in this context means affirming it does reveal the surprising—and poten- and valorizing a stigmatized and tially subversive—attitude that being fat highly visible trait. is acceptable. The Chubster website goes further, imagining an alternative reality in Coming Out versus Flaunting which fat is celebrated and narrow fucks The case of coming out as fat leads us are vilified. Narrow,thewebsite to reconsider existing distinctions explains, ‘‘refers not to body size, between coming out or identity for edu- because Chubsters don’t give a shit cation, on one hand, and flaunting or what size clothes anyone wears, but to identity for critique, on the other a narrow mind’’ (Chubsters 2006, (Bernstein 1997; Yoshino 2006). While emphasis in the original). Narrow fucks we can identify cases in which fat rights are described as ‘‘hassling fatties in the activists are emphasizing similarity street,’’ ‘‘crowing about their diets and and others in which they are asserting gym memberships,’’ ‘‘believing that fat difference, often they are simulta- is wrong,’’ ‘‘selling weight loss products neously doing both in different ways. and services,’’ and ‘‘spreading lies about Moreover, we find that flaunting fat is the horror of obesity.’’ The use of the importantly often a way of claiming word narrow here is a creative play on inclusion, albeit on new terms. a negative association with thinness In AFatRant,Nash,aself-identi- that reverses, at least momentarily, fied fat woman, emphasizes both her the moral hierarchy between fat and similarity to and difference from thin thin. In Sewell’s (1992) terms, it exploits people. By publicly lashing out against Coming Out as Fat 67 clothing stores for not carrying clothes addresses by authors of books advocat- in the sizes she wears, that is ‘‘18, at ing for HAES (Bacon 2008; Campos least, sometimes 20, and often—dare 2004; Gaesser 1996). Given how I say it?—triple X!’’ she unabashedly weight-focused and public asserts her physical difference from health currently are, advocating the contemporary cultural ideal of is radical in this thinness, if not from actual female bod- context. Some fat activists, however, ies. Yet by informing her viewers that question whether health is relevant she enjoys running, swimming, and to a discussion of rights. As Lily eating carrots, she also challenges explains, ‘‘I want to remove [health] of fat people as couch pota- from the rights equation altogether toes who subsist on junk food, thereby and say this is a human right, give it emphasizing her shared cultural and to me’’ (Lily interview 7/7/06). moral commitment to health. From this perspective, one can make Likewise, when Marilyn Wann a powerful statement by rejecting the engages in arenas or activities ‘‘that social mandate to pursue health are coded as having thin people as par- through and ‘‘healthy’’ eating. ticipants,’’ such as ordering vegetarian Lily thus recounts ordering pancakes entrees, doing yoga, or dancing in pub- and French toast in a restaurant lic (Wann email 2/24/09), she is both when she could not decide between asserting her difference in certain them as a ‘‘political’’ act of resistance spaces/activities, while also affirming (Lily interview 7/7/06). By ordering her similarity in cultural tastes. these two dishes, Lily performs the Correspondingly, when fat women excess for which fat people are reviled, take part in mainstream fitness clas- asserting her right to eat more than ses, they flaunt along the axis of others deem appropriate. Similarly, appearance, in that their fatness is Kelly explains how, at a restaurant, hypervisible, but not on the axis of cul- ‘‘one of our friends was like there’s no tural expression, in that they are reaf- way you could possibly eat all these firming, rather than challenging, the cheese fries. I’m like, ‘Really, do you hegemonic cultural value of physical want to see me?’ I did, you know, I fitness. ate every single one’’ (Kelly interview Many health researchers and clini- 12/22/06). cians have argued that our health The Chubsters website similarly goals should focus on ‘‘health at every flaunts on the axis of cultural expres- size’’ (HAES), including access to sion. It displays profile photos for 46 respectful healthcare, nutritious food, members, who boast special skills (e.g., and exercise, rather than weight loss sheer heft, the butt clench); weapons of (Bacon et al. 2002; Blair and Church choice (e.g., teeth, my tushy, deadly flat- 2004; Lyons and Burgard 1988), ulence); fatal flaws (e.g., BLTs, pie eat- and there is a strong emphasis on ing contests, lime jello); happiest-when health at every size in the fat libera- sections (e.g., bathing in chocolate, tion movement. For instance, the stalking and sneering, jiggling, eating National Association to Advance Fat a fine and mature cheddar); and mottos Acceptance website includes a link (e.g., Got Beef? Can I have some?).6 The entitled ‘‘What is HAES?’’ (NAAFA Chubsters flaunt and exaggerate fat 2009) and the 2001, 2003, and 2009 NAAFA conventions featured keynote 6See www.chubstergang.com. 68 Social Psychology Quarterly 74(1) difference as part of an effort to sub- just as their performance of fatness (or vert fat stereotypes. As Chubsters relative thinness?) will vary based on founder Charlotte Cooper explains, the situation. ‘‘Somehow, embracing fat stereotypes Moreover, whereas previous work enabled us to subvert them, and per- has distinguished between coming out haps rob them of their power over us’’ or identity for education, on one hand, (Cooper 2009). The Chubsters thus and flaunting or identity for critique, embrace the excess that attaches to on the other (Bernstein 1997; Yoshino fat embodiment to remobilize it as 2006), we find that flaunting fat is often asourceofpleasureandpride.The a strategy of inclusion. For instance, in group’s intentionally loose organiza- an interview (8/17/01), Wann talks tional structure and disinterest in about deciding ‘‘to come out as a fat per- gaining access to decision makers, son . . . really publicly and really loudly’’ inspired by punk and Do It Yourself because she was no longer willing ‘‘to (DIY) practices (Cooper 2009; Stasko put up with exclusion.’’ She explicitly 2007) fits with their strategy of iden- discusses, in this interview, her decision tity for critique (Bernstein 1997). to confront fat in ‘‘a fun and While these tactics can be quite pow- sassy way.’’ She thus speaks of ‘‘coming erful, they run the risk of reinforcing out,’’ while using language such as stereotypes. And if fat-identified ‘‘really loudly’’ or ‘‘in a fun and sassy women feel peer pressure to give this way’’ that evokes flaunting. But ulti- kind of performance, it can feel like mately, she seeks social inclusion. ademandtoactoutstereotypes,what Similarly, while a fat woman wearing Yoshino (2006) calls ‘‘reverse- abikinimayseemlikeanactofflaunt- covering’’ or what Degher and Hughes ing, Melissa describes it as claiming (1999) call ‘‘reaction formation.’’ a‘‘normallife.’’Inherinterview, Reflecting upon the tensions between Melissa retells how she bought her first advocating health at every size and bikini in eighteen years at her first fat rejecting healthism, Sherrie says, ‘‘In acceptance event and soon after wore it this world where society so tells you to at a NAAFA convention fashion show, be thin, there’s a part of me that wants as well as at the pool. Rather than to eat a sundae in front of models. Part flaunting her difference to stand out, of me wants to say, ‘Look what I can wearing the bikini represents an impor- do!’ But that’s a kid part, and then you tant step in becoming more socially inte- have to grow up and say . . . ‘I have grated: ‘‘Many fat people sort of hide a right to be healthy and a right to eat themselves away, and they don’t get celery’’’ (Sherrie interview 9/7/01). out and enjoy their life. . . . So [it’s affirm- Often activists blend assimilationist ing when] they come and they see all strategies and radical critique. For these other fat people wearing bathing instance, Wann has served on the suits and down in the pool and having NAAFA board, gives public lectures on agoodtimeanddancingandjust,you fat acceptance, and actively lobbies for know, having a normal life’’ (Melissa anti-weight-based discrimination , interview 8/16/01, emphasis added). but she is also a member of the Chubsters. This suggests that activists Culture and Community may use a variety of strategies— some assimilationist and some more Fat acceptance activists speak about radical—depending on the social context, how organizations have helped them Coming Out as Fat 69 find comfort and pride in their bodies individuals that is necessary for the for- on a personal level, while acknowledg- mation of group practices, beliefs, and ing that a ‘‘fat-pride community’’ or cul- values. ture, akin to gay/lesbian/queer culture The fact that the fat acceptance with its rainbow flag, gay neighbor- movement is not grounded in cohesive hoods, and pride parades, does not yet social groups with their own practices, exist. The National Association to values, and culture is, we would argue, Advance Fat Acceptance had only two the reason why the movement has not to three thousand paid members yet developed a strong counter-culture in 2001 (Saguy and Riley 2005). and why coming out as fat is more about The International Size Acceptance rejecting negative stereotypes than Association (ISAA) has branches across about affirming group practices, beliefs, the United States, in Canada, Brazil, or values. Wann speaks to this when the United Kingdom, France, she says that ‘‘fat people have yet to Australia, and in the Middle East and find a point of anger that would mean North Africa (ISAA 2007), but it has no turning back. Fat people still go not operated as a paid membership along with blaming ourselves—rather organization since 2005, according to than blaming the prejudice against ISAA director Allen Steadham us—when we’re treated as second-class (Steadham email 5/18/09). ‘‘Fat-pride or untouchable’’ (Wann email 1/12/09). community,’’ in Wann’s words, is hard Wann explains how, at a NAAFA con- to find (Wann interview 6/9/06). It is, vention, she was ‘‘joking about how she says, ‘‘very grassroots and small. Slim-FastÒ is self-hatred in a can, and It’s not even a lawn. It’s a few blades [later learned that] a woman sitting of grass’’ (Wann interview 6/9/06). nearby leaned over to another NAAFA Given this, websites and/or books pro- member and confided, ‘I’ve drunk vide a virtual ‘‘fat-pride community’’ for a Slim-FastÒ every morning since I’ve many. Before Joy Nash made her film A been here’’’ (Wann interview 6/9/06). Fat Rant, she had never been to a fat Similarly, Michelle says in an interview, acceptance meeting, but as she explains ‘‘I have people who are within my own in an interview, ‘‘I’d already been read- chapter who consider themselves to be ing a bunch of the [fat acceptance litera- fat-acceptance people, but on the other ture], like Shadow on a Tightrope and hand, they still never have walked [Marilyn Wann’s] FAT!SO? and things away from . They never have’’ like that. So, I definitely knew that I (Michelle interview 10/18/06). wasn’t alone.’’ Similarly, Jennifer talks Just as many fat people, including about coming out ‘‘into a hypothetical some members of fat acceptance associa- community, aware there were other peo- tions, would rather be thin, prefer thin ple with these ideas, without actually mates, and would hope to have thin ever knowing any of them, ever meeting children, blind people—who do not any one of them’’ (Jennifer interview 7/ have a common culture, history, or 14/06). While virtual or hypothetical language—tend to shun the company ‘‘communities’’ can be comforting of other blind people, seek sighted and absolutely crucial to affirming a stig- mates, and do not wish to transmit their matized trait as a valued part of one’s blindness to their children (Deshen sense of self, they are limited in their 1992). In contrast, members of the deaf ability to foster the sustained interper- world, who have a vibrant culture, their sonal interaction among like-minded own language, and pride in their 70 Social Psychology Quarterly 