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Home , 1988 Winter Olympics

The Planning and Evaluati_on of Hallmark Events

Edited by GEOFFREY J. SYME CS/RO Australia B.J.SHAW The University of WesternAustralia · D. MARK FENTON Curtin University of Technology · WALTERS. MUELLER Curtin University of Technology

Avebury Aldershot · Brookfield USA · Hong Kong · Singapore · Sydney 1989 10 Impact and image: the conv�rgence of urban factors in preparing for the·1988 Winter Olympics HARRY H. HILLER

Abstract

It ls argued that the impact of the 1988 Winter in Calgary goes beyond the new facilities and the events themselves to the 'showcase effect' which the Olympics have for Calgary as a city come of age through recent economic development. Because of limitations on spectators and the short duration of the event, the media becomes the key in helping the city to redefine itself and to transmit that new image to the world. consequently, support for the Olympics is high due to perceptions of long term positive effects as well as multiplier effects on the city.

Introduction on September JO, 1981, the International Olympic committee meeting in Baden Baden, West Germany awarded the 1988 summer Olympics to the city of Seoul, Korea, and the 1988 Winter Olympics to the Western Canadian city of Calgary. The tumultuous roar of approval by the Calgary delegation in attendance undoubtedly reflected the mood of most Calgarians that this decision was a victory for the city of Calgary. In many ways, however, the choice of Calgary was also momentous for the Winter Olympics. In contrast to the smaller communities which hosted this event in the past such as , Yugoslavia, and Lake Placid, New York, Calgary was a larger city with a population of 650,000. The selection of Calgary as the host city of the XV meant that the Winter Olympics would be held in a city with an international airport, a rapid transit system, and a generally strong urban infrastructure.

119 held in big stadiums may seat thousands but these numbers are still From the perspective of the International Olympic committee, the negl-igible compared· to the prospectively larger television audience. impact of the Olympics on an area is that it is to provide a legacy of Most residents at the location of the event cannot personally become facilities that Will stimulate athletic development Which would not have been possible with more inferior facilities. It is hoped that spectators of the event though the media make them very conscious of better facilities will help to heighten the profile of the sports its existence. Tickets are usually in short supply and may sell at a involved providing better opportunities for training as well as sites premium. As a result, it is possible to say that the sporting event in for other national and international competitions. In other words, to itself has an influence both locally and abroad far out of proportion the Olympic organisation, the Olympic Games are not merely an end in to those who participate or who attend from the host city or region. themselves but are meant to foster the broader goals of competitive Perhaps the most compelling reason that communities support the sport. Impact then is measured in athletic terms. hosting of hallmark events is due to its economic impact. The In contrast to these objectives, the goals of �he host city and construction of highly desirable new facilities generates employment, community are much different. While the sporting legacy provides the the event itself supports short term ancillary services, and the broader rationale, potential host cities compete among themselves for exposure which the event provides is claimed to be a boon to tourism selection because the perceived benefits far exceed the contribution to not only during the event but for many years thereafter. Nevertheless, greater national or regional athletic prowess. In the first instance, even here the impact is normally rather limited, touching only a there is the honour and global recognition that comes from being chosen segment of the local community and lts economy. from among international venues. second, there is the infusion of In addition to the economic costs and benefits, urban communities may external funding (meaning outside the city such as federal government generate internal support for hosting the event because of its sources) for a variety of capital projects which are justified by the soclo-political impact. The event takes the city to the world and can needs of the coming event. Third, there is the economic stimulus that create for the urban resident the perception of being, at least for a comes from the preparation for the event, the event itself, and the new time, at the centre of the universe. This sense of collective urban opportunities which follow the event. Consequently, it is not importance is particularly valued by young cities and small cities that surprising that the essential impact of the hallmark event is thought aspire to a greater level of development. The event then appeals to to be an economic one (eg. Burns, Hatch, and Mules, 1986) in which civic pride as a justification for support because the event is a media tourism has received particular attention (Della Bitta et al., 1977 and event (as evidenced by the fact that in Calgary, media people will far Ritchie, 1984). Impact, then, is defined as that which occurs during outnumber athletes). Therefore, the impact of the Olympics, from a and after the event in terms of economic costs and benefits. civic point of view, is not just the Games sites but general It is the objective of this paper to show how economic factors are appearances, impressions, ambience, and additional facilities which mediated by less tangible psycho-social factors pertaining to civic serve as the basis for what the media takes to the world. The backdrop boosterism, civic pride, and civic involvement to generate urban to the event becomes just as important as the event itself, so civic support before the event ever occurs. In other words, the hallmark pride is mobilised to ensure that the city puts its best foot forward. event may have a non-economic dimension that ls rooted in attitudes and Local merchants and the urban elite are most likely to find the civic social interaction among the residents themselves. If, on the one boosterism argument convincing, but the general strains of this theme hand, hallmark events may be distractions from the real issues facing a can also appeal to the middle class, and, in varying degrees, to the city, and perhaps even provide escapes from the routine or the working class as· well. While boosterism is open to both exaggeration negative, they also have the potential of providing the vehicle for a and manipulation, it is also true that civic pride is an intangible city to make a statement about itself and its people to the world on factor that cannot be ignored, provided the profile of the event is of the other hand. Thus, the impact can be two directional: the impact unquestioned reputation. It is this factor which provides the of the event on the city, and the impact the city its elf wan·ts to make legitimacy for the dispersal of large amounts of public money for event through the event. The case of Calgary is particularly interesting preparation and presentation. because the timing of the Olympics paralleled important socio-economic From an urban point of view, then, it is important to see how a city changes which the city had undergone. It is for this reason that the attempts to transform itself not only to accommodate the event itself focus of this paper is on contextual factors (cf. Runyan and Wu, 1979) but to portray itself to the rest of the world. The oft-repeated phrase, 'The eyes of the world will be on us,• suggests that that explain why support was so high for the hosting of this event. appearances are as important as essence, and every effort is made to highlight what are perceived to be the uniqueness and strengths of the city. The emphasis on image is not meant to suggest that a false Visibility and image construction of reality is established but that the media transforms the sporting event into an urban 'happening• by exposing their Hallmark athletic events are short term high profile events which in audiences to numerous other facets of the city's non-sporting life, themselves essentially involve relatively few persons as participants from cultural life to culinary activities and unique landmarks and and immediate spectators. But in a media-conscious age, it is not only traits. The attachment of the city's name to the event enhances not the athletes and their supporters who participate but the millions of only global name recognition but suggests that the success or failure persons who never buy a ticket, and indeed, never personally visit the site who broaden the base of interest in the event. The pre-event of the event itself reflects on the city lll. so there is much at printed media build up sometimes even appears greater than the event stake for the city in ensuring both the success of the Games and the itself. some events are not even conducive to large on-site crowds creation of the right urban atmosphere so that the city will project a (e.g. cross country , yachting) but television brings the event positive international image. It is this visibility factor which has almost better to the non-ticket holder many miles away. Other events an impact on at least some urban residents and which can be mobilised

120 121 by event organisers and the local media to generate even larger support energy industry [�J. Thus, a growing white collar and professional in the urban community. Civic pride and boosterism, then, serves as workforce in an industry sector that was strongly entrepreneurial, both cause and effect of the event's impact and enhances the economic risktaking, and venturesome found the idea of hosting a world class impact of the event as an objective for which the city eagerly athletic event both congenial and challenging. competed. The province of had received large windfalls of revenue as The thrust of this paper is to show how a hallmark sporting event of the result of oil and gas royalties and corporate prosperity, and fourteen days duration scheduled for February, 1988 became a vehicle of Calgary• s sister. cl ty to the north, Edmonton, had successfully hosted economic. development by a city with a transformed image which it sought the