Fourth Ofjuly Celebration, 1819

The Fourth of July in Southwestern Pennsylvania, 1800-1 850 Scott Martin

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John Lewis Krimmel, Fourth ofJuly Celebration, 1819

58 Fourth of}ul)'is often depicted as a celebration for communal affirmation, the Fourth was contested THEofAmerican republicanism emphasizing the values cultural space; celebrants used the day toarticulate a wide of unity, communal spirit and patriotism. Both con- range ofdifferent and sometimes conflicting social, cul- temporary observers and scholarly commentators agree tural, and political ideas. This diversity belies communal that Independence Day picnics, parades, and orations unity as the denning feature of the Fourth and points to "brought Americans together without reference to the operation of larger social forces which transformed their differences." 1 Yet a close look at the Fourth in Independence Day from a republican festival given to southwestern Pennsylvania from 1800 to 1850 2 re- patriotic devotions to a public safety' holiday marked by veals a far different picture. More than just anoccasion commercial amusement. Data gleaned from southwestern Pennsylvania newspapers, diaries and other contemporary sources between 1800 and 1850 reveal the Fourth's complexity. The commemoration ofAmerican independence engendered a widerange ofcelebrations, and these festivities changed over time in response to demographic increase, ethnic diversification, mass politics, and economic growth. To understand this transformation, we willlook first at the basic form ofcelebration from 1800 to 1850, and then explore the diversity of observances, viewpoints, and values contained within this generic framework. Though a range of celebrations existed throughout the period, broad changes over time also shaped the overall character of the Fourth in southwestern Pennsylvania. Bydetailing both the pattern of celebrations and changes to that pattern over time, we discover much about social and cultural change inthe Pittsburgh region. Inthe transition from the patriotic festival envisioned by the Founding Fathers to the recreational holiday familiar to modern Americans, we can glimpse many of the developments which had by the early nineteenth century already begun to transform the Pittsburgh region from an agrarian toan society. industrial •••* Fourth ofJulycelebrations allfollowed a basic pattern 3 which varied only slightly no matter what group organized the affair. Most celebrations began with participants assembling at a prearranged point, often a court- house, church or tavern. Opening exercises consisted of a prayer, oration, or address, depending on the nature of the celebration. The group then proceeded to the site of the dinner and festivities. Often the Fourth ofJuly dinner would be served in a "shady grove" outside of town, or on the property ofa prominent celebrant. The dinner also followed a pattern common to nearly allcelebrations. A president, one or more vice-presidents, and a secretary were appointed (not elected) by the company, usually by unanimous acclamation. The Declaration ofIndepen- dence was then read by one of the officers orby someone appointed for that task; one or more patriotic orations by prominent citizens or guests sometimes followed. The company then sat down to dinner, the most prominent guests usually seated at a head table. After dinner, the "cloth" was removed, and the company prepared for Scott Martinearned his Ph.D. inhistory from the University of Pittsburgh, and is a visitingassistant professor at the University ofCalifornia-Riverside. This article is adapted from his disser- tation, which is part of his study on leisure in southwestern Pennsylvania, 1800-1850, that the University ofPittsburgh is publishing as a forthcoming book.

59 Pittsburgh History, Summer 1992 Americans, the companies toasting. Two types of toasts were offered: regular underlying patriotism of — toasts, which were prepared in advance by a committee offered a toast to "Party Spirit Though we are divided assigned that task by the celebration's organizers, and into sections, we are ready to form the linewhen danger 5 volunteer toasts, which were the spontaneous senti- threatens." Similar sentiments prevailed in Greens- ments of ordinary participants. Toasts of both types burg, Westmoreland County, in1823, where the Greens- were accompanied by music, cheers, and musket or burg Blues's celebration emphasized "utmost harmony cannon fire.American unity, the bravery and patriotism and good feeling." of the Founding Fathers, and other patriotic issues or themes ofparticular interest to the company were the The meeting— seemed composed ofbrothers ofthe same usual recipients of toasts. family all was hilarity, mirth and good humor. No Despite this uniformity ofpattern, celebrations were wrinkled browofcare was seen, no squinting suspicion. organized around a number of themes, issues, and Itwas a joyousburst ofpleasure at the remembrance of values; military celebrations, moral/religious festivals, a great day which gave birth to an independent people. economic cel- Independence Day evolved from ebrations, One of the Greensburg celebration's regular toasts reveals the tone of the day: "The United States of a into a "out-group" republican festival gatherings, America. 'E Pluribus Unum.' Unanimity." 6 Some mi- idleness, raucous celebration of and social ob- litiacelebrations did fallprey to the influence ofpartisan excess, and commercialism. servances as politicsinthe 1830s and 1840s, but others succeeded in well as politi- preserving a non-partisan spirit throughout the antebel- cal meetings characterized the day in southwestern lum era. The emphasis on unity and its consequent Pennsylvania. The people and groups who organized condemnation of"partyism" sometimes reached a fre- these celebrations articulated differing, and sometimes netic pitch, attesting both to the importance ofthe bond antagonistic, visions ofthemselves and their communi- all Americans supposedly felt on the Fourth, and the 7 ty, making the Fourth a cultural arena in which values celebrants' anxiety over threats to this shared heritage. and ideas could be juxtaposed and contested. Compli- Another common celebration was observance by cating matters further, any celebration might be colored economic or occupational groups. Inthe early years of byvarious themes and orientations. Acelebration byan the century, economic celebrations often displayed the Irish militia company, for example, might emphasize wealth ofa local patrician, extending hospitality toless not only the Fourth's Revolutionary associations, but fortunate neighbors as a way ofarticulating a superior the contributions ofIrishimmigrants tothe republic, as position in the community. Other economic celebra- well as the economic or occupational positions of the tionsmight be sponsored by anemployer, a union,or an celebrants (e.g. toasts to mechanics and laborers). In occupational association to commemorate the contri- 1843, for instance, Pittsburgh's Hibernian Greens mi- bution ofa particular group to the nation's prosperity, litiacompany paraded through the city inthe morning, promote harmony between different economic groups emphasizing military and Revolutionary associations. (e.g., employer and employees), enhance the solidarity That afternoon, however, they joined withthe stridently ofan occupational association, or offer a vision of the anti-British Repealers for a celebration in Gazzam's ideal republican socio-economic order. A newspaper Grove which focused on their shared ethnicity. 4 account ofthe Fourth ofJuly atHumphreysville, Wash- Even giventhiscomplexity, certain celebratory themes ington County, in 1810, "an exhibition which for predominated. Especially inthe early part of the centu- novelty, utility and patriotism, probably stands unri- ry,observance of the Fourth was usually framed by the valled inthe records ofall preceding festivals" illustrates military and patriotic values emerging from the Revolu- these aspects of the economic celebration. "The farm- tion. The military festival often began with cannon -fire ers, shepherds, mechanics and manufacturers in col. at dawn, followed by a parade, military "evolutions" or (sic) Humphrey's employ having beforehand solicited maneuvers, and a dinner sponsored by one or more tobe usefully occupied on this day," were treated to a militia companies. After-dinner toasts celebrated na- ploughing match and the construction ofa shepherd's tional unity, the Revolution's military heritage, and the lodge on Humphrey's farm. Beginning at the crack of continuing vigilance ofthe militia's citizen-soldiers. On dawn and working at breakneck speed, Col. Hum- July 4, 1818, for example, the Pittsburgh City Guards phrey's laborers completed their tasks by early after- and Washington Guards met on Grant's HillinPitts- noon. In the spirit of the day, Humphrey entertained burgh to celebrate the day: "No party animosity was the company with agitated; all sentiments appeared to harmonize when they reflected on the glorious event they were then met a varietyoffermented and distilledliquors.From thence to commemorate." After firing a 20 gun salute and they were invited to sit at the table, which was well partaking of the "elegant entertainment" prepared for furnished with Merino mutton, beef, poultry, pud- them, the companies offered toasts to the day, the flag, dings, &c. the products ofhis (Humphrey's) farms. General Washington, and the military.Emphasizing the The proprietor did the honors of the table; and the