74(1) deafness, prefer to socialize with and used to affirm fatness as a neutral or marry other deaf people and often hope positive trait, while disclosing a fat-pos- to have deaf children (Lane 2005). itive perspective. This points to how Wann and others refer to the contem- cultural resources and physical bodies porary fat acceptance movement as jointly constrain social behavior. ‘‘pre-Stonewall’’ (Wann email 1/12/09), Third, the case of coming out as fat which suggests that it is early in its troubles the distinction made between development and is following a teleologi- coming out, identity for education, and cal path common to identity move- a strategy of assimilation, on one hand, ments.7 However, if the tentative and and flaunting, identity for critique, or weak nature of the movement is indeed a strategy of difference, on the aproductofthelackofarealoffline other (Bernstein 1997; Goffman 1963; community, it is unlikely to change in Yoshino 2006). These distinctions are the absence of a vital fat-pride commu- useful for examining how activists vary nity. Dieting groups, such as Weight in the extent to which they, say, affirm Watchers or Overeaters Anonymous, a shared cultural commitment to health could potentially provide a basis for or reject the hegemonic health impera- such a movement, in that they bring tive (Lupton 1995). Yet, when fat-identi- together large numbers of individuals fied women affirm their difference, (mostly women) who feel too fat, even whether in a bikini or in a restaurant, if they are often not heavier than aver- they are often not affirming difference age. Yet the fact that such groups are for difference’s sake but as part of an dedicated to helping members exit the effort to challenge social norms in order category of fat through weight loss to gain social inclusion. undermines their potential for fat Finally, this study suggests that de- pride. stigmatization strategies are informed by the extent to which a given stigma CONCLUSION is associated with membership in a social group. While there exists a vibrant gay This paper makes several sociological and lesbian culture in many large urban and social psychological contributions. centers, fat-pride culture remains First, it provides additional support largely virtual. As a result, coming out that networks and shared membership as fat often means affirming a label in different social movements facilitate and rejecting negative stereotypes the diffusion of cultural narratives rather than coming into a among these movements. Given the with its own values, practices, and unpredictability of resource accumula- norms. This is an important distinction tion (Sewell 1992), discussions of com- with implications for which stigmas are ing out as fat may lead other groups likely to be reclaimed and how. with visible stigma to similarly talk of When Joy Nash affirms she is fat, she coming out as, say, blind or black. rejects the idea that this means that she Second, our study shows how different is ‘‘stupid or ugly or lazy or selfish.’’ But embodied experiences can lead people this raises a question: What about peo- to use old narratives in new ways. ple who are stupid or ugly or lazy or self- Specifically, given the visibility of ish? Might they one day come out as body size, coming out as fat has been such? More generally, what makes some stigmas—and not others—reclaim- 7Thanks to Steve Epstein for this point. able? We speculate that stigma is likely Coming Out as Fat 71 to be reclaimed when it corresponds to is similarly largely a matter of opinion. a category (1) into which some people We have no governmental or scientific clearly fall, (2) from which they perceive categories for these terms, if we accept no easy escape, and (3) which entails that mental differ from gar- clear social sanctions. People who can- den-variety stupidity, and we do not not buy health insurance, clothing in off- use these categories as a basis for deny- line stores, or are forced to buy two air- ing legal, medical, or consumer rights. If plane seats because of their