commonwealth Games in 1978. consequently, the Alberta government to transmit to the global community. Through the bid phase,· as well as had the funds to support an Olympic bid, and it was now perceived to be construction and planning, the implicit urban goal was for Calgary to Calgary's turn to benefit from the government largesse. prepare itself to capitalise on its brief central place on the world The new found resource based prosperity of Western (and stage. .particularly Alberta) was not without its regional implications as well. The unbalanced distribution of the Canadian population so that almost two-thirds of the population resided in the two central The dy�amics of the bid phase provinces of Ontario and Quebec had led to a power imbalance that had developmental implications. For years, the prairie West had seen The 1981 bid was the fourth attempt the city had made to stage the itself as a captive agricultural hinterland to the industrial hub of Winter Games in Calgary. However, the 1981 bid was by far the most central Canada, and numerous protest movements had erupted to challenge comprehensive and convincing. The purpose of the bid process, of this centre-periphery relationship (Conway, 1984). The regional boom course, is to ensure that the roe can choose from among the strongest that was created by energy demands was threatening to change the nature candidate cities. From a city's point of view, the bid process forces of this dependent relationship, and, for this reason, many Calgarians it to demonstrate that it possesses or will build the required were immensely proud of the urban and regional change that was facilities, that it possesses the necessary urban infrastructure, that occurring. The city was now entering a new era of development and it has adequate political and financial backing, and that it has the recognition in both a national and international sense, and it was this support of its citizenry. Therefore, even the bid process itself euphoria over urban and regional transformation that provided an demands that a city project the right image of its ability to important foundation for the apparent public excitement and support successfully stage the Games. generated by the Olympic bid. Persuading the roe of the merits of In some instances, local, regional, or national governments become Calgary as the preferred site reflected the optimism and growth dynamic the prime movers in preparing a bid. But, in the case of Calgary, of the city which was part of the pre-bid period. government support was solicited by an organising committee of The bid itself contained commitments from the provincial and federal community leaders known as the Calgary Olympic Development Association governments to provide the financial support for the facilities needed. (CODA). This organisation had its roots in the Calgary Booster Club, a A door to door canvass resulted in about 50,000 people paying a collection of individuals bound together to support the economic and membership fee to support CODA [41, and the bid declared that a large cultural development of the city [21. CODA had no formal power except army of volunteers would be ready to assist in staging the Games. its self-proclaimed mandate to seek to bring the Winter Olympics to the Newspaper coverage enlarged the profile of the bid itself, and a local city, and, as a group of volunteers, it sought financial assistance and image was created of strong civic and community support beyond the CODA government support for its objectives. Thus, CODA grew up outside the leadership. While the motives for supporting the bid may have varied boundaries of publicly accountable organisations, and yet actively in substance and intensity, the bid itself received widespread support sought and secured government support at all levels. The underlying because it encapsulated the local mood of surging urban economic taken-for-granted assumption, which there was little opportunity to development which had redefined the city in the eyes of local debate, was that the Olympics were a highly desirable event for the residents, and which they then wanted to transmit to the rest of the city to host. world [SJ. If the Olympic bid was essentially rooted in civic boosterism and met with little opposition, that mood fit the mood of expansion and new economic development that was dominant in the city and its province of The politics of facilities construction Alberta during the bid phase (Richards and Pratt, 1979). Primarily as the result of increasing world demand for energy, Calgary had Clearly, one of the justifications for hosting the Olympics was to experienced an unprecedented oil boom in the latter l970's which provide the occasion to upgrade existing sporting facilities and to resulted in a massive in-migration of population, the rise of new local construct new ones. The anticipation was that the world class capital and entrepreneurs, expanding suburbs, and a revitalised facilities that were needed for the event itself could be used by later downtown core with changing skyline through the construction of generations of ?thletes for training and for competitions. Therefore, numerous high rise office towers. A new multimillion dollar it became very important