Most If Not All the Major Social Issues of Our Time Are Considered As Political Or Economic Problems: What Can Anthropology
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ROMA INCLUSION in the CROATIAN SOCIETY Identity, Social Distance and the Experience of Discrimination
Europska unija Zajedno do fondova EU ROMA INCLUSION IN THE CROATIAN SOCIETY identity, social distance and the experience of discrimination Nikola Rašić - Danijela Lucić - Branka Galić - Nenad Karajić Publisher: Office for Human Rights and the Rights of National Minorities of the Government of the Republic of Croatia For the publisher: Alen Tahiri, M.A.Pol Sci Year of publication: 2020 Original title: Uključivanje Roma u hrvatsko društvo: identitet, socijalna distanca i iskustvo diskriminacije Authors: Nikola Rašić, Danijela Lucić, Branka Galić, Nenad Karajić Reviewers: Helena Popović and Krunoslav Nikodem Translation: Sinonim d.o.o. Graphic design, editing and printing: Kerschoffset d.o.o. Circulation: 50 copies Cataloguing-in-Publication data available in the Online Catalogue of the National and University Library in Zagreb under CIP record 001083072. ISBN: 978-953-7870-26-3 Projekt je sufinancirala Europska unija iz Europskog socijalnog fonda. Sadržaj publikacije isključiva je odgovornost Ureda za ljudska prava i prava nacionalnih manjina Vlade Republike Hrvatske. Za više informacija: Ured za ljudska prava i prava nacionalnih manjina Vlade Republike Hrvatske Mesnička 23, 10 000 Zagreb, + 385 (1) 4569 358, [email protected] Više informacija o EU fondovima dostupno je na www.strukturnifondovi.hr ROMA INCLUSION IN THE CROATIAN SOCIETY identity, social distance and the experience of discrimination Nikola Rašić - Danijela Lucić - Branka Galić - Nenad Karajić Zagreb, 2020 DISCLAIMER: The views and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the institutions in which the authors are employed nor the views of the Office for Human Rights and the Rights of National Minorities of the Government of the Republic of Croatia. -
Hungary: Traditional Roma Names
Responses to Information Requests - Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Page 1 of 9 Home Country of Origin Information Responses to Information Requests Responses to Information Requests Responses to Information Requests (RIR) are research reports on country conditions. They are requested by IRB decision makers. The database contains a seven-year archive of English and French RIR. Earlier RIR may be found on the UNHCR's Refworld website. Please note that some RIR have attachments which are not electronically accessible here. To obtain a copy of an attachment, please e-mail us. Related Links • Advanced search help 8 January 2018 HUN106036.E Hungary: Traditional Roma names; name-changing practices after marriage; languages spoken by Roma, including variations in spoken Hungarian (2015- December 2017) Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Ottawa 1. Traditional Roma Names In correspondence with the Research Directorate, Tamás Farkas, a linguist at Eötvös Loránd University in Budapest (Országos Doktori Tanács 2017), indicated that the most common and typical surnames of Roma in Hungary are linguistically of Hungarian origin (Farkas 21 Dec. 2017). The same source added that "it is not so easy" to distinguish between Roma names and the rest of the Hungarian population "as in the case of other national or ethnic minorities" (Farkas 21 Dec. 2017). However, the same source indicated that, when looking at someone's full name, https://irb-cisr.gc.ca/en/country-information/rir/Pages/index.aspx?doc=457338&pls=1 9/7/2018 Responses to Information Requests - Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Page 2 of 9 there are some personal names for which "it is quite obvious that the person belongs to the Roma population" (Farkas 20 Dec. -
'Race' and Diaspora: Romani Music Making in Ostrava, Czech Republic
Music, ‘Race’ and Diaspora: Romani Music Making in Ostrava, Czech Republic Melissa Wynne Elliott 2005 School of Oriental and African Studies University of London PhD ProQuest Number: 10731268 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10731268 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract This thesis is a contribution towards an historically informed understanding of contemporary music making amongst Roma in Ostrava, Czech Republic. It also challenges, from a theoretical perspective, conceptions of relationships between music and discourses of ‘race’. My research is based on fieldwork conducted in Ostrava, between August 2003 and July 2004 and East Slovakia in July 2004, as well as archival research in Ostrava and Vienna. These fieldwork experiences compelled me to explore music and ideas of ‘race’ through discourses of diaspora in order to assist in conceptualising and interpreting Romani music making in Ostrava. The vast majority of Roma in Ostrava are post-World War II emigres or descendants of emigres from East Slovakia. In contemporary Ostrava, most Roma live on the socio economic margins and are most often regarded as a separate ‘race’ with a separate culture from the dominant population. -
Roma Labelling: Policy and Academia Elena Marushiakova, Vesselin Popov