body size this were to change, we might indeed unquestionably fall into a category that see new social movements emerge carries social costs. Such incidents pro- around these categories. vide frequent reminders that their Some worry that the fat acceptance body size makes them a second-class cit- movement harms health by encouraging izen. While fat phobia harms women an unhealthy lifestyle (Fumento 1998). and men across the weight spectrum, Even leaving aside the contested ques- albeit in different ways, the fattest tions of whether or not heavier weight women are penalized the most. Thus, it is unhealthy or whether body size is is no surprise that they have dominated changeable for most people, there is the fat rights movement. A belief in strong evidence that weight-based stigma weight loss prevents many more people itself negatively impacts health (Muennig from joining the cause, as this keeps 2008). Given this, destigmatizing strate- alive the hope that exiting the fat cate- gies developed by the fat acceptance gory is possible. Indeed, while we have movement may improve the mental and focused on reclaiming stigma, what physical health of fat people (see also some call equalization or normative Lamont 2009). To the extent that fat acti- inversion (Wimmer 2008), outside of vists’ demands for respectful preventive the fat acceptance movement, other des- medical care for people of all sizes are tigmatization strategies are probably successful, this too should have a positive more common. In addition to exiting effect on health. Moreover, to the extent a category, these include appealing to that coming out narratives enable a posi- other commonalities, blurring the tive identification as fat, this may boundaries between categories, and strengthen and broaden support for polit- shifting the line dividing different cate- ical and legal claims on the basis of body gories (Lamont 2009; Wimmer 2008). size (Kirkland 2008; Solovay 2000). Like being fat, being black, female, or homosexual are categories into which some people clearly fall, from which ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS they perceive no easy escape, and which The authors thank all interview respondents for carry clear social sanctions. In all of their time and openness. Earlier versions of this these cases, medical science has, now paper were presented at the 2007 Culture and or in the past, played an important Power Conference, the University of Colorado Law School, UC Berkeley Law School’s role in creating and justifying these cat- Jurisprudence and Social Policy (JSP) egories. In contrast, stupidity, ugliness, Program, the 2009 annual meeting of the laziness, and selfishness are human American Sociological Association and the 2010 traits that are highly subjective and var- winter meetings of Sociologists for Women in iable. We recognize different kinds of Society (SWS). This paper benefited from feed- back from Rene Almeling, Deb Burgard, Paul intelligence and stupidity, and the idea Campos, Charlotte Cooper, Steven Epstein, Bill that beauty is in the eye of the beholder Fabrey, Marion Fourcade, Joshua Gamson, is a cliche´. Who counts as lazy or selfish Kjerstin Gruys, Kristen Schilt, Charles W. 72 Social Psychology Quarterly 74(1)

Smith, Phil Smith, Sarah Soule, Iddo Tavory, Blair, Steven N. and Tim S. Church. 2004. and Marilyn Wann. The authors are especially ‘‘The Fitness, Obesity, and Health grateful for the extensive and insightful com- Equation: Is Physical Activity the Common ments they received from former SPQ editor Denominator?’’ JAMA 292:1232–34. Gary Fine and from four anonymous reviewers. Bonner, Kimm. 1981. ‘‘Spotlight on Kimm The authors take full responsibility for all Bonner.’’ NAAFA Newsletter 2. errors. Bordo, Susan. 1993. Unbearable Weight: , Western Culture, and the Body. Berkeley, CA: University of California FUNDING Press. Brownell, Kelly D., Rebecca M. Puhl, Marlene This research received funding from the Center B. Schwartz, and Leslie Rudd, eds. 2005. for the Advanced Study in the Behavioral Weight : Nature, Consequences, and Sciences at Stanford University and the UCLA Remedies. New York: Guilford Press. Graduate Research Mentorship Program. It is Bruno, Barbara Altman. 