for the short term event usage to be justified international airport, a new centre for performing arts, a new by more long term objectives warranting the infusion of large amounts municipal building, and the first leg of a rapid transit system were of capital. While the Olympic organisations have their own facilities significant symptoms of a city in a new phase of urban development. standards, it was important for these facilities to be seen to conform The fact that Calgary's population had more than doubled from 1965 to local community usage to avoid the construction of 'white (311,116) to 1985 (625,143) reflected the growth dynamic that Calgary elephants'. on the other hand, the world class standards of the experienced as the expanding administrative centre of the Canadian Olympics became the pretext for local planners to spend larger amounts

122 123 of money and to build more extravagantly. The primary argument made recreation park w�th easy access for urban dwellers. However, in was that the Olympic legacy should be a first class legacy and, 1n addition to the new major athletic facilities noted above, upgrades of addition, the global exposure required that the fac111t1es indeed be two other city arenas took place for Olympic practice and demonstration considered world class. events (eg. ) which had broader community useage. In order to avoid public criticism for the infusion of public monies An interesting illustration of the effect of perceptions of long term that would not ordinarily be available for such construction, usage on construction decisions was the expansion of McMahon stadium organisers needed to show that the facilities were needed anyway and where the opening and closing ceremonies were held 111. The existing perhaps design or locate them 1n such a way to ensure their continuing stadium had a maximum capacity of 34,000 people and it was determined usage. Some facilities were even touted as having multiple uses beyond that 60,000 seats were needed. The professional football team that was the specific event for which they were designed. But it was from the the main tenant of the stadium had been floundering and failed to draw tension between Olympic standards and local uses that planners were large crowds over a number of years. Therefore, the need for more able to extract large funds to construct facilities that were to become permanent seating was considered minimal and, while some seats were major public symbols for the city. added and the amenities upgraded, it was decided to avoid a large The largest capital cost facility in Calgary was the construction of construction project by installing temporary seating to accommodate the 20,000 seat Olympic Saddledome at a cost of $91 million. It is Olympic needs. While a large permanent stadium expansion would appear difficult to say that no colloseum would have been built in Calgary to have been a likely outcome given the size of most North American without the Olympics for a professional team began to stadiums (e.g. 's elaborate 60,000 seat stadium constructed for operate in Calgary in 1980 in anticipation of a major colloseum the 1961 summer Olympics), the lack of perceived continuing need as facility. Yet it was the impetus of the pending Olympic bid decision well as the construction of the saddledome as the major commemorative that speeded construction of the facility ('It must be under large capacity facility precluded such action. construction to show the Olympic people that we are serious•) and Olympic housing needs represented another major concern for the city, provided an additional rationale for the infusion of funding from both i.e. housing for the athletes and for the media. The Athletes Village the federal government and the province. A fast track method of was planned to be located on the University campus to make use of construction was used to support the Olympic bid which led to a cost existing residences and to add additional low rise housing complexes. overrun �f Sl6.5 million !61. This need was easily accommodated by the provincial government with the It was long felt that a city of more than half a million people rationale that the University needed more on-campus student housing. needed a large indoor facility for seating large audiences not only for But an Athletes Village is more than housing; it is a gymnasium, shops, hockey but for other sport, music, cultural events, and conventions. movi� theatre, meeting rooms, and medical and training clinics. While several alternative locations were considered for the facility, consequently, the neighbouring campus physical education facilities there was relatively little debate, and a location was chosen adjacent experienced a S30 million addition which the Faculty of Physical to rapid transit and close to downtown rather than more suburban Education claimed had been needed for a long time. In addition, the locations conducive to automobile commuting. The building has become a Students' Union Building was tripled in size by adding a new bookstore, significant landmark 1n the city because of !ts innovative reverse a food fair, and faculty and staff clubs. The University clearly hyperbolic design, and !ts siting in relation to rapid transit