60 The Fourth ofJulyinSouthwestern Pennsylvania — 'followingsentiment alone— was given—after dinner: democratic by using the Fourth to articulate social ideas Independence. Deeds not words. Let those who and values appropriate to changing economic circum- wish to appear to love their country, prove itby actions stances. rather than by toasts and declarations.' 8 Bythe 1830s, tensions generated byeconomic change, class formation, and an ethnically diverse labor force Although Col. Humphrey's patriotic vision seems found expression insouthwestern Pennsylvania's Fourth inextricably linked to the improvement ofhisreal estate, ofJuly festivities. Celebrations sponsored byartisans and his celebration offered a model for preindustrial eco- mechanics emphasized the value oftheir occupations to nomic and labor relations nonetheless. The nobilityand the republic's freedom and dignity, thereby contesting value ofagriculture as a "useful" occupation; the loyal claims of preeminence by competing celebrants. Hu- and hard-working republican laborers who shunned morously defending their 1826 observance of theFourth idleness even on afestival day; the beneficent proprietor, to an assembly ofprestigious Pittsburgh LightArtillery, mindfulofhis superior position but still—solicitous of the happiness and welfare of his workers all these ele- Adeputation fromthe society ofJourneyman Shoemak- ments represented in graphic display the harmonious ers, whowere celebrating the dayin the neighborhood preindustrial economic relations that many Americans presented the following sentiment: 'The Pittsburgh hoped would continue inthe new republic. Notsurpris- Light Artillery:May they be charged withthe soles of ingly, this celebratiori shared many features of the true republicanism, and primed withthe best American traditional preindustrial harvest feasts in which the lord uppers, always ramhome European invaders. Tune —St. of the manor rewarded his servants for their hard work Patrick's Day inthe Morning.11 with a rich feast. 9 Asearly as the 1820s, the southwestern Pennsylvania Many immigrant workers used the Fourth to assert economy began to shift away from agriculture toward their devotion to their new country, affirm their rights industry, and the new economic values which emerged and abilities as republicans, and contest derogatory as a result were represented and developed inFourth of depictions of their ethnic group. Immigrant participa- July celebrations. One such celebration at the Phoenix tion set the tone for the trade union celebration held in Cotton Factory in 1823 in Pittsburgh "exhibited the Pittsburgh in 1836. Accompanied by a German band, singular spectacle" of some of the city's "most distin- the celebrants marched in procession from the court- guished and respectable gentlemen" celebrating with house to George Hatfield's garden, one mile from the the "superintendents and hands of that establishment, city.The celebration, whichfollowed the standard form, both male and female." revealed strong Irish as wellas German participation in the standard and volunteer toasts. Aspokesman pointed We say singular, because, however creditable, the cor- out, doubtless in order to combat stereotypes, "a fact dial feeling ofsociability withwhich respectability and creditable to this company, which is, that, unlike cele- rank there united with honest industry, and modest brations in general of this day, the company drank but a worth, the prejudices of feudal times, aristocratic no- very small quantity ofardent spirits." 12 The trade union tions, and commercial wealth, have hitherto held them- celebration thus presented an image oftemperate, virtu- selves above such associations. We are proud of them ous Irishand German workers eager toparticipate inthe because, while they cannot degrade, any citizen, how- American republic, and justifiably insistent oftheir right ever elevated, they introduce manufacturers tothat rank to do so. in social life which the development of mind in the Religion as well as ethnicity contributed to conflict mechanical pursuits ofmodern days, determines shall over the proper manner ofcommemorating the Fourth. be the first.10 Beginning in the 1820s, mor- Incontrast to the display ofdeference at the Hum- al and religious Colonel Humphrey treated phreysville celebration, which left the proprietor's pre- groups, as well his farmhands to a ploughing eminent social and economic position unquestioned, as citizens orga- match and the construction ofa the Phoenix dinner presented a verydifferent picture of nized inpartic- shepherd's lodge on his property labor relations. Though stillaffirming the importance of ular trades or to celebrate the holiday in1810. socio-economic distinctions ("respectability and rank" commercial united with "honest industry" and "modest" worth), groups, claimed the celebration's toasts praised manufacturers (i.e., arti- a place in the celebration of national independence. sans and laborers) and immigrants, and in contrast to These new groups emphasized the importance ofreli- Humphrey's dinner, even allowing the laborers them- gion, temperance, or morality to the establishment and selves a forum for expressing their feelings through the maintenance of the American republic. As early as 1819, vehicle of volunteer toasts. Whatever the reality may Pittsburgh's Francis Herron sponsored a religious ob- have been, the Phoenix celebration depicted relations servance of the Fourth inhis prestigious First Presbyte- between employer and employed as cooperative and rian Church. Herron emphasized that gratitude to God

61 Pittsburgh History, Summer 1992

foraiding the American cause inthe Revolution was the observances, but he was quick to discount this objec- only proper mode of celebrating the national festival. tion: "Although no noisy mirth betrayed the over- This theme ofthanks to God onthe Fourth also surfaced excited feelings, it was evident that those —who partici- earlyinWashington County, where some citizens react- pated, were rejoicing ina better freedom a freedom ed with alarm to the worldliness and profligacy of not alone from foreign shackles, but, from a more 16 Fourth celebrations. "AFriend to the Celebration ofthe deadly and dangerous foe to man." For temperance 4th ofJuly, 1776" lamented in1821 that organizations, like other moral/religious groups, the Fourth served as a powerful opportunity for relating a our newspapers continue tobebarren thisyear as former specific moral issue to the life of the republic. years, of any account of expressions of thanks and "Out groups," or those excluded from most public gratitude toAlmightyGod upon the late celebration of celebrations, also found inthe Fourth anopportunity to the 4thofJuly,as the author ofour national mercies and promote a sense ofbelonging, however limited, to the privileges... all nations, Christians, Jews and Mahomet- community's patriotic observances. Out group celebra- ans, Turks and even heathens ever had, and stillhave tions allowed women, young people, and ethnic minor- thanksgivings and—praise to Almighty God or their ities to foster group solidarity and to prove that they, imaginary deities intheirnational festivals, inremem- too,could be good republicans .In1801inGreensburg, brance ofmercies received...13 a group of womenexcluded from the men's celebration met separately tocommemorate national independence, Ayear later, a "Friend of Gospel Religion" again and were toasted by the Westmoreland Cavalry at the scolded the Washingtonians for their mode ofcelebra- militia celebration. 17 Though not characteristic of all tion as "more inexcusable" than it was previously, as Fourth celebrations, gender and age segregation was they had "many good examples of the last year, and common throughout the antebellum era. In 1845, for numerous admonitions" on the subject. The mode of instance, at Dr.Reed's schoolhouse inCanton Town- celebration, the "Friend" objected, had "nowbecome ship, Washington County, the pupils and ladies of the almost universally disgusting to the friends of gospel vicinity "concluded that as they were excluded by dust, religion and republicanism." 14 For these champions of noise and public opinion from the more gorgeous religious virtue, the Fourth was a time forgratitude and celebration in the Borough, they would have a picnic reflection on God's role inthe republic, not merely for among themselves, where they might discharge their toasting, feasting and rattling sabers. superabundant patriotism, and love of fun without By the 1840s, Sabbath school celebrations expanded restraint." 18 and developed this theme, asserting that Christianity Young men as well as women and children were and religious education were the bulwarks ofrepubli- sometimes excluded from the holiday observances of canism. The celebration at Pigeon Creek, Washington their more established elders. In 1818 "a small party of County, in1843 was a case inpoint. Afterassembling in young men of this city (Pittsburgh), anxious to partic- the Presbyterian church, the Sabbath school and "many ipate inthe festivity ofthisday," assembled on the banks citizens" joined in an opening prayer, then retired to a of the Monongahela River "for the purpose of com- grove for refreshments. The company, "amounting to memorating 'the most memorable epocha (sic)' in the some hundreds," heard the Declaration of Indepen- history ofAmerica." Their celebration followed exactly dence read before returning to the church for more the form of their elders' Fourth celebrations, attesting prayer, music, and a membership drive by the local to the youngster's ability to properly participate in the temperance society. 15 In exercises dominated by reli- republican festival. 19 Ina similar vein, college students gious themes (the onlyovertlypatriotic aspect ofthe day often sponsored their ownFourth celebrations, proving was the recitation of the Declaration), the Pigeon Creek their civic maturity and asserting the importance of Sabbath School insisted on the centrality of religious learning and scholarly attainment to the republic. 20 values to the maintenance of the republic. Minoritygroups also attested to their republicanism Temperance societies also sponsored celebrations in by holding Fourth celebrations which contested derog- their ownright, atory stereotypes. Black Americans held separate cele- College students often often compar- brations which followed the same form as those oftheir sponsored their own Fourth ing freedom white counterparts, demonstrating their eagerness to from commemorate celebrations to prove their civic the thrall- the patriotic occasion. These efforts at dom ofdrunk- participating in patriotic observance were sometimes and the importance of maturity enness to the the target ofderision by whites, as a satirical account of education to the republic. political inde- a black Fourth of July in Washington County demon- pendence com- strates: a "privaparta ofus fashonebal kolored gemman, memorated by the Fourth. This was the message of the dissembled at de cool spring on de forth Jule, in 1847 Sons ofTemperance celebration inWashington. detension ofshulen de felins onde alter hour contres fre The order's spokesman admitted that some might think liberte." 21Black women also participated inthe Fourth, the Sons' celebration not as exciting as other Fourth imitating the church fairs held by white women on or

