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Governments of Israel
Governments of Israel Seventeenth Knesset: Government 31 Government 31 Government 31 To Government 31 - Current Members 04/05/2006 Ministers Faction** Prime Minister Ehud Olmert 04/05/2006 Kadima Vice Prime Minister Shimon Peres 04/05/2006- 13/06/2007 Kadima Haim Ramon 04/07/2007 Kadima Acting Prime Minister Tzipi Livni 04/05/2006 Kadima Deputy Prime Minister Shaul Mofaz 04/05/2006 Kadima Eliyahu Yishai 04/05/2006 Shas Labor- Amir Peretz 04/05/2006- 18/06/2007 Meimad Yisrael Avigdor Liberman 30/10/2006- 18/01/2008 Beitenu Ehud Barak 18/06/2007 Labor- Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development Shalom Simhon 04/05/2006 Meimad Minister of Communications Ariel Atias 04/05/2006 Shas Labor- Minister of Defense Amir Peretz 04/05/2006- 18/06/2007 Meimad Ehud Barak 18/06/2007 Labor- Minister of Education Yuli Tamir 04/05/2006 Meimad Minister of Environmental Protection Gideon Ezra 04/05/2006 Kadima Minister of Finance Abraham Hirchson 04/05/2006- 03/07/2007 Kadima Ronnie Bar-On 04/07/2007 Kadima Minister of Foreign Affairs Tzipi Livni 04/05/2006 Kadima Gil Minister of Health Yacov Ben Yizri 04/05/2006 Pensioners Party Minister of Housing and Construction Meir Sheetrit 04/05/2006- 04/07/2007 Kadima Ze`ev Boim 04/07/2007 Kadima Minister of Immigrant Absorption Ze`ev Boim 04/05/2006- 04/07/2007 Kadima Jacob Edery 04/07/2007- 14/07/2008 Kadima Eli Aflalo 14/07/2008 Kadima Minister of Industry, Trade, and Labor Eliyahu Yishai 04/05/2006 Shas Minister of Internal Affairs Ronnie Bar-On 04/05/2006- 04/07/2007 Kadima Meir Sheetrit 04/07/2007 Kadima -
Six Tikunim for Israel at 60
For Educational Use Only Six T Six Tikkunim for Israel's Sixtieth Year In celebration and commemoration of Israel’s sixtieth anniversary, we propose six Tikkunim . The idea of Tikkun positions people in partnership with God, assuming responsibility for our world. By the same token, we invite Jews in Israel and abroad to share the responsibility for the present and future State of Israel, through meaningful learning and experience of current dilemmas of the sixty- year-old/young country. Halachah offers an educational frame for the number “sixty”, when it claims that food will be considered kosher even if it has a non-kosher ingredient, when the kosher ingredients of the food are sixty times greate r than the non kosher Thinking within this . ָטֵ ל ְִִ י ingredient. This is termed: Nullified by Sixty 1 framework as well as the framework of Tikkun Olam, led us to identify six Tikkunim for Israel’s sixtieth year. We hope that these Tikkunim will serve as an invitation for contemplation and action on that which requires mending and in turn become sixty times greater than other Israeli challenges. In the following document you will find six gates for six Tikkunim . Each gate is thematically inspired by one of the books of the Mishnah: Tikkun of Time תיקו הזמ – Zeraim (1 Tikkun of Shabbat תיקו שבת – Mo’ed (2 Tikkun of Gender תיקו המגדר – Nashim (3 Tikkun of Conservation תיקו השימור - Nezikin (4 Tikkun of the Sacred Place and Space תיקו המקו הקדוש - Kodashim (5 Tikkun of Social Ethics תיקו הכשרות החברתית – Toharot (6 1 " "ָ ל אִ רִ י ֶַ רָה [ ְטֵלִ י ] ְִִ י " ( תלמוד בבלי , קודשי , חולי , פרק ז ', ד+ צ" ח א ' גמרא) 1 Each Tikkun gate includes: a verse introducing the key issue, an essential question, a Jewish Text, an Israeli song and a contemporary Israeli thought. -
Post-Election Coalition Scenarios, Part II by David Eden
Post-Election Coalition Scenarios, Part II by David Eden Two other parties that may be possible coalition partners: · United Torah Judaism – Essentially, it is only concerned with internal issues. Its real demand is maintaining social services and allowances for their constituents. Other issues: Maintaining the powers of the Orthodox Rabbinical Courts over civil issues such as marriage, divorce, burial, etc. are among their top priorities, along with maintaining the Sabbath laws preventing work on the “Holy Day”, laws keeping ultra-Orthodox youth out of army service, etc. Although their constituency is sympathetic to the settlers and the Right, the leadership stresses that they are willing to support any coalition that accedes to their demands. As Olmert does not need them to guarantee the stability of the coalition, he won’t be “courting” them. Some of the issues that may affect their position in coalition negotiations are their rivalry with Shas and their often-confrontational relations with Meretz and groups within the Labor party over freedom of religion. · Meretz – The party that is the Israeli equivalent of the “Democratic wing of the Democratic Party”, Meretz and its predecessors have been at the forefront of not only the contacts that led to direct negotiations between Israel and the PLO (and the ensuing Oslo Accords), but from the earliest days after the creation of the State of Israel also have led the struggle for equal rights for Israel’s Arab citizens, labor & union rights, women’s rights, freedom of the press and freedom of religion issues, gay rights, etc. It endorses negotiated withdrawal from almost all of the West Bank, including parts of Jerusalem. -