was became a major benefactor of the Olympics with facilities for which particularly fortuitous for Olympic transportation. there was a demonstrated need (except .perhaps for the speedskating Another major new facility was the $38.9 million speedskating oval oval), but whose timing and design in construction was prompted by the with funding provided by the federal government. As one of only two Olympics. enclosed Olympic sized speedskating tracks in the world, this oval is a Media housing was a much more difficult problem. It was originally clear spanned structure of precast concrete arches encompassing 26,000 thought that high rise buildings would be constructed which could later square meters. As might ·be expected with a building this large be converted to low cost housing. When the housing market went soft in requiring an oval track, there would be considerable 'waste• space Calgary, the lack of demand forced Olympic organisers to consider inside the building which would be available for other uses, in private enterprise developments which could be constructed in time for addition to off-season uses for the building which were possible the Olympics, rented for the duration of the Olympics, and then through the laying of artificial turf for other games ·and gatherings. returned to their owners. one proposal by ATCO Industries involved It was decided to build this facility on the campus of the University building moveable modular housing on city property for 2,600 persons of Calgary where it could be tied into existing sport programs and which could later be sold to government agencies for low cost housing where its multiple uses could be intensified. The decision to build an !al. The other proposal was for the construction of a low rise indoor speedskating track at a much greater cost than outdoors would townhouse complex housing 1,100 persons on Broadcast Hill which would clearly not have occurred without the Olympics, though it could be be a permanent development. Both proposals were accepted and appeared argued that Calgary's warm chinook winters almost made it a necessity. to be innovative responses to a major housing problem. some negative Many event facilities were located in the mountains up to one hour's reaction was received from media people who preferred a downtown travelling time out of the city, but one outdoor facility called Canada location close to shops and restaurants, and a more hotel like was sited at the city's western outskirts. Paid for by environment, but this was a significant solution to specialised housing the federal government ($62 million), this facility includes a and needs for a large group where no long term useage could be found for bobsled track and towers, all with refrigeration and snow other more preferable alternatives. making capacity. The fact that luge, bobsled, and ski jumping are The last category of construction projects is referred to as the hardly popular participation sports was somehow lost in the rationale Olympic capital Improvement Program which committed both OCO and the that the primary legacy of the facility was to provide a major winter City to provide SlO million each for local improvements. This involved

124 125 highway widening and landscaping to and from major sites such as the because of its lo.cation across the river from the downtown core was a airport to downtown, the Athletes Village to , and desirable residential community. The LRT could both divide and the downtown core to the Saddledome through an older area of disfigure the community and a compromise solution was eventually found dilapidated housing stock known as Victoria Park. This latter to place the tracks down a side street rather than a main street. The objective was the most interesting because the original proposal to approaching Olympics served both as a wedge to obtain goverrunent construct the Saddledome in the Victoria Park area had met with some financial aid when existing funds were exhausted, as well as to require community resistance [91. The primary fears of residents concerned a shorter time -line whereby controversial routing decisions had to be potential parking and traffic problems (compare soutar and McLeod, made through the resisting communities (compare Thorne and Chapter 8, this volume) and many of the low income earners living in Munro-Clark's study of the Sydney monorail, Chapter 13 in this volume). the area anticipated loss of their residential community as it would In sum, the Olympics hastened decision making and funding for an then be more likely to be targetted for redevelopment. concerns were extension of the LRT which would have been built anyway but perhaps raised again when the street linking the Saddledome area with the with different timing. The Olympics provided the occasion to mount downtown through Victoria Park was slated for modernisation and other projects which may not have been undertaken when they were or may renaming as Olympic Way to make it attractive and aesthetically not have been undertaken at all (e.g. Speedskating oval). The hallmark pleasing which could have essentially split the community into two event provided the legitimacy for the infusion of large sums of money geographic segments. Initial