62 The Fourth ofJulyin Southwestern Pennsylvania around the Fourth. In1848, the women of the African Fourth; in 1826, the 50th anniversary of the Declara- Methodist Episcopal Church inPittsburgh held a "grand tion ofIndependence, jubilant Pittsburghers gathered entertainment" on the Fourth; Allegheny City's "col- at the foot of , ored Wesleyan church" sponsored a ladies' fair twodays Grant's Hillfor Black Americans separate earlier. 22 These celebrations, like those of other out- horse racing. 24 held groups, allowed blacks to demonstrate their ability and Another popu- celebrations, eager to show willingness to be good Americans and provided an lar Fourth ac- their ability and willingness to opportunity to feel part ofa larger celebration, albeit in tivity was the be good Americans/' a limited way. social party. Catholics, another target of public hostility, also Pittsburgh observed the Fourth separately. By the 1840s the Cath- merchant Henry Sterling described a youthful celebra- olic population of Pittsburgh was large enough to tionin 1819 notably devoid ofpatriotic feeling: support a sizeable celebration at St. Paul's Orphan Asylum, the proceeds of which benefitted the residents While some around the chirries (sic) shared, of the asylum. Catholics observed the occasion with a And others eating, others talking, dinner,oration and toasts, as did their Protestant coun- And others swinging, others walking, terparts, but also used the contested cultural space ofthe And others on the Ladies gazing, Fourth to articulate a vision of their place in a society A number, down the sparkling wine suspicious of the church's hierarchy and tradition. In Were swilling,like so many swine 1845, forexample, recent convert Orestes A.Brownson 'Tillevery thing to them amazing, delivered an oration before the Catholic Institute at the Intheir rollingeyes appeared. Orphan Asylum. Brownson contended that Catholi- cism bolstered rather than threatened republican gov- And as the Ladies mounted high (i.e. swinging) ernment. Virtue, he asserted, was necessary to a repub- Up in the air, young Jack, 'tis said lic,and true virtue resided inobedience to God. As the A wickednotion inhis head Catholic Church was the only reliable authority on The rascal took that he wouldstare God's will,the "onlysafeguard for our Republic willbe At garters tied the knees below found inthe wide-spread dissemination ofthe doctrines And stockings white as woolor snow of that Church." In 1847 the Rev. John Lancaster, Which clasp the limbs ofLadies fair pastor ofSt. Paul's, took up the subject ofCatholicism Between the ancle (sic) and the thigh.25 and the republic, arguing that priests did not interfere in the politics of their congregations and condemning Pittsburgher Samuel Young remembered a less pru- political proscription onreligious grounds. 23 rient Fourth dinner around 1828 which gave littlemore Likeother out groups, Catholics used the Fourth to than the appearance ofpatriotic decorum. Inthe midst claim a place inrepublican society and to demonstrate ofspeeches, orations, and other exercises, the company their loyalty and patriotism. Atissue inall the foregoing devoted most ofitsattention tothe banquet's food.26 A types ofcelebrations was a question ofsocial legitimacy: group of well-to-do young Pittsburghers who met at who should have preeminence incelebrating the Fourth, the country estate ofSamuel Frew in1835 toeat, drink, and what values should the celebration reflect? Was it and converse with the opposite sex exemplified the proper for one group to use the Fourth for its own social celebration. This group preferred convivial so- purposes, or was there an "authentic" mode ofcelebra- cializingto the "politicaldinners, inflammatory speech- tion, deviation from which would constitute disrespect es and red-hot toasts, delivered by the energetic and to the republic? For concerned Americans these were warm advocates of party strife and discontent" then thorny questions for two reasons. First,in addition to current inPittsburgh. 27 being affirmations of the sponsor's own values, all the Yet even social gatherings used the Fourth toartic- celebrations described above were necessarily com- ulate ideas and values about American society and ments on, ifnot criticisms of, competing celebrations. culture, sometimes implicitlycontesting (or rejecting) Second, by the 1830s the multiplicity of these com- the claims of others to equal participation in the day. ments and criticisms attested to new divisions in the Sponsored by alocal clergyman and his wife,a "glorious region's communities and made the illusion ofpatriotic littlecelebration, by the young gentlemen and ladies of unity on the Fourth difficult to sustain. Southwestern Monongahela City," Washington County, in 1843 Pennsylvanians were thus confronted withthe fragmen- emphasized the role ofwhite women inmaintaining the tation of their community by their commemoration of republic. a supposedly unifying occasion. Many people tried to avoid these issues by meeting The ladies, God bless them! whodoes not feel that get- on the Fourth for purely social purposes, treating the out-of-the-way-go-aheadiveness, whichdistinguishes Anglo- day as a holiday. In 1820, 14 Washington county Saxon energy when they are 'onhand,' and mingleinthe hunters joined together for a hunting party on the rites and ceremonies of a Nation's holy-day? ... Yes!