1993. ‘‘Support What part of a larger project funded by a post-doctoral Supports You.’’ NAAFA Newsletter 7. fellowship from the Robert Wood Johnson Bruno, Barbara Altman. 1995. ‘‘Disagree and Foundation Program in Health Policy Research. Have a Great Life!’’ NAAFA Newsletter 4. Burkeman, Oliver. 1998. ‘‘We’re Here and We’re REFERENCES Spheres’’ The Guardian,August25,p.7. Campos, Paul. 2004. The Obesity Myth. New Armstrong, Elizabeth A. 2002. Forging Gay York: Gotham Books. Identities: Organizing Sexuality in San Campos, Paul, Abigail Saguy, Paul Francisco, 1950–1994. Chicago: University Ernsberger, Eric Oliver, and Glen of Chicago Press. Gaesser. 2006. ‘‘The Epidemiology of Bacon, Linda. 2008. Health at Every Size: The Overweight and Obesity: Public Health Surprising Truth about Your Weight. Crisis or Moral Panic?’’ International Dallas: BenBella Books. Journal of Epidemiology 35:55–60. Bacon, Linda. 2009. ‘‘Reflections on Fat Cawley, John and Sheldon Danziger. 2005. Acceptance: Lessons Learned from ‘‘Morbid Obesity and the Transition from Privilege.’’ Paper presented at the Annual Welfare to Work.’’ Journal of Policy Convention of the National Association to Analysis and Management 24:727–43. Advance Fat Acceptance, August 1, Chauncey, George. 1994. Gay New York: Washington, D.C. Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making Bacon, L., N. L. Keim, M. D. Van Loan, M. of the Gay Male World 1890–1940. New Derricote, B. Kazaks, A. Gale, and J. S. York: Basic Books. Stern. 2002. ‘‘Evaluating a ‘Non-Diet’ Chubsters, The. 2006. ‘‘The Chubsters.’’ Wellness Intervention for Improvement of Retrieved July 14, 2006 (http:// Metabolic Fitness, Psychological Well- www.thechubstergang.com). Being, and Eating and Activity Cohen, Richard A. 2000. Coming Out Behaviors.’’ International Journal of Straight: Understanding and Healing Obesity and Related Metabolic Disorders Homosexuality. Winchester, VA: Oakhill 26:854–65. Press. Barron, Kathy. 2006. ‘‘The Body Liberation Conley, Dalton and Rebecca Glauber. 2007. Station.’’ NAAFA Newsletter 1. ‘‘Gender, Body Mass, and Economic Bernstein, Mary. 1997. ‘‘Celebration and Status: New Evidence from the PSID.’’ Suppression: The Strategic Use of Identity Advances in Health Economics and Health by the Lesbian and Gay Movement.’’ Services Research 17:253–75. American Journal of Sociology 103:531–65. Cooper, Charlotte. 1998. Fat and Proud: The Berube´, Alan. 1989. ‘‘Marching to a Different Politics of Size. London: Women’s Press. Drummer: Lesbian and Gay GIs in World Cooper, Charlotte. 2007. ‘‘Headless Fatties.’’ War II.’’ Pp. 383-94 in Hidden From Retrieved May 6, 2009 (http://www.charlot History: Reclaiming the Gay and Lesbian tecooper.net/docs/fat/headless_fatties.htm). Past, edited by M. Duberman, M. Vicinus, Cooper, Charlotte. 2009. ‘‘The Story of the and G. Chauncey. New York: New Chubsters.’’ Paper presented at the American Library. Annual Conference of the National Coming Out as Fat 73

Popular Culture & American Culture Johansson, Warren and William A. Percy. Associations, April 11, New Orleans, LA. 1994. Outing: Shattering the Conspiracy of D’Emilio, John. 1983. Sexual Politics, Sexual Silence. New York: Haworth Press. Communities: The Making of Kirkland, Anna. 2008. Fat Rights: Dilemmas a Homosexual Minority in the United of Difference and Personhood. New York: States, 1940–1970. Chicago, IL: University NYU Press. of Chicago Press. Kitsuse, John I. 1980. ‘‘Coming Out All Over: Degher, Douglas and Gerald Hughes. 1999. Deviants and the Politics of Social ‘‘The Adoption and Management of a ‘Fat’ Problems.’’ Social Problems 28:1–13. Identity.’’ Pp. 11–27 in Interpreting Klein, Richard. 1996. Eat Fat. New York: Weight: The Social Management of Pantheon. Fatness and Thinness, edited by J. Sobal Kyrola, Katariina. 2005. ‘‘The Fat Gendered and D. Maurer. New York: Aldine de Body in/as a Closet.’’ Feminist Media Gruyter. Studies 5:99–102. Deshen, Schlomo. 