4 66 • 2018 ARTICLES ROMA LABELLING: POLICY AND ACADEMIA ELENA MARUSHIAKOVA, VESSELIN POPOV https://doi.org/10.26363/SN.2018.4.02 ©Institute of Ethnology and Social Anthropology of SAS Professor Elena Marushiakova, PhD, School of History, University of St Andrews, St Katharine’s Lodge, The Scores 14, St Andrews, Fife KY16 9BA, Scotland, UK; e-mail: [email protected] Professor Vesselin Popov, PhD, School of History, University of St Andrews, St Katharine’s Lodge, The Scores 14, St Andrews, Fife KY16 9BA, Scotland, UK; e-mail: vp43@ st-andrews.ac.uk For centuries in different countries of Central, South-eastern and Eastern Europe groups of people have lived who are all called by their surrounding population with different appellations, which is usually translated into English as “Gypsies”. In the last quarter of a century, instead of these names, a new common designation has been established in the region’s public discourse, based on their self-appellation “Roma”. The processes of labelling and imposition of the new name on these communities did not stop in this region, and the label “Roma” is increasingly spreading in the remaining parts of Europe and even beyond. This process of imposing “from above” of a “politically correct” labelling, however, has led to, for some perhaps unexpectedly, to others predictably, an impact on the field. Some local communities labelled today “Roma” started to demonstrate publicly their reluctance to comply with the designation imposed on them from the “outside”. The proposed article will reveal the historical sources of labelling of these communities and main dimensions of these contradictory processes. -
Europe's Poverty-Stricken Roma Communities
EUROPE’S POVERTY-STRICKEN ROMA COMMUNITIES Askold Krushelnyck The next few years will be crucial for the Roma people. There are at least 6 million Roma in Europe with the majority in former communist countries, several of which joined the European Union (EU) in May 2004. Roma people hope that the tolerance espoused by the EU will break a centuries-long cycle of prejudice and persecution. Romania, scheduled to join the EU in 2007, has Europe’s largest Roma population of around 2million people. But the name Roma is not derived from Romania, where they were enslaved until 1864. The Nazis slaughtered between 500,000 and 1.5 million Roma in a little known holocaust. The Roma, or Romani (meaning ‘man’ or ’people’), have also been called Gypsies, Tsigani, Tzigane, Ciganoand Zigeuner, which most of them consider derogatory terms. Many identify themselves by their tribes and groups, which include the Kalderash, Machavaya, Lovari, Churari, Romanichal, Gitanoes, Kalo, Sinti, Rudari, Manush, Boyash, Ungaritza, Luri, Bashaldé, Romungroand Xoraxai. There is no universal Roma culture, although there are attributes common to all Roma: Roma populations have the poorest education, health and employment opportunities, and the highest rates of imprisonment and welfare dependency. They have the lowest life expectancy levels of all Europeans. They also have the highest birthrate, giving credibility to evidence that authorities in one Central European country were recently pressuring Roma women to undergo sterilization. The Roma still have a reputation as nomadic peoples; but the nomadic lifestyle owed as much to Roma people being banned from entering towns as to any desire to wander. -
The OSCE and Roma1
July 13, 2018 IN BRIEF The OSCE and Roma1 Roma are the largest ethnic minority in Europe and are present in most of the participating States of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Eu- rope. Concentrated in post-communist Central and Southern Europe, the Romani population is esti- mated at over 12 million in EU countries, with sig- nificant numbers in former Soviet republics, the Balkans, and Turkey. Roma have been part of every wave of European immigration to North American since the colonial period. There may be as many as one million Americans with Romani an- cestry. The First International Commitments Relating Roma have historically faced persecution in Eu- to Roma and Human Rights rope and were the victims of genocide during The 1990 OSCE Copenhagen Document was the World War II. In post-communist countries, Roma first international agreement to recognize explicitly suffered disproportionately in the transition from the human rights problems faced by Roma. In ad- command- to market-economies, in part due to en- dition to advancing human rights commitments, the demic racism and discrimination. Copenhagen Document included historic provi- sions relating to free and fair elections, the rule of Over the past three decades, Helsinki Commission- law, independence of the judiciary, and other ele- ers have led the effort in Washington to condemn ments of democracy. Upon its adoption, leading racially motivated violence against Roma, includ- experts on international human rights law hailed it ing pogroms, murders, other violent attacks, and as a new Magna Carta. police abuse. The Helsinki Commission has also advocated for recognition of the enslavement and The Copenhagen Document also included a spe- genocide of Roma and redress for sterilization cific reference to anti-Semitism. -