63 Pittsburgh History, Summer 1992

while America-nized Anglo-Saxon blood dilates our munal orunifying aspect of the day. Opposing factions veins, and the smiles ofthe virtuous fair,whoare destined could agree to disagree, even celebrate separately, while tobecome the mothers oftrue republicans, continue to still respecting the opinions and patriotism of their hover around the festive board, where the freemen's rivals. But as the vehement partisan struggles of the prayers ascend to theGod ofbattles, and where the shouts Jacksonian era emerged in the 1820s, Fourth obser- oftheir lips go out 'likea thunder rollupon the banners vances changed from a celebration ofrepublican com- ofthe air'— we may deem our liberties secure and firm munity to a litany of Americans' political differences. as the everlasting hills,and continue to show the world, Celebrants proposed angry, partisan toasts at Fourth as we have already done, that mankindis capable ofself- dinners, excluded persons of opposing political senti- government. ments, and denied vehemently the patriotism, morality and republicanism of their opponents. Ata celebration The celebration, which included the "usual tete a inBurge ttstown, Washington County, in1823, citizens tete" a procession and "promenade" through town, favorable to the election ofAndrew Gregg for governor and a cold water banquet, served as asocial gathering for delayed toasting until the room was "cleared of some young people and, inanoff-handed way,anaffirmation persons of opposite sentiments, who had intruded by of the nativist ideology already finding its way into mistake." The company toasted Gregg, and —then the politics. Inclaiming an important place for women in opposition candidate: "John Andrew Schulze with- the "rites and ceremonies ofa Nation's holy-day," this out talents, political knowledge, or experience inpublic social gathering implicitlyexcluded anyone not born of affairs, he—attempts to ride intooffice on the pack horse "Americanized Anglo-Saxon blood" from the ranks of of party down with him."29 A similar scene was "true republicans." This celebration of Anglo-Saxon enacted at Ligonier,Westmoreland County, in1840. A superiority and virtue delighted the 40 to 50 men and Democratic celebration began their festivities "after all women inattendance; the "only regret uttered on the those who preferred togo to the hard cider (i.e., Whig) occasion was, that the Fourth ofJuly comes but once a celebration had left their ranks." The 200-300 Demo- year." 28 ••• crats present erected a libertypole after dinner and railed against Whiggery in the traditional festive toasts. 30 The foregoing examples illustrate how the Fourth Uniontown Democrats in 1840 avowed that "there served as contested cultural space, and reveal something cannot be a Republican heart that does not beat high at ofits complexity and diversity. To fullyunderstand the the very mention of the Fourth of July!" and urged dynamics of this complexity, however, we must also attendance at the celebration of"a day whichshould be consider how Fourth ofJuly observances changed over kept as the Sabbath ofour Liberties." The Democrats time. Between 1800 and 1850 demographic, social and used this "Sabbath" to condemn the "rough sea of economic change insouthwestern Pennsylvania multi- Whiggery, the deep dead sea of Federalism, floating pliedboth modes ofcelebration and types ofcelebrant, with 'logcabins and hard cider' to the port of Democ- thereby dividing communities on Independence Day. racy." 31 More jarring than these changes, however, was the Nor were the Democrats alone inputting the Fourth transformation of the Fourth caused by the emergence to partisan uses. Whigs and a variety offactions regularly of partisan politics during the 1820s. Incommunities used the day toderide their opponents. Andrew Jackson already divided by a diversity offestivities, partisanship was frequently the target of indignant toasts at these promoted the fragmentation, privatization, and com- celebrations. A dinner organized by the Greensburg mercialization of the Fourth, helping to transform it "Friends ofthe Constitution opposed toUsurpation by into the recre- the Federal Executive" in1834 hailed the usual objects ational holiday of Gatherings of different patriotism, but also urged that the presidency "never groups oftoday. More again be occupied by any other than a man duly qualified caused community fragmenta- than anything toexalt its dignity"and protect the constitution. Volun- tion when commemorating a else, political teer toasts were less reticent: Dr. W. R. Speer praised supposedly unifying occasion. strife on the republican government, hoping itwouldsurvive despite Fourth moti- "the schemes and machinations ofour present Execu- vated south- tive,and his sycophantic, aristocratic coadjutors." 32 western Pennsylvanians to abandon traditional obser- Recognizing the symbolic possibilities of the day, vances and tolook forless troubling ways ofcelebrating Whigs nominated an electoral ticket at their blatantly American independence. partisan Fourth celebration inPittsburgh in1835. This As other historians have noted, the Fourth was from elicited a venomous blast from Neville B. Craig, the the start a profoundly political occasion. Opposing anti-Masonic editor of the Pittsburgh Gazette, who parties or factions routinely sponsored competing cele- complained that "there never was anoccasion on which brations, as numerous newspaper accounts attest. Yet such adisregard forpublic opinion and republican usage this political fragmentation did not, at least inthe early were displayed." 33 Craig's indignation highlighted the years of the century, necessarily detract from the corn- multiplicity ofpatriotic meanings and values generated

64 The Fourth ofJulyin Southwestern Pennsylvania in the Fourth's contested cultural space. Partisanship bolism of the day for partisan purposes, deceiving was appropriate only as it served patriotism and true gullible voters and corrupting the Fourth itself. republicanism, however defined; problems arose when The potential for exploitation of the powerful sym- the Fourth was a cultural arena in which competing and bolic associations of the Fourth was illustrated graphi- divergent visions ofpatriotism and republicanism were callyin 1831by theNational Republicans, precursors of engendered. Thus Craig's Gazette had only praise for the Allegheny County Whigs. The "Friends ofColonel the large anti-Masonic rally he attended on the Fourth, James Johnston" agreed inJune tohold aFourth ofJuly despite the vituperative lypartisan rhetoric ofThaddeus celebration "ina manner best calculated todo honor to Stevens, the featured speaker. 34 our Revolutionary worthies," with"special reference to As the partisan strife of the "second party" system the valor and , feared politics would ofour deepened, many Americans that services " The 1820s brought angry destroy the original patriotic meaning of the Fourth. ancestors. Complaints about exploitation of the day for self-serv- The meeting partisan toasts, one describing ingpurposes became common by the late 1820s, reflect- deemed the a candidate as without talent, ing southwestern Pennsylvanians' discomfort with the observance as a political knowledge, or vehement party conflicts which had rapidly become "practice pro- experience inpublic affairs In 1828, in- characteristic of their political lives. for motive of pa- ...down withhim." stance, dissatisfaction withthe partisanship ofJacksoni- triotic feelings an celebrations surfaced in Westmoreland County. A and senti- letter to the Greensburgh Gazette objected that the ments" which should be dedicated to "grateful expres- toasts at Jacob Eichar's lionized Jackson at the expense sions of our thankfulness toward livingRevolutionary of the Founding Fathers: patriots" and consecrated tothe memory of the dead. 39 Though allsurvivingRevolutionary veterans were invit- ...whileinbut one volunteer toast the name ofWashing- ed as guests ofhonor, the elderly Col. Johnston was to tonisevenmentioned, fifteen toasts are given to General be the centerpiece ofthe celebration. Notcoincidental- Andrew Jaekson. .. there are besides this one, 364 days ly,Johnston was also the National Republicans' candi- inthe year,Sundays excepted, toindulge inparty rancor date for the Senate. The party obviously hoped to without this day (which ought to be a jubilee and on capitalize onthe enormous respect and prestige accord- which all good citizens might unite inits celebration ed Revolutionary veterans by running Johnston as a without regard to political party feelings or attach- candidate. They attempted to enhance this appeal by ments,) being prostituted to such a purpose. 35 framing his candidacy with the powerful ritual of the Fourth of July, thereby adding a further luster of John Butler, editor of the Pittsburgh Statesman, symbolic patriotism to an already sentimentally attrac- expressed similar sentiments a year later: "The occasion tive candidate. is commemorative ofa common event which produced This attempt to cloak partisanship in the sheep's effects and blessings common to all! It should be clothing ofpatriotism emerges clearly inthe celebration celebrated as our National Jubilee! It should be the itself. Col. Johnston's "Friends" portrayed him as the festival of an Empire of a PEOPLE, and not of a patriotic choice for the Senate; a candidate who, by Partyl"*6 virtueofhis Revolutionary experience, could rise above Further objections surfaced in 1835, when south- party strife and unite his fellow Americans under the western Pennsylvania politicians ofvarious stripes court- banner of true republicanism: ed the laboring class by holding "Working Men's" gatherings on the Fourth. InPittsburgh an anti-Van Allpresent seemed linked together by the great bands Buren faction sponsored a Working Men's Party cele- ofone national fraternity. No different party interests bration headed bylawyers, politicians and professionals. here came incollision;no politicalanimosities received One celebrant offered a toast— to the "mechanics and an utterance or; for a moment, intervened to mar the workingmen ofPittsburgh too wise,too virtuous and harmony or interrupt the warm glow offeelings which too independent to be made the dupes, and wear the should preponderate over all other considerations on collar, of political aspirants, especially of men who such an occasion. subvert the principles for which the Fourth ofJuly has been revered, and convert them to base designs." 37 Sitting among the other surviving Revolutionary Elements of the workingclass led by Richard Phillips veterans at the head table, the venerable Johnston was organized a competing celebration, denouncing the the image of American patriotism. The company's Working Men's Party dinner as an insult "emanating toasts rapidly revealed, however, that the patriotism of from a batch ofpolitical speculators, who are desirous of James Johnston bore a striking resemblance to the attaining their objects by imposing on an unsuspecting Whiggery ofHenry Clay: community." 38 Concerned observers likePhillips feared — justifiably that parties would exploit the powerful sym- The American Revolution and the American System