ambitious plans for this street were not only for the Olympic functions themselves but as a way for the ultimately down scaled and, in general, the Area Development Plan country, the province, and above all the city to enhance its image. accepted by City council in 1984 resisted purely office and commercial The overarching compelling rationale of preparation for the Olympics in development for this transitional area, insisting on a mix of housing general tended to minimise opposition and controversy thereby and commercial development for the future. While the immediate supporting large capital cost expenditures. anxieties of the rather powerless group of residents were assuaged, the high percentage of absentee ownership in the area suggests redevelopment will eventually occur anyway. The response of urban residents Perhaps the most significant non-athletic local improvement was the construction of an outdoor downtown across from the new It has been the general thesis of this paper that a hallmark event such municipal building with a stage, gathering area, water fountains and as the Winter Olympics was welcomed by Calgary residents because of the ice surface (in season), and greenery constructed at a cost of SS.2 'showcase effect' which the event had on the global image of the city. million.· This plaza was used for the medal ceremonies during the It has also been argued that as a developing and expanding city, the Olympics and provides an excellent park-like setting for the downtown selection of Calgary as an Olympic site was not only an important core where old delapidated buildings once stood. City Council resisted decision in itself but also provided a significant opportunity for a strong proposal from a big developer for a major shopping mall on the collective urban assertiveness, particularly by upwardly mobile urban site, and while some sort of leisure area may have been built anyway, residents who wanted to project the new image of the city the Olympics hastened the decision and perhaps contributed to a more internationally through the Olympics. To this extent, the Olympics elaborate plan. As an opportunity for greater citizen participation, were even more symbolic to calgarians than they were to the world. residents were asked to donate Sl9.88 to have a brick inscribed with In three annual surveys of community sentiment (1983, 1984 and 1985) their name or a message on it which would become part of the plaza [111, support for Calgary hosting the Olympics varied between 84.7 per surface forever. The plaza enhanced the sight lines toward the City cent to 87.6 per cent. When asked in 1983 what benefits they expected Hall and the centre for the Performing Arts and, above all, provided a to accrue to the city, 58.2 per cent mentioned increased awareness and people place where average citizens could participate in the Olympic recognition of Calgary as a most important benefit. Almost so per cent spirit through the nightly ceremonies, whether they held event tickets mentioned economic or financial returns, and 31 per cent pointed out or not. The Olympic Plaza has also demonstrated that it is a popular the benefit of new facilities. only 21.6 per cent, on the negative gathering place for concerts and other forms of celebration throughout side of the ledger, mentioned high costs or an increased tax burden as the year. a problem. In 1984, 18.3 per cent of the respondents claimed to have a The last capital project of note related to the Olympics was the 'High' or 'Very High' personal interest in the Garnes. northwest leg of the light rail rapid transit system (LRT) from Preparation for the Olympics in themselves, as opposed to the bid downtown to the University. The LRT system is a medium capacity, phase, took place in an economic envirorunent quite the opposite of the moderate speed train that operates at grade (except at key points) on years of bid preparation. If 1918-81 represented the years of most an exclusive right of way. In 1911, City council authorised the first dynamic growth and boom in Calgary, the years following were years of line to the south of downtown and declared that the northwest line was recession and outmigration due to the collapse of oil prices. The to follow. After noting that the northwest line would be controversial unemployment rate increased from 3.1 in 1980 to 12.3 in 1984 [121, and because it had to'cross established communities which was not an issue the downtown construction boom ended. for the proposed northeast line, council decided to proceed with the In this new milieu, the Olympics became very important for two northeast leg first 1101. As the Olympics approached, impending reasons. First, Olympic preparation had a psycho-social impact in deadlines for construction of the northwest leg to the University and providing a collective positive focus during a time of urban social and the Athletes Village were viewed as crucial to solving Olympic economic malaise. It is very difficult to prove this point except to transportation problems. The issue was how to route the LRT through an say that Olympic activity (e.g. announcements of construction plans, older community known as Hillhurst Sunnyside which several years corporate sponsorships, visits of foreign dignataries, etc.) was in the earlier had experienced considerable redevelopment pressure, but news daily. Second, capital project construction and other Olympic