Identity Formation Among Minorities in the Balkans: the Cases of Roms, Egyptians and Ashkali in Kosovo Minority Studies Society
Identity Formation among Minorities in the Balkans: The cases of Roms, Egyptians and Ashkali in Kosovo Minority Studies Society Studii Romani Sofia, 2001 4 Identity Formation among Minorities in the Balkans: The cases of Roms, Egyptians and Ashkali in Kosovo © Elena Marushiakova, Herbert Heuss, Ivan Boev, Jan Rychlik, Nadege Ragaru, Rubin Zemon, Vesselin Popov, Victor Friedman ISBN: 954-9878-11-2 Publication of Minority Studies Society Studii Romani CONTENTS FOREWORD.............................................................. INTRODUCTION ...................................................... PROCESS OF STATE AND ETHNONATIONAL FORMATION: AN HISTORICAL B ACKGROUND.......................................…………… CONTEMPORARY MINORITY IDENTITY BUILDING IN KOSOVO .........…………………. A/ Roms.....................…………. B/ Egyptians.............……………. C/ Ashkali, Kovachi, Magjups ................. D/ Similar cases in the Balkans (Millet and Rudara).........………………………. CURRENT DEVELOPMENT IN KOSOVO.................... RECOMMENDATIONS ...................... INTERNATION AL TEXTS ................. S ELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY............…. FOREWORD 4 The initiative for this publication is that of Nicolae Gheorghe, Adviser on Roma and Sinti Issues, Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, OSCE, Warsaw. The text was prepared by the expert group and discussed at a workshop in Sofia, 15-16 December 2000. Our idea was to present a synthetic monograph in which all points of view regarding the identity formation of the Balkan minority communities in question -
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67 THE POLITICS OF THE CENSUS: OF GYPSIES, ROMS, AND EGYPTIANS Eben Friedman European Centre for Minority Issues, Flensburg, Germany The fiction of the census is that In Ethnic Groups in Conflict, Donald L. everyone is in it, and that everyone has Horowitz (1985: 86) observes that political one – and only one – extremely clear competition in ethnically divided societies tends to place. turn into a census as the members of such societies vote their ethnic affiliations. The purpose of this Benedict Anderson, article, however, is to consider the flip side of this Imagined Communities coin by pointing to ways in which the census can reflect ethnopolitical considerations in the choice If population size is important in of census categories, the application of these determining the political and economic categories, and the claims put forth by interested parties. To this end, I examine the production of status of an ethnic group, then the 2 determination of that size is crucial. census figures on “Gypsies” under Communism and on “Roms” and “Egyptians” in post- Indeed, if ethnic population size is 3 politically important, then the process of Communist Eastern Europe. statistical collection, compilation, analysis I first survey the effects on census results and interpretation becomes politicized. of the range of categories available to those who Milica Bookman, are its objects as well as of the ways in which the census is administered. I then outline methods “Demographic Engineering and used by most East European Communist regimes the Struggle for Power” for counting Gypsies and the reflections of these methods in post-Communist census results. -
Roma Labelling: Policy and Academia Elena
4 66 • 2018 ARTICLES ROMA LABELLING: POLICY AND ACADEMIA ELENA MARUSHIAKOVA, VESSELIN POPOV https://doi.org/10.26363/SN.2018.4.02 ©Institute of Ethnology and Social Anthropology of SAS Professor Elena Marushiakova, PhD, School of History, University of St Andrews, St Katharine’s Lodge, The Scores 14, St Andrews, Fife KY16 9BA, Scotland, UK; e-mail: [email protected] Professor Vesselin Popov, PhD, School of History, University of St Andrews, St Katharine’s Lodge, The Scores 14, St Andrews, Fife KY16 9BA, Scotland, UK; e-mail: vp43@ st-andrews.ac.uk For centuries in different countries of Central, South-eastern and Eastern Europe groups of people have lived who are all called by their surrounding population with different appellations, which is usually translated into English as “Gypsies”. In the last quarter of a century, instead of these names, a new common designation has been established in the region’s public discourse, based on their self-appellation “Roma”. The processes of labelling and imposition of the new name on these communities did not stop in this region, and the label “Roma” is increasingly spreading in the remaining parts of Europe and even beyond. This process of imposing “from above” of a “politically correct” labelling, however, has led to, for some perhaps unexpectedly, to others predictably, an impact on the field. Some local communities labelled today “Roma” started to demonstrate publicly their reluctance to comply with the designation imposed on them from the “outside”. The proposed article will reveal the historical sources of labelling of these communities and main dimensions of these contradictory processes. -
Contribution Au Glossaire Sur Les Roms