1992. Blind People: The Lamont, Miche`le. 2009. ‘‘Responses to Private and Public Life of Sightless , Health, and Social Inclusion as Israelis. Albany: State University of New aDimensionofSuccessfulSocieties.’’Pp. York Press. 151–68 in Successful Societies: How Duberman, Martin. 1993. Stonewall. New Culture and Affect Health,edi- York: Plume. ted by P. Hall and M. Lamont. Cambridge: Ellison, Ralph. 1947. Invisible Man. New Cambridge University Press. York: Random House. Lane, Harlan. 2005. ‘‘Ethnicity, Ethics, and Faderman, Lillian. 1991. ‘‘Odd Girls and the Deaf-World.’’ Journal of Deaf Studies Twilight Lovers: A History of Lesbian Life and Deaf Education 10:291–310. in Twentieth-Century America.’’ New Latner, Janet D. and Albert J. Stunkard. 2003. York: Columbia University Press. ‘‘Getting Worse: The Stigmatization of Fumento, Michael. 1998. Fat of the Land: Our Obese Children.’’ Obesity Research Health Crisis and How Overweight 11:452–56. Americans Can Help Themselves. New LeBesco, Kathleen. 2004. ‘‘The Queerness York: Penguin Books. of Fat.’’ Pp. 85–97 in Revolting Bodies? Gaesser, Glenn A. 1996. Big Fat Lies: The The Struggle to Redefine Fat Identity. Truth about Your Weight and Your Boston: University of Massachusetts Health. New York: Fawcett Columbine. Press. Gamson, Joshua. 1998. Freaks Talk Back: Lupton, Deborah. 1995. The Imperative of Tabloid Talk Shows and Sexual Health: Public Health and the Regulated Nonconformity. Chicago: Chicago Body. London: Sage Publications. University Press. Lyons, Pat and Debby Burgard. 1988. Great Garber, Eric. 1989. ‘‘A Spectacle in Color: The Shape: The First Fitness Guide for Large Lesbian and Gay Subculture of Jazz Age Women. New York: Morrow. Harlem.’’ Pp. 318–31 in Hidden From McAdam, Doug. 1995. ‘‘‘Initiator’ and ‘Spin-Off’ History: Reclaiming the Gay and Lesbian Movements: Diffusion Processes in Protest Past, edited by M. Duberman, M. Vicinus, Cycles.’’ Pp. 217–39 in Repertoires and and G. Chauncey. New York: New Cycles of Collective Action,editedbyM. American Library. Traugott. Durham, NC: Duke University Goffman, Erving. 1963. Stigma: Notes on the Press. Management of a Spoiled Identity. New McRuer, Robert. 2006. Crip Theory: Cultural York: Prentice Hall. Signs of Queerness and Disability. New Holmes, Sarah, ed. 1988. Testimonies: A York: NYU Press. Collection of Lesbian Coming Out Stories. Meyer, David S. and Nancy Whittier. 1994. Boston, MA: Alyson Publications. ‘‘Social Movement Spillover.’’ Social ISAA. 2007. Website of the International Problems 41:277–98. Size Acceptance Association. Retrieved Monaghan, Lee F. 2008. Men and the War on December 13, 2010 (http://www.size-accept Obesity: A Sociological Study. London: ance.org/). Routledge. Jagose, Annamarie. 1996. Queer Theory: An Moon, Michael and Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick. Introduction. New York: New York 2001. ‘‘Divinity: A Dossier, a Performance University Press. Piece, a Little-Understood Emotion.’’ Pp. 74 Social Psychology Quarterly 74(1)

292–328 in Bodies out of Bounds: Fatness Smith, Sally E. 1988. ‘‘A Message from and Transgression, edited by J. E. Braziel Executive Director Sally E. Smith.’’ and K. LeBesco. Berkeley: University of NAAFA Newsletter 3. California Press. Snow, David A., E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Moore, Lisa C. 1997. Does Your Mama Know? Steven K. Worden, and Robert D. Benford. An Anthology of Black Lesbian Coming Out 1986. ‘‘Frame Alignment Processes, Stories. Decatur, GA: RedBone Press. Microbilization, and Movement Muennig, Peter. 2008. ‘‘The Body Politic: The Participation.’’ American Sociological Relationship between Stigma and Obesity- Review 51:464–81. Associated Disease.’’ BMC Public Health Sobal, Jeffery. 1999. ‘‘The Size Acceptance 8:128. Movement and the Construction of Body NAAFA. 1989. ‘‘Some Unusual Historical Weight.’’ Pp. 231–49 in Interpreting Notes about NAAFA.’’ NAAFA Newsletter: Weight: The Social Management of 2. Fatness and Thinness, edited by J. Sobal NAAFA. 