65 Pittsburgh History, Summer 1992

By achieved our politicalliberty,by the as itis called? ... The shouts ofliberty and the cannon's the former we 42 latter we sustain ournational independence. roar are mockery inthe ear ofGod." Many abolitionist societies chose the Fourth as their annual meeting day By a Jackson Man who was prevented from because ofits association withfreedom and liberty. The Quondam — stipulated attending by sickness: Gen. A. Jackson The Hero Pittsburgh Antislavery Society, for example, 'who filledthe measure ofhis country's glory' at New in its constitution that "The Society shall hold its Orleans; but alas! has emptied the measure since his Annual Meeting on the Anniversary of Our National residence at Washington. Independence, at which time the Annual Report shall be — read, appropriate addresses delivered, and the officers ByWm. Hamilton: Our Next President May—he be elected" for the coming year. Toquiet anyone skeptical made ofno worse materials than American Clay and ofthe necessity and urgency oflinkingthe Fourth tothe may he deliver us from the sway ofpetticoat Govern- abolitionist cause, antislavery advocates could point to ment! shameful attempted kidnappings ofrunaway slaves and free blacks alike during the nation's commemoration of Reveling in the legitimacy afforded them by Col. Independence Day.43 Johnston, his National Republican "Friends" sent a The corrosive effect ofpartisanship on an ostensibly delegation to offer a sarcastic toast to the national, unifying festival was not lost on many south- Jacksonians— 44 celebrating on Stewart's Island: "The Tariffof1828 western Pennsylvanians. By the mid-1830s, they be- Mayit not be nullified tillwe get a better." 40 gan to change their manner ofcelebration inthe hopes Some concluded that partisan politics itself was the of averting the divisiveness and rancor generated by culprit in this debasement of the Fourth. Looking partisan gatherings. Concern for the preservation of fondly back on the communal festivals ofhis youth, one American unity and the integrity of the Fourth as a editor observed: patriotic festival fostered twodevelopments: a rejection of public celebration in favor of private observance, OldGeneral Jackson stopped all this fun,unconscious- which willbe discussed below; and a shift inthe orien- ly,ofcourse; in 1827, the first party celebration took tation of public celebrations away from political con- place; there were no ladies, and what was worse for us cerns and toward moral and religious values. One might and our companions, there were no boys there; and object to the stridently partisan procession of the Sons then the toasts; when all met together, no man on that of Democracy through Uniontown in 1840; it was day thought ofobtruding his politicson his- neighbor, harder to object on patriotic grounds to the Sons of and every sentiment breathed patriotism now, allof Temperance procession which paraded through Wash- one political faith,each exhibits his orthodoxy,—by his ington in 1847. 45 Temperance and other moral/reli- extra party fury. The whole thing was spoiled the gious causes took the Fourth by storm: commenting on happy Fourths were ended. 41 the large temperance processions in Pittsburgh and Allegheny in 1842, the Spirit ofLiberty observed that Though an obvious romanticization ofbygone days, the "friends oftemperance seem tohave quite a monop- this comment captures an important aspect ofchanges oly on the celebration ofthe Fourth." 46 inthe Fourth. Partisan politics altered the meaning and Most people applauded this recession of partisan- conduct of the day; rather than unifying Americans, it ship. In1843 Pittsburgh's MorningCbroniclehziled the fragmented them. apparent absence ofpolitical dinners: Issues as wellas parties threatened to divide Ameri- cans onthe national Sabbath; when abolitionism emerged Heretofore, long before the day arrived, all the leaders as a political issue its disruptive implications for the ofthe different politicalparties ofour city were busily Fourth became clear. Abolitionists saw celebration of engaged inmaking preparations to celebrate the Anni- indepen- versary ofAmerican Independence intheir own selfish The National Republican dence ina na- and anti-American manner. But thisyear we have heard ofno such preparations.... majority of citizens party honored surviving tion which a our tolerated sla- have seen the absurdity of sacrificing all their better Revolutionary veterans at—their very as out- feelings on the altar ofsome politicalparty, just because 1831 Fourth celebration not righthypocri- a few unprincipled men command them to do so... 47 coincidentally, the main guest sy, and used of honor was also their the Fourth to This practice ofassociating moral issues withAmer- candidate for the Senate. denigrate the ican independence was so powerful that moral/reli- morality and gious celebrations had, by the 1840s, subordinated patriotism of other celebrations to themselves. 48 This was particularly their countrymen: "Can those who profess to be true true of military celebrations, which, while stillconsid- friends oflibertyand the sincere haters ofslavery, joinin ered appropriate Fourth observances, wereincreasingly the popular celebrations ofour National Independence, overshadowed by moral/religious exercises. In 1843,

66 The Fourth ofJuly in Southwestern Pennsylvania for example, the Pittsburgh Blues volunteer company Ironically, discouraging political or religious divi- signed the temperance pledge en-masse and joined the sions on the Fourth only accelerated the communal Washington Total Abstinence Society and the Jackson fragmentation itwas intended to combat by undermin- Independent Blues,another temperance company, for a ing support for public celebrations. Though more boat trip to a temperance celebration sixmiles fromthe people than ever observed the Fourth as 1850 ap- city.49 In the same year the military and citizens of proached, an increasing number chose to forgo public Monongahela City met at Carrollton," Washington celebration and its attendant divisiveness in favor of a County, for acold water Fourth: Thisis anachievement more private , of the great moral revolution that has absolved— these holiday. The states from all allegiance to 'KingAlcohol' a greater diaries of Abolitionists saw the celebration tyrant than was everKing George." 50 Sabbath school as Charles B. of freedom and liberty on the well as temperance celebrations eclipsed the military. Scully and Fourth as outright hypocrisy ina Westmoreland County's Phoenix Guards, which Robert nation that tolerated slavery, so previously had sponsored or participated in military McKnight, they chose the day for their celebrations, became by 1847 an auxiliary to the both young Methodist Episcopal Sabbath School celebration. The Pittsburgh annual meeting. Guards escorted the school to their place ofcelebration, attorneys in provided music for the procession, and later joined in the 1840s, illustrate this retreat from public celebra- adopting resolutions which affirmed the necessity of tion. Scully and McKnight spent their Fourth holidays religion to republican government: in the 1840s not at political or religious celebrations, but at social gatherings and private amusements. Scully Resolved, That patriotic feelings incites to worthy and played ten-pins withfriends inAllegheny Cityand paid noble action, and that aprofessed regard forthe religion evening social calls on the Fourth in 1843; the two ofthe Bible, is anti-hypocritical and real, inthose only, extant years of McKnight's diary reveal that he viewed who...labor to keep them (i.e. republican institutions) fireworks displays, visitedlocal amusements and attend- free from weakening innovations and unholy and anti- ed dancing parties in 1842 and again in 1846. Though Republican connections 51 aware of the public celebrations (McKnight remarked indignantly that he was awakened at an early hour in Even this move away from the divisiveness ofpartisan 1846 by a noisy militia parade), neither took part in celebrations had a fragmenting effect, however. Though them, or,apparently, feltobligated by custom or patri- defusing the rancor of the partisan Fourth, moral and otism to do so.53 Neither did the harried editor of the religious celebrations unwittinglypromoted communal Morning Chronicle. After enumerating the various ac- fragmentation dividing celebrants along ethnic, reli- tivities and amusements available in1842, he revealed gious or cultural lines. By the 1840s the Pittsburgh his plan to spend the day in "retirement," sitting region's population had both grown and diversified, "among reams ofunopened exchanges, sipping some of producing a variety ofapproaches toreligion and moral- the delicious Peach Syrup, which Mr.I.Harris furnishes ity. Though not always antagonistic, different ethnic temperance folks,quietlypuffing one ofCooke's excel- groups and denominations were not necessarily similar lent cigars!" 54 enough tomake common celebration possible or desir- For those spending theFourth privately, the day had able. Sabbath schools ofthe same denomination might become a time for amusement, recreation and the celebrate the Fourth together, but Methodists, Presby- enjoyment of one's social and familial circle. Even terians, Episcopalians and Catholics usually celebrated organizations which previously participated inpublic, separately, as did members ofblack churches. Temper- patriotic observances had by the 1840s inclined toward ance advocates agreed on the evils of drinking, but a recreational Fourth. In 1838 Pittsburgh's Vigilant divided on questions ofvoluntarism versus compulsory Fire company rejected an invitation from the Neptune temperance and total abstinence versus renunciation of company to joinina city-wide firemen's dinner on the hard liquor. Opponents ofslavery on religious grounds Fourth,commenting that "many ofthe members ofthis ranafoul oftheir fire-eating politicalcounterparts on the company are attached tomilitary and other associations issue ofabolitionism versus colonization; evidence also that have already made arrangements for the celebra- suggests that this division was a partial product of the tionof the coming Fourth." This proliferation ofsocial OldLight/NewLightschism inthe Presbyterian Church celebrations by military and other groups accelerated in the late 1830s. 52 The emergence ofmoral/religious the trend toward privatization by providing smaller, celebrations on the Fourth in the 1830s and 1840s more selective venues for celebration. 55 This trend alleviated some of the discomfort produced by partisan toward privatization led a Washington County editor to conflict,but could not prevent completely the commu- lament in1843: nal fragmentation generated by the clash of values, ideals, and interpretations ofpatriotism insouthwestern No preparations for feasting are going on. The fatted Pennsylvania's rapidly changing society. calfispermitted to chew itscud unmolested inthe stall,