1 HDIM.IO/218/07 27 September 2007 ORIGINAL: English Roma and Travellers Glossary Compiled by Claire PEDOTTI (French Translation Department) and Michaël GUET (DGIII Roma and Travellers Division) in consultation with the English and French Translation Departments and Aurora AILINCAI (DGIV Project «Schooling for Roma Children in Europe»). Kindly translated into English by Vincent NASH (English Translation Department). General comments: The many different terms found in Council of Europe texts and on Council websites make harmonisation of the Organisation’s usage essential. That is the purpose of this glossary, which will be up-dated regularly . This glossary reflects the current consensus. Following its suggestions is thus strongly recommended (if in doubt, use the underlined term). Last update : 11 December 2006 2 The terminology used by the Council of Europe (CoE) has varied considerably since the early 1970s : «Gypsies and other travellers»1, «nomads»2, « populations of nomadic origin»3, «Gypsies»4, «Rroma (Gypsies)»5, «Roma»6, « Roma/Gypsies»7, «Roma/Gypsies and Travellers»8, « Roms et Gens du voyage »9. Some of our decisions on terminology are based on the conclusions of a seminar held at the Council of Europe in September 2003 on «The cultural identities of Roma, Gypsies, Travellers and related groups in Europe», which was attended by representatives of the various groups in Europe (Roma, Sinti, Kale, Romanichals, Boyash, Ashkali, Egyptians, Yenish, Travellers, etc.) and of various international organisations (OSCE-ODIHR, European Commission, UNHCR and others). The question’s complexity has obliged us to lay down a number of linguistic principles, which may seem a little arbitrary. -
The Roma Population
January 2015 final PP Roma Primary Care for the Roma in Europe Position Paper of the European Forum for Primary Care Authors Pim de Graaf European Forum for Primary Care; the Netherlands. Danica Rotar-Pavlic University of Ljubljana, Department of Family Medicine; Slovenia Marga Vintges Pharos National Knowledge and Advisory Centre on Migrants, Refugees and Health Care Issues, the Netherlands Corresponding author Pim de Graaf: [email protected] Contributors Zoran Stojanovski Suto Orizari, Macedonia Sara Willems Department of Family Medicine and Primary Health Care Ghent University Hospital, Belgium Lize Hanssens Department of Family Medicine and Primary Health Care Ghent University Hospital, Belgium Erika Zelko University of Maribor, Department of Family Medicine, Slovenia Stefan Panayotov Sliven, Bulgaria 1 January 2015 final PP Roma Abstract This paper provides information on health needs of the Roma population in Europe. It gives an overview of local, national and international health policies and on examples of good practice with the purpose of strengthening service delivery by Primary Care for Roma. For practitioners (GP’s, nurses, social workers, others) tools are available to improve access to the consultation room and to develop an interaction with Roma patients that is effective in addressing the patient’s complaints. Effectively dealing with low health literacy may increase trust and mutual understanding between patient and health care provider, a key element of quality care. For managers and policy makers, examples show how access to health services in the community can be enhanced, by the involvement of Roma Health Mediators and by other approaches to facilitate communication between Roma and health staff. -
Roma and Sinti Holocaust
AT A GLANCE Roma and Sinti Holocaust On 27 January 1945, the Red Army liberated the Auschwitz concentration and extermination camp. Held on this date since 2002, the International Holocaust Remembrance Day is a solemn occasion to commemorate the Jewish, Roma and Sinti victims of Nazi terror. The Roma and Sinti Holocaust is still largely unknown to the public. Background Simone Veil, the first female president of the European Parliament and a Holocaust survivor, deeply regretted the lack of knowledge about the history of WWII, including remembrance of the Roma and Sinti Holocaust. On receiving the European Civil Rights Prize of the Sinti and Roma on 16 December 2010 in Berlin, she stressed the importance of teaching about the Roma genocide, but also about the history and various cultures of Roma communities, to prevent discrimination against them and to enhance their rights. The general term 'Roma' covers groups such as Roma, Travellers, Sinti/Manouches, Kalés/Gitans, Romanichels, Boyash, Ashkalis/Égyptiens, Yéniches, Doms and Loms, that have lived in Europe for centuries, and were victims of Nazi persecution, deportation and extermination; also called the Roma Holocaust. The Roma genocide took a toll of between 250 000 and 500 000 victims, or between a quarter and half of the pre-WWII Roma and Sinti population. The exact number is not known, since many victims' families did not report their losses and the perpetrators erased the records of their killings. It was not until 1982 that Germany recognised the racial grounds for the deportation, imprisonment and extermination of Roma in Nazi camps; despite the fact that the Roma and Sinti were 'Aryan' by Nazi standards, anti-Gypsy laws had already targeted them as 'asocial' populations in Germany.