Israel's National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
Leap of Faith: Israel’s National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict Middle East Report N°147 | 21 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iv I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Religious Zionism: From Ascendance to Fragmentation ................................................ 5 A. 1973: A Turning Point ................................................................................................ 5 B. 1980s and 1990s: Polarisation ................................................................................... 7 C. The Gaza Disengagement and its Aftermath ............................................................. 11 III. Settling the Land .............................................................................................................. 14 A. Bargaining with the State: The Kookists ................................................................... 15 B. Defying the State: The Hilltop Youth ........................................................................ 17 IV. From the Hills to the State .............................................................................................. -
2016 Annual Report
Research. Debate. Impact. 2016 ANNUAL REPORT 1 Table of Contents Message from the President and the Chairman of the Board 4 Sixth Meeting of IDI's International Advisory Council 8 The Center for Democratic Values and Institutions 11 The Center for Religion, Nation and State 23 The Center for Governance and the Economy 29 The Center for Security and Democracy 35 The Guttman Center for Surveys and Public Policy Research 41 IDI in the Media 47 Our Team 50 Our Leaders 51 Our Partners 52 Financials 53 Message from the President and the Chairman of the Board Dear Friends, 2016 was a year of change and upheaval throughout the jobs available to Haredim. The government adopted most of democratic world. Set against the tumult of Brexit and the the recommendations and is now in the process of allocating US elections, Israel seemed at times like an island of stability. a half-billion-shekel budget in line with these proposals. This However, under the surface, Israeli society is changing, and IDI success story illustrates the potential of turning relatively small took on a leading role in identifying those changes and working philanthropic investments into large-scale transformational with policymakers to address them. change by affecting policy and legislation on the basis of outstanding applied research. As the report that follows lays out, 2016 was a year rich in activity and achievements. In this letter, we have chosen to single Several new scholars joined our team in 2016. Ms. Daphna out the impact one program had on government policy in the Aviram-Nitzan, former director of research for the Israel employment area. -
JCRC Statement in Response to Potential Inclusion of Otzma Yehudit in Israeli Government
For Immediate Release Contact: Jeremy Russell February 25, 2019 Director of Marketing and Communications [email protected] JCRC Statement in Response to Potential Inclusion of Otzma Yehudit in Israeli Government San Francisco, CA – The Jewish Community Relations Council of San Francisco, the Peninsula, Marin, Sonoma, Alameda and Contra Costa Counties (JCRC) is deeply concerned about reports of an agreement between the Bayit Yehudi or “Jewish Home” and the Otzma Yehudit or “Jewish Power” parties to run on a joint list in the April Knesset (Israeli Parliament) elections. Otzma Yehudit is the ideological successor of the Kach party, which was founded by Meir Kahane, who espoused racist, extremist and violent views. Kach was designated a terrorist organization under Israeli, American and European law. Furthermore, it was banned from the Knesset for inciting violence, and ultimately outlawed from Israel altogether. Statements from party leaders and the party platform make it clear that Otzma Yehudit continues to hold these reprehensible views. Since 2007, the Bay Area Jewish community has been on record in support of “a two‐state solution to end the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis, in which the parties peacefully coexist with fully normalized diplomatic relations, in mutual cooperation that promotes the economic development and social welfare of their respective citizens.” Furthermore, in 2018, at the culmination of a nine-month education and deliberation process that engaged the wide swath of the Jewish community, the JCRC Assembly – comprised of 80 community members representing the rich diversity of the Bay Area Jewish community – issued a consensus policy statement on the delegitimization of Israel. -