67 Pittsburgh History, Summer 1992

and the poultryis secure inthe barn yard. Shady groves Master Nellis,an boy without hands "whose feats with are not now visited, as ofold,by 'select assemblies,' nor his toes are astonishing," adjacent to the giraffe, in a cannons firedto wake the hillsides withtheirechoes, as separate exhibit which allowed the collection of a sec- they hail the dawn of a nation's jubilee.... Times are ond admission charge. 61 Commercial recreations prolif- sadly changed! The Fourth ofJuly willsoon cease to be erated inthe 1840s: in1843 a "Fakir" gave two exhibi- remembered in any public or peculiar demonstration. tions inConcert Hall,and by1846 a circus, a menager- True, it willbe celebrated at particular places, and by ie, a theatrical performance, and a vocalist at the Eagle particular persons. But we desire to see #//parties, sects, Ice Cream Saloon competed for Pittsburghers' Fourth ages, sexes and conditions, unite in an offering of of July patronage. 62 Commercial amusements even ca- gratitude, withpure hearts, for this purpose, to the tered totheir patrons' desire for patriotic remembrance Giver ofevery good and perfect gift.56 on the Fourth. In1849, for example, Spaulding and Roger's North American Circus added a dramatic troupe Part ofthe reason common observances ofthe Fourth to the company for its engagement in Pittsburgh "for declined is captured by the third trend, commercializa- the purpose ofgetting up every night the grand Heroic tion. As the population of southwestern Pennsylvania and Patriotic Spectacles of GENERAL WASHING- increased, a sizeable market for recreation, amusement TON, C OLD PUT,' AND 'MAD ANTHONY and holiday goods developed. This led to the commer- WAYNE.'" The show was performed three times cialization ofthe Fourth and its further transition from during the day on the Fourth, ensuring citizens maxi- patriotic festival to recreational holiday.57 mum availability of the "patriotic Spectacle." 63 Even Ifsome Pennsylvanians ceased attending public cel- religious groups contributed to the commercialization ebrations because they were disenchanted with their of the Fourth. For its Fourth of July fair in 1843, tone and conduct, others simply found the growing Pittsburgh's First Evangelical Lutheran Church exhib- number of commercial amusements a more attractive ited the war tent inwhich General Washington suppos- way ofspending the Fourth. With the advent of steam, edlyslept at ValleyForge. Commenting on the occasion regular packet lines transported southwestern Pennsyl- inhis diary, Charles B. Scully noted that a "procession vanians up and down the region's rivers to pleasure passed through our city this evening withthe Military gardens which catered to the holiday trade. In the escorting Gen'l. Washington's War Tent borrowed Pittsburgh area, Greenwood, Rosedale and Manchester fromMr.GWP Custis, hisrelative ofArlington,Va. This Gardens drew many holiday amusement seekers with is certainly humbugerous," Scully complained; "it is special events and attractions. In1849 Rosedale Gar- brought here on a speculation tobe used on the 4th of dens inManchester offered its patrons "an exhibition of July to raise money for a Church." 64 fireworks, prepared expressly to commemorate the an- Specialized merchandize also became available inthe niversary of American Independence," while Green- 1840s when southwestern Pennsylvanians viewed the wood Gardens promised its expected "five thousand Fourth increasingly as a recreational holiday. Children visitors" a 3 1/2 acre garden consisting of"nearly three attending the Methodist Episcopal Sabbath School miles of walks, celebrations inPittsburgh and Allegheny in1839 were Moral and religious withnumerous presented withbooks chosen for the occasion, and the summer hous- custom ofgiving gift books to children on the Fourth celebrations defused the es, shady bow- apparently became common in the next decade. "A trouble of partisan celebrations, ers, &c. allor- holiday Salute and Fourth ofJuly XPounder, containing but unwittingly promoted namented with the Declaration ofIndependence and Twenty large and fragmentation along ethnic, Flowers both beautiful engravings" was available at Patterson's for 6 religious, and cultural lines. native and ex- 1/2 cents in1844,65 and in1846 Pittsburgh merchant otic." 58 For C. E. Miner advertised "articles, which, on each return those wishing of our National Birthday, the juvenile class, also the torange farther afield,steamboat pleasure excursions to youth, expect to procure and receive for their amuse- rural towns provided opportunities for bucolic enjoyment," consisting ofgames, books, cards, paints and the 59 ment. like.66 Anyone who wished to remember friends was Traveling amusements like circuses, equestrian advised to go to Miner's" and "obtain a Fourth ofJuly troupes, vocalists, performers and curiosities scheduled paper tosend them. 67 The Chronicle of1847 reminded their arrival inPittsburgh, the region's largest popula- its readers that McKenna's Auction Rooms had a large tion center, to coincide with the Fourth, often adding lotofbooks for sale, and that "some are suitable for4th performances to accommodate the large number of ofJuly presents, among which are the Boudoir Annual spectators. So many enthusiastic spectators packed the for 1817, fine plate, Kriss Kringle, rare show plates." 68 Pittsburgh Amphitheatre to watch a balloon ascension Fireworks also became a Fourth ofJuly staple in the in 1835 that the seats collapsed under their weight, 1840s. The use of firecrackers appealed to all social causing several injuries.60In1839 a traveling menagerie groups and ages. APittsburgh paper noted in1848 that took advantage of the holiday crowd by exhibiting stores "willbe crowded with purchasers of fireworks,