126 127 preparations (e.g. event planning and uniform manufacturing for of the fact specific skills were needed, and a flexible employer was thousands of volunteers) provided considerable employment required, it is probable that a class bias existed ln volunteer opportunities. one study concluded that the staging of the Winter availability (i.e. fewer working class persons would likely be released Games would contribute approximately Sl.J billion (1985-86 dollars) in from their jobs) which prevented such participation from being a truly new economic activity, including 21,400 person-years of employment to grassroots affair in spite of the image projected. Nevertheless, this Canada, of which seventy per cent would accrue to Alberta [lJl. It can high level of civic involvement contributed to making 1t a greater be assumed that Calgary was the primary beneficiary of this activity. community event ·than sporting events usually are. Another study estimated the direct impact within Alberta to be $234,3 one last aspect of commun1ty impact was the cultural festival which million in household income and 9,500 person-years of employment, and was to be held concurrently with the Games themselves. This festival the total impact at S449.0 million in household income and 18,SOO was meant to provide non-athletic act!v!ty for visitors and residents person-years of employment [141. While these are only estimates, it is that would showcase local, national, and crosscultural talent. Again, important to note that they reflect a significant impact in the midst ticket prices and availability restr1cted participation at least of recession. somewhat within the community at large, but the emphasis on In a tangible way, then, apprehension about the enormous capital non-athletic events drew support from another segment of the community expenditures for the Olympics were offset by clear evidence of the that ordinarily would have had little interest in sport. The hope has event as a stimulus to the economy. Government officials also already been expressed that this festival might be the beginning of an emphasised the short term and long term impact in strengthening the annual winter city festival. tourism industry on a year round basis. Olympic sites were expected to Ticket order forms for Olympic events were distributed on September become visitor attractions throughout the year (e.g. a spectacular J o , 1986 and local ticket demand for the major events far exceeded panoramic view exists in a restaurant on the ninety metre ski jump supply. Large blocks of tickets were reserved for sponsors, tower at Canada Olympic Park), and the facilities themselves could contributors, officials, and others considered part of the Olympic attract both athletes and spectators for future training and family. Local unhappiness with this outcome was sustained, and competitive events. No impact estimates have been made of these long considerable public pressure was placed on Olympic officials, who had term tourist effects, but tourism is clearly Viewed as a growth little formal accountability to the public, to change their policies. industry, especially in view of the recession in the energy and It might be said that the image of public participation and community agricultural sectors. The view that the Olympics are an 'unprecedented support Wh-ich local organisers engendered, eventually came back to bargain' to the city in new facilities and exposure may not be shared haunt them as they were unable to accommodate all the interest. by all [151, but clearly .reflects the perception of the spinoff and multiplier effects Which the Olympics were expected to have in the post-Games phase. The showcase thesis The least tangible impacts of the Games are the psycho-social ones (see Mueller and Fenton, Chapter 23, this volume). Two phrases that Because the winter Olympic Games was only a two week affair with have been frequently utilised to describe this impact are the limited seating available for all events, the tourism impact of the 'enhancement of civic pride' and the •growth of civic involvement.' Games themselves was constrained. Even though all available housing Clearly, urban residents with national and/or international reference was completely booked, it was estimated that only about 11,000 Olympic groups would be most impressed by global exposure, and there are family visitors would be 1n attendance, and perhaps up to another perhaps some residual effects experienced by others. Arnold, Fisher, 36, ooo visitors from outside Canada Cl1l. While this impact is Hatch and Paix (Chapter 15, this volume), for example, have argued that significant, it is much reduced and more short term than a hallmark the economic benefits of the 1985 Adelaide Grand Prix were marginal and event such as the recent Expo in which ran for ·about five that the main benefits were psychic of residents' sense of excitement months and attracted millions of visitors to its fairground and feeling good. ·But with the high cost of Olympic tickets and atmosphere. consequently, the impact of