2007 Israeli Democracy Index Is Dedicated to Captain Zur Zarhi from Nahalal, a Beloved Friend Who Went to War and Did Not Come Back
Auditing Israeli Democracy – 2007 Cohesion in a Divided Society Asher Arian, Nir Atmor, Yael Hadar The Israel Democracy Institute is an independent, non-partisan body on the seam of academia and politics. The Institute proposes policy recommendations and reforms for government and public administration agencies. In its plans and endeavors, the Institute strives to support the institutions of Israel’s developing democracy and consolidate its values. The Institute’s research is followed up by practical recommendations, seeking to improve governance in Israel and foster a long-term vision for a stable democratic regime adapted to the structure, the values, and the norms of Israeli society. The Institute aspires to further public discourse in Israel on the issues placed on the national agenda, to promote structural, political, and economic reforms, to serve as a consulting body to decision-makers and the broad public, to provide information, and present comparative research. Researchers at the Israel Democracy Institute are leading academics directing projects in various areas of society and governance in Israel. The IDI Press produces, markets, and distributes the results of their work in several series of books (“The Democracy Library”), policy papers, the Caesarea Forum Series, periodicals, and conference proceedings. The Guttman Center was established in its present form in 1998, when the Guttman Institute for Applied Social Research became part of the Israel Democracy Institute. Professor Louis Guttman founded the original Institute in 1949 as a pioneering center for the study of public opinion and the advancement of social science methodology. The goal of the Guttman Center is to enrich public discourse on issues of public policy through the information retrieved from the Center’s databases and through public opinion surveys conducted by the Center. -
Exploring Emerging Religious-Political Groups in Israel and Palestine Three Field-Trip Reports from Israel and the West Bank
October 2011 NOREF Report Religion, territory and violence: exploring emerging religious-political groups in Israel and Palestine Three field-trip reports from Israel and the West Bank Jacob Høigilt, Tilde Rosmer and Hanne Eggen Røislien Executive summary This report is the result of fieldwork carried out in the occupied Palestinian territories; 2) a strong by the authors in Israel, the West Bank and Islamic identity – especially among the young – Gaza in November 2010. Written sources were is increasingly expressed in ultra-conservative consulted and key actors were interviewed religious trends, and specific trends that need to on three tendencies and their role in terms of be watched are the evolution of Salafism and the religious ideology, territory and violence: 1) the growing influence of the secretive Hizb al-Tahrir; Islamist Movement in Israel (IMI); 2) the changing and 3) the claims of a growing presence of radical nature of Islamist activism in the West Bank; Jewish settlers in the IDF need to be analysed and 3) the presence of members of the Jewish in terms of the wider issue of to what extent settler movement in the Israeli Defence Forces extremist national-religious trends are gaining a (IDF). Conclusions in each area are as follows: greater foothold and exerting greater influence in 1) the IMI represents a trend that increases the Israeli society as a whole. In all three areas, more internal Jewish-Palestinian divide and decreases research is needed. the distance between Palestinians in Israel and Jacob Høigilt is a Middle East researcher with the Fafo Institute for Applied International Studies, Oslo. -
The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically. -
2017 National History Bowl National Championships Playoff Round 7