68 The Fourth ofJuly inSouthwestern Pennsylvania

the littleurchins who desire to 'raise thunder' atnight," popular on the Fourth by the 1840s. Sports were always while the young attorney Charles B. Scully exasperated popular holiday events; in 1818, for instance, young a hack driver in 1843 by frightening his horses with men "eager for victory inthe race, the throw, the leap, crackers on a trip to Allegheny City.69 Merchants pro- and the fall"congregated on a hilloutside Pittsburgh, moted this taste for pyrotechnics, offering a variety of and we have already noted horse racing on the Fourth explosive goods. C.Yeager stocked crackers, pinwheels, in 1826. 78 , torpedoes, triangle wheels and a "large assortment of Participation other Fire Works, too numerous to mention." B.Bown insports and Commercialization took over sold "Fire Works and Sundries for the Fourth" which physical rec- in the 1840s, offering circus included pinwheels, serpents, rockets and Roman can- reation in- shows, traveling performers, 70 dles. Firecrackers became so prevalent and bother- creased fur- balloon ascensions, firework some that proprietors of steamboats and pleasure gar- ther as the steamboat excursions, dens were forced to warn their patrons that their use Fourth displays, would not be tolerated on the Fourth. The problem was changed commemorative gifts, and most so serious as torequire additional police protection by from an oc- prevalent and bothersome of the late 1840s to crack down on abuse offirecrackers by casion for all, firecrackers. Pittsburgh boys. 71 patriotic re- Caterers also responded to holiday demand. Pitts- flection to a burgh's Lease and Brown stocked extra confections, ice time for fun and amusement. Harris' Intelligencer cream, and citrus fruit for Fourth of July picnics. 72 B. remarked in1839, for example, that many people spent Bowncarried coconuts, loafsugar, rock candy, liquorice the day in the country hunting and fishing.79 In1842 and dates expressly for the holiday trade. 73 Shaffer and Pittsburgh's Regatta Club organized a Fourth of July Flannegan, Pittsburgh butchers, offered "AFine Bul- Regatta at Berry Hallin which, among other races, six lock for the Fourth" purchased from the Harmony one-man skiffs competed for a silver watch. 80By 1844 Society atEconomy, as wellas veal and mutton in1843. even the high-brow Marshall Literary Institute surren- Charles Kent and Andrew Graham advertised "PRIME dered to the sporting impulse: their celebration inEast BEEF! FORFOURTH OF JULYDINNERS"in1847, Liberty's Shakespeare Gardens included a morning of promising to slaughter two prime Pennsylvania steers "pleasant ramblings" and "sports of the field" before being "determined that [their] customers should have the customary dinner and literary exercises. 81 The pop- the best for their independence dinners." 74 ularity of sports as a Fourth of July pastime grew Commercialization depended on the creation of a throughout the 1840s; a shooting match for an expen- market for leisure goods and services through the in- sive rifle was held behind the Western Penitentiary in creasing cessation ofwork onthe Fourth. Some employ- Allegheny City in 1845, and local sportsmen deemed ers allowed their workers timeoffforcelebration as early Independence Day, 1850 an appropriate occasion for as the 1820s, but much business was routinely conduct- the firstmeeting of the Pittsburgh and Allegheny City ed on the Fourth. In1826, for instance, George Ans- cricket clubs. 82 chutz shut down his Pittsburgh rolling milland Chris- What emerged from these changes was a Fourth of topher Cowan paid offhis men and eased down the fires July barely recognizable to those who pined for the inhis furnace, but shipping activity on the river wharfs simpler, morepatriotic observances of their youth. The was brisk. Bythe mid- 1830s stores and businesses began Fourth was transformed, orinthe viewofsome, transmo- to work shortened hours or close completely on the grified from a republican festival and national Sabbath Fourth, allowing workers to spend the day as they to a raucous celebration of idleness, excess and com- wished. 75 Increased free time on the Fourth not only mercialism. By 1847 the Fourth was so out ofhand in promoted the development ofcommercial amusements, Pittsburgh that the mayor added police to contain the but also fostered the idea ofthe Fourth as an appropriate "bustle and excitement" attending "'Fourth of July occasion for recreation and amusement. Aletter to the times.'" The press hailed this as a prudent move because editor of the Pittsburgh Gazette in1839 recommended there were "many men, as well as boys who growentirely that business cease as a "matter ofeconomy and justice" toopatriotic on such occasions." 83 The Pittsburgh Weekly on the Fourth to give "clerks, young men, and allhands, Telegraph ofJuly 10,1847 captured the tone ofthe new a little time to turn out and participate in the happiness "bustle and excitement" on the Fourth ina report of the and enjoyment of the day."76 Isaac Harris noted in the day's festivities, whichreflected how much the Fourth had same year that many "cheerful groups" wouldassemble changed fromthe "national Sabbath" ofthe early years of for sheer enjoyment, with "no other—intention than to the century: spend the day in joyful harmony exchanging and interchanging feelings and sentiments, improving ac- The streets were crowded by a general turnout ofour quaintance and binding stillcloser the strong ties of citizens and by a great number ofpeople in from the friendship." 77 country. The Circus, theatre, Eagle Saloon and ice Sports and sporting events in particular became cream establishments dida great deal ofbusiness. And

69 Pittsburgh History, Summer 1992

we are sorry to say, from the considerable number of 6 Westmoreland Republican, July 11, 1823. persons whom we saw on the streets ina veryindepen- 7 See, for example, Westmoreland Intelligencer, July 19, 1839. dent condition, that some other establishments must 8 Washington Reporter, July 30, 1810. Note that Humphrey have done aconsiderable business. We saw one fellowso pre-empted spontaneous toasts. drunk that he mistook Wilkins'marble manufactory for 9 For more on this type of celebration, and preindustrial a graveyard and begged that somebody wouldburyhim festivals in general, see Robert Malcolmson, Popular Recre- there, and raise a monument over him. A constable ations inEnglishSociety, i700-i#50(Cambridge, 1973);Steven- complied with a part ofhis wish by taking him to the son W. Fletcher, Pennsylvania Agriculture and Country Life Tombs.84 i<540-i£40(Harrisburg, Pa., 1950); Henrietta Galley and J.O. Arnold,M.D.,History oftheGalleyFamilywithLocaland Old- Aproduct offragmentation, privatization, and com- TimeSketches inthe Tough Region (Philadelphia, 1908); Rev. mercialization, the transformation ofthe Fourth reflect- Joseph Doddridge, Notes on the Settlement and Indian Wars ed many of the changes which swept through south- ofthe Western Parts ofVirginiaandPennsylvania from 1763 to western Pennsylvania between 1800 and 1850. By the 1783, inclusive, together witha review of the Society and Man- 1820s, the partisanship of mass politics shattered the ners ofthefirstsettlers ofthe Western Country (Pittsburgh ,1912 day's image as [reprint oforiginal1824 edition]). By mid-century, Fourth acelebration of 10 Pittsburgh celebrants had become "too national unity. "Manufacturers Dinner," Mercury, July 8, 1823. In response, 11 Pittsburgh Mercury, July 12, 1826. The Artillery'sreply was: patriotic" — one drunk fellow in - southwestern -"Bythe Company The Society ofJourneyman Shoemakers 1847 mistook a marble factory Pennsylva- May they ever receive the rewards due to benevolence.'" 'for a graveyard and begged nians tried in 12 Pittsburgh Mercury, July 13, 1836. that someone would bury the 1830s to 13 "Celebration not Celebrated," Washington Examiner, July him there-.." preserve the 16,1821. Fourth from 14 Washington Examiner, July 22, 1822. political ex- 15 Washington Reporter, July 15,1843. ploitation byreorienting public festivities toward moral 16 "Celebration by the Sons of Temperance," Washington and religious concerns. Asincreasing ethnocultural di- Examiner, July 10, 1847. For other examples oftemperance versity diminished the basis for unified, communal celebrations, see Westmoreland County's Pennsylvania Ar- observances of any kind, more people opted for a gus, July11,1845 and Fayette County's Genius ofLiberty,July recreational holiday rather than apatriotic festival. These 7, 1842. changes, combined with the commercialization of the 17 Farmer's Register, July 11, 1801. day's celebration by the 1840s, produced the Indepen- 18 Washington Reporter, July 19, 1845. dence Day familiar to twentieth-century Americans. In "Pittsburgh Statesman, July 11, 1818. this transition we can see not only the creation ofan 20 Washington Reporter, July 17, 1815. For other student American holiday, but also the cultural aspects ofsouth- celebrations, see the Reporter, July 7,1817 and July20,1818. western Pennsylvania's gradual transformation from 21 Washington Reporter, July 18, 1825. traditional agricultural to industrial society. \u25a0 22 Pittsburgh DailyDispatch, July 1, 1848. 23 Iron City and Pittsburgh Weekly Chronicle, July 9, 1845; Pittsburgh Weekly Telegraph, July 10, 1847. 1 Merle Curti, The Roots ofAmerican Loyalty (New York, 24 Washington Reporter, August 7, 1820; Harvey B. Gaul, 1968), 138-139. For other accounts of the Fourth as a "Minstrelofthe Alleghenies," Western Pennsylvania Histori- communal, unifying occasion, see Thomas Bender, Commu- calMagazine 34 (March 1951 ):1, 4. nityand Social Change inAmerica (New Brunswick, N. ]., 25 "The Fourth of July, 1819," poem by Henry Sterling in 1978), 98; Steven Ross, Workers on the Edge: Work, Leisure Sterling Papers, Folder 6, Darlington Library,University of and Politics inIndustrializing Cincinnati, 1788-1890 (New Pittsburgh. York,1985), 23; WilliamH. Cohn, "ANational Celebration: 26 Samuel Young, The History ofMyLife,Being a Biographical The Fourth ofJuly inAmerican History," Cultures 3 (1976), Outline of the Events of a Long and Busy Life (Pittsburgh, No. 2: 146-147; and Hennig Cohen and Tristam P. Coffin, 1890), 22. editors, The Folklore ofAmerican Holidays (Detroit, 1987), 27 Allegheny Democrat, July 7, 1835. 223. 28 Washington Reporter, July 15, 1843. 2 The areas examined in this study are Allegheny, Fayette, 29 Washington Examiner, July 17, 1823. Washington, and Westmoreland counties. 30Pennsylvania Argus, July 10, 1840. 3 For a discussion of the format of most Fourth of July 31 Genius ofLiberty, June 22, 1840; July 13, 1840. celebrations, see Diane C. Applebaum, The GloriousFourth: 32 Westmoreland Intelligencer, July 11, 1834. AnAmericanHolidayinAmerican Hwtory(NewYork,1988), 33 Pittsburgh Gazette, July 9, 1835. 36-43. 34 See Pittsburgh Gazette, July 24, 1835, for a glowingaccount 4 Spiritofthe Age, July 4, 1843. ofthe anti-Masonic Fourth.