2009. Website of the National and D. Maurer. New York: Aldine de Association to Advance Fat Acceptance. Gruyter. Retrieved May 4, 2009 (http:// Solovay, Sondra. 2000. Tipping the Scales of www.naafa.org). Justice. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books. Nash, Joy. 2007. A Fat Rant. YouTube video, Soule, Sarah A. 2004. ‘‘Diffusion Processes 7:46 (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yU within and across Movements.’’ Pp. 294– TJQIBI10A). 310 in Blackwell Companion to Social New Direction for Life Ministries Inc. 2009. Movements, edited by D. A. Snow, S. A. ‘‘Freetobeme.’’ New Direction for Life Soule, and H. Kriesi. Malden, MA: Ministries Inc. Retrieved November 30, Blackwell Publishing. 2009 (http://www.freetobeme.com). Stanley, Julia P. and Susan Wolfe, eds. 1980. Oliver, J. Eric. 2005. Fat Politics: The Real The Coming Out Stories. Watertown, MA: Story behind America’s Obesity Epidemic. Persephone Press. New York: Oxford University Press. Stasko, Carly. 2007. ‘‘(R)Evolutionary Owen, Lesleigh, Angela Buffington, and Healing: Jamming with Culture and Kris Owen. 2000–2001. Boogeywomen Shifting the Power.’’ Pp. 193–220 in Next Zine. Wave Cultures: Feminism, , Popenoe, Rebecca. 2005. ‘‘Ideal.’’ Pp. 9-28 in Activism, edited by A. Harris. New York: Fat: The Anthropology of an Obsession, edi- Routledge. ted by D. Kulick and A. Meneley. New Stearns, Peter N. 1997. Fat History: Bodies York: Tarcher/Penguin. and Beauty in the Modern West. New Puhl, R. M., T. Andreyeva, and K. D. Brownell. York: New York University Press. 2008. ‘‘Perceptions of Weight Stimson, Karen W. n.d. ‘‘Fat Feminist Discrimination: Prevalence and Herstory, 1969–1993: A Personal Comparison to Race and Gender Memoir.’’ Retrieved March 27, 2001 Discrimination in America.’’ International (http://www.eskimo.com/~largesse/Archives Journal of Obesity 32:992–1000. /herstory.html). Saguy, Abigail C. and Kevin W. Riley. 2005. Sykes, Wanda. 2009. I’ma Be Me. Edited by ‘‘Weighing Both Sides: Morality, Mortality B. McCarthy-Miller. HBO. and Framing Contests over Obesity.’’ Thunder. 1983. ‘‘Coming Out: Notes on Fat Journal of Health Politics, Policy, and Lesbian Pride.’’ Pp. 210-15 in Shadow on Law 30:869–921. a Tightrope: Writings by Women on Fat Schroeder, Charles. 1992. Fat Is Not a Four- , edited by L. Schoenfielder and Letter Word. Minneapolis, MN: Chronimed B. Wieser. Iowa City: Aunt Lute Book Publishing. Company. Seidman, Steven. 2002. Beyond the Closet: The Umans, Meg, ed. 1988. Like Coming Home: Transformation of Gay and Lesbian Life. Coming-Out Letters. Austin, TX: Banned New York: Routledge. Books. Sewell, William H., Jr. 1992. ‘‘A Theory Valocchi, Steve. 2001. ‘‘Individual Identities, of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Collective Identities, and Organization Transformation.’’ American Journal of Structure: The Relationship of the Sociology 98:1–29. Political Left and Gay Liberation in the Coming Out as Fat 75

United States.’’ Sociological Perspectives Sociology and associate professor in the 44(4):445–67. Department of Women’s Studies at Wann, Marilyn. 1999. Fat!So? Because You UCLA. She is author of What is Sexual Don’t Have to Apologize for Your Size. Harassment: From Capitol Hill to the Berkeley, CA: Ten Speed Press. Sorbonne and is currently writing Warner, Michael. 1999. The Trouble with Normal: Sex, Politics, and the Ethics of a book provisionally entitled Who Queer Life. New York: Free Press. Framed Fat: The War on Obesity and Its Wimmer, Andreas. 2008. ‘‘Elementary Collateral Damage. Strategies of Ethnic Boundary Making.’’ Ethnic and Racial Studies 31:1025–55. Anna Ward is a Mellon postdoctoral Yoshino, Kenji. 2006. Covering: The Hidden fellow in the Gender and Sexuality Assault on Our Civil Rights. New York: Studies Program at Swarthmore College. Random House. She is the author of ‘‘Pantomimes of Ecstasy: BeautifulAgony.com and the BIOS Representation of Pleasure,’’ pub- lished in the journal Camera Obscura: Feminism, Culture, and Media Studies. Abigail C. Saguy is associate professor and vice chair of the Department of