2017 National History Bowl National Championships Playoff Round 7 Round: Playoffs 7 Supergroup Group Room: Reader: Scorekeep: Team Names, including letter designation if needed, go in the large boxes to the right. TU# Bonus Bonus Points Cumulative Score Bonus Points Cumulative Score 1 Quarter 1 2 Tossups Only 3 4 Put a "10" in the 5 column of the team 6 that answers correctly. 7 Otherwise leave box 8 blank. 9 10 1 Quarter 2 2 Tossups and bonuses 3 Put "10" in the team's 4 column. Otherwise, 5 leave box blank. 6 For bonuses, put "0" or 7 Substitutions allowed between Qtrs all "10" in the bonus 8 column. 9 10 Quarter 3 points points 60 sec. rds - trailing team Lightning Lightning goes first. 10 pts each. Bounceback Bounceback 20 pt bonus for sweep! Total Total 1 Quarter 4 2 Tossups worth 30, 20, or 3 10 points each 4 Put the appropriate 5 number in the column of 6 the team that answers 7 correctly. Otherwise leave 8 box blank. 9 10 Tiebreakers 1 Tiebreak questions Tie Breaker (Sudden are only used 2 have no point value Victory) to determine winner! 3 at all! Final Score NHBB Nationals Bowl 2016-2017 Bowl Playoff Packet 7 Bowl Playoff Packet 7 First Quarter (1) Description acceptable. This event was thought to have occurred in retaliation for the bombing of the perpetrator's Tunisian headquarters in Operation Wooden Leg. Muhammad Zaidan organized this event, which involved the redirection of a vessel to Tartus, Syria. A John Adams opera focusing on this event opens with two choruses of exiles and is named after its only casualty, the 69-year old Leon Klinghoffer. -
The Struggle for Hegemony in Jerusalem Secular and Ultra-Orthodox Urban Politics
THE FLOERSHEIMER INSTITUTE FOR POLICY STUDIES The Struggle for Hegemony in Jerusalem Secular and Ultra-Orthodox Urban Politics Shlomo Hasson Jerusalem, October 2002 Translator: Yoram Navon Principal Editor: Shunamith Carin Preparation for Print: Ruth Lerner Printed by: Ahva Press, Ltd. ISSN 0792-6251 Publication No. 4/12e © 2002, The Floersheimer Institute for Policy Studies, Ltd. 9A Diskin Street, Jerusalem 96440 Israel Tel. 972-2-5666243; Fax. 972-2-5666252 [email protected] www.fips.org.il 2 About the Author Shlomo Hasson - Professor of Geography at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and deputy director of The Floersheimer Institute for Policy Studies. About the Research This book reviews the struggle for hegemony in Jerusalem between secular and ultra-orthodox (haredi) Jews. It examines the democratic deficit in urban politics formed by the rise of the haredi minority to power, and proposes ways to rectify this deficit. The study addresses the following questions: What are the characteristics of the urban democratic deficit? How did the haredi minority become a leading political force in the city? What are the implications of the democratic deficit from the perspective of the various cultural groups? What can be done in view of the fact that the non-haredi population is not only under-represented but also feels threatened and prejudiced by urban politics initiated by the city council? About the Floersheimer Institute for Policy Studies In recent years the importance of policy-oriented research has been increasingly acknowledged. Dr. Stephen H. Floersheimer initiated the establishment of a research institute that would concentrate on studies of long- range policy issues. -
The Haredim in Israel Who Are They and What Do They Want?
The Haredim in Israel Who Are They and What Do They Want? Samuel C. Heilman and Menachem Friedman INSTITUTE ON AMERICAN JEWISH-ISRAELI RELATIONS THE AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE The Haredim in Israel ,/ Who Are They and What Do They Want? Sainuel C. Heilman JL and Menachem kr~edman Samuel C Heilman is a professor of sociology at Queens College of the City University of New York With Steven M. Cohen, hewote Cosmopditonr MdPardLF: Modem Onhodar Jews in America (1989). Menachem Friedman is an associate professor in the Department of Sociology at Bar-Ilan University in Israel. With Emmanuel Sivan, he edited Re1igicu.s Radicalirm and Politics in the Middle East (1990). FOREWORD A recent New York Times article focused upon a struggle within the Orthodox Jewish community over the permissibility of mixed dancing in kosher dining facilities. Articles in other media have centered upon Orthodox "heresy-hunting" and initiatives to increase religious legislation in Israel, most notably efforts to amend the "Who is a Jew" clause in the Law of Return. Pervading these disputes has been the struggle behueen the Orthodox "right," often termed "haredi Orthodov). who seek to limit contact with the broader society, and the "Modern" or "Centrist Orthodox," who seek to establish parameters for fruitful and constructive engagement hetween Judaism and modern culture. Although media coverage of these disputes has been widespread, much misunderstanding and confusion prevail concerning these groups. Many assume that all haredim are anti-Zionist and emulate the Ayatollah Khomeini in seeking to inspire compulsory religious legislation. Others have misinterpreted the "Who is a Jew" debate in Israel as an effort to communicate to American Conservative and Reform Jews their lack of personal standing under Jewish religious law -- a rather sad commentary on how public signals from Israel affect the Jewish identity of American Jews.