70 The Fourth ofJuly inSouthwestern Pennsylvania

35 Greensburgh Gazette, July 25, 1828. 57 William Cohn notes this transition in his study of the 36Pittsburgh Statesman, July 1, 1829. Fourth, but contends that itoccurred at a much later date. 37Pittsburgh Mercury, July 9,1835. Asimilar celebration took RoyRosenzweig also noted that the "rough"elements ofthe place inWashington, Pa. See Our Country, July 9, 1835. working class inclined toward recreation rather than reflec- 38 Pittsburgh Mercury, July 2, 1835. tion on the Fourth by the late nineteenth century. See 39 Pittsburgh Statesman, June 29, 1831. Rosenzweig, Eight Hours for What We Will: Workers and 40 Pittsburgh Statesman, July 6, 1831. For their part,— the Leisure inanIndustrialCity,1870-1 920( Cambridge, 1983), Jacksonians responded blandly: "The Tariffof 1828 the 67-76. rallyingpoint of the friends ofDomestic Industry." 58Pittsburgh Gazette, July 3, 1849. 41 Pittsburgh DailyDispatch, July 4, 1848. "Pittsburgh Gazette, July 1, 1848. 42 Letter from Milo A. Townsend, New Brighton, Pa., in 60Pittsburgh Gazette, June 29, 1835; July 8, 1835. Pittsburgh's SpiritofLiberty,July 15, 1842. Bythe late 1830s, 61 Harris' Intelligencer, July 6, 1839. anti-slavery societies, as wellas colonization societies, routine- 62 See advertisements and notices inthe Spirit ofthe Age,July lymet on the Fourth, adapting the celebration ofpolitical 4, 1843; Pittsburgh Gazette, June 19-July 5, 1846 and independence to a plea for racial independence. Pittsburgh MorningChronicle, July 1-July 10, 1846. 43 "Constitution ofthe Pittsburgh AntislaverySociety, 1833," Gazette, June 27, 1849. McClelland Family Papers, Series II, Box 2, Folder 1, in 64 Spirit ofthe Age, July 4, 1843; Scully Journal, June 30, collection of Historical Society of Western Pennsylvania; 1843. Thomas B. Searight, The OldPike: A History of the National 65Pittsburgh MorningChronicle, July 2, 1844. Road (Uniontown, Pa., 1894), 223-224; Pittsburgh Gazette, 66Pittsburgh Gazette, July 4, 1846. July 8, 1848. 67 Weekly Telegraph, July 10, 1847. 44 See Washington Reporter, July 17, 1820 for a plea from 68Pittsburgh MorningChronicle, July 3, 1847. Jefferson College's Modern Forum for a more "grateful 69Pittsburgh DailyDispatch, July4,1848 ;Scully Journal, July remembrance" ofthe day; Washington ReporterJuly 1,1843 4,1843. for an editorial on the loss of community inFourth celebra- 70Pittsburgh Gazette, July2,1849; Pittsburgh DailyDispatch, tions. July 3, 1848. 45 Genius Liberty,July 13,1840; Washington Examiner, July 71 Pittsburgh Weekly Telegraph, July 10, 1847. of " 10, 1847. 72 Pittsburgh MorningChronicle, July 2, 1844. 46 SpiritofLiberty, July 9, 1842. 73Pittsburgh Gazette, July2,1849;Pittsburgh DailyDispatch, 47 "The Fourth," Pittsburgh Morning Chronicle, July 1, 1843. July 3, 1848. 48 This pattern insouthwestern Pennsylvania contradicts Diane 74Pittsburgh MorningChronicle, July 3, 1847. Carter Applebaum's contention that Sunday school, temper- 75 Gaul, "Minstrel of the Alleghenies," 3. The Washington ance, and abolitionist celebrations "remained auxiliaryevents, Examiner editor suggested that businesses be closed on the not the central celebration ofIndependence Day."See Apple- Fourth to enable artisans and mechanics to celebrate the day. baum, Glorious Fourth, 72. See Washington Examiner, July 4, 1835, or the letter from 49 Spiritof the Age, July 4,1843; Pittsburgh DailyAurora, July an "OldMerchant" recommending that stores be closed on 8, 1843. the Fourth in the MorningChronicle, July 4, 1844. so Washington Reporter, July 8, 1843. 76Pittsburgh Daily Gazette, July 2, 1839. S1 Pennsylvania Argus, July 10, 1847. 77Harris' Intelligencer, June 29, 1839. 52 See for example, Greensburg's Pennsylvania Argus, July 10, 78 Gaul, "Minstrel ofthe Alleghenies," 3, 4, 1846 and the Pittsburgh Telegraph, July 10, 1847. 79Harris' Intelligencer, July 6, 1839. 53 Diary ofDennis B. Scully, July 4, 1843; Diary ofRobert 80Morning Chronicle, June 30, 1842. McKnight, July 4, 1842 and July 4,1846; both in collection 81 Iron Cityand Pittsburgh Weekly Chronicle, July 13, 1844. ofDarlington Library,University ofPittsburgh. 82Iron City and Pittsburgh Weekly Chronicle, July 2, 1845; 34 MorningChronicle, July 4, 1842. Pittsburgh Post, July 8, 1850. The cricket match, which was 55 VigilantFire Company Minute Book, June 18, 1838, in played on the Allegheny Commons, was apparently a great Vigilant Fire Company Papers, 1838-1888, Pennsylvania attraction, drawing a large number ofspectators. Department, Carnegie Library of Pittsburgh; Washington 83Pittsburgh MorningChronicle, July 3,1847. Reporter, June 19,1842; Pittsburgh MorningDispatch, July 1, 84 "The Celebration," Pittsburgh Evening Telegraph, July 10, 1848; Pittsburgh MorningChronicle, July 1, 1850. 1847. 56 "The Glorious Fourth," Washington Reporter, July 1,1843.