the Olympics on Calgary must limitations on availab111ty, an emotive high or civic pride for most emphasise the longer term effects of pre-Game construction and people could only come through media exposure rather than through planning, the preview competitions, post-Game competitions, and the attendance at Games events. Thus the civic pride argument is difficult legacy of the facilities themselves. to measure and is amenable to considerable exaggeration. However, the main argument of this paper is that the more dominant The civic involvement ideal is much more amenable to assessment. urban impact of the Olympics is not contained in the Games themselves Since community support was an important concept in the bid process, or in the facilities constructed but in the attempt by the city to and the need for large numbers of volunteers was made known early ln redefine itself on the world stage. Given the city's relatively brief the planning stages, public expectations for participation and history, its recent economic and demographic growth, and a sense of involvement were raised. one government document expressed the view regional inferiority due to the dominance of central Canadian urban that this involvement would help Calgarians develop community centres, large numbers of Calgary's own urban residents supported the cohesiveness by working together on a common project after several event because of the opportunity to showcase a city with a new image years of heavy in-migration [161. While the preparation phase would and identity. more accurately be described as a period of out-migration as a The showcase thesis takes on greater plausibility in an era of large consequence of the recession, civic support is evidenced by the large television audiences. The fact that high intensity coverage in a number · of residents who volunteered to assist with the preparations and concentrated time exposure (Selwood and Hall, 1986) propel inunediate the logistics of the games themselves. Literally thousands applied to images of Olympic events interspersed with vignettes of urban scenes become volunteers and 9,400 volunteers were selected to serve. In view (in addition to the pre-event media buildup with its character sketches

128 129 of the city and its preparations) that are carried world wide, a new and III (1985), 'A survey Of Resident Views concerning The xv dimension is added to the meaning of hosting a hallmark event. The Olympic Winter Games,• . irony of it all is that while television was the medium to carry the [121 City of Calgary, Population Projections 1986-2045, Project No. message, for Calgary, it was television that also ensured that costs 6002, 1986, p.lJ. that ordinarily might have been borne by the city itself were paid for [131 Government of Canada, Economic Impact Of The XV Olympic Winter out of television revenues. Games, July 31, 1986. It is not insigificant that the largest single source of revenue to [141 City of Calgary and Alberta Tourism And small Business (DPA oco came from an American television network. Whereas ABC Television Group), Economic Impacts Of The XV Olympic Winter Games, 1985. paid $91.5 million (us) for the television rights to the last Winter [151 , October 24, 1981. Olympic Games in Sarajevo, they agreed to a record SJ09 million (us) 1161 Government Of Alberta Department Of Tourism And small Business, for the Calgary Games. Thus, the medium that took Calgary to the world Economic Impact Of The 1988 Calgary Winter Olympic Games, June, was also the medium that financially assisted the city to present its 1982, p.65, best image through the runds it provided to oco which were then [111 City Of Calgary (DPA Group), Op Cit., pp.15-16. dispersed to urban projects. The showcase effect was particularly important to Calgary because the heightened visibility was thought to enhance the city's future tourism References and investment attractiveness. But it was also important !or the immediate gratification urban residents received. For example, an Burns, J.P.A.,Hatch J.H. and Mules T.J.(1986), The Adelaide Grand educational kit was used in all city schools to prepare children for Prix: The Impact of a Special Event,Adela1de, centre For south the Olympics which further enhanced the sense of excitement and Australian Economic Studies. support. The hype of the civic boosters tended to drown the voices of Conway, J.F.(1983),The West: A History of a Region In confederation, the skeptics, and the opposition was strangely quiet primarily because Toronto,James Lorimer. the global exposure theme was indeed acceptable and compelling. Della Bitta, A.J.,Loudon D.L.,Booth G.G. and Weeks R.R.(1911) The thesis developed here is clearly more relevant to younger and 'Estimating The Economic Impact of a Short-term Tourist Event,• smaller cities such as Calgary and Perth than it is for larger cities Journal of Travel Research, No.16,pp.10-15. such as New York or . But its power is proven by the desire Richard, J. and Pratt, L.(1979), Prairie capitalism: Power and of cities such as Toronto and Melbourne to make its statement to the Influence In the New West, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart. world by also bidding to host hallmark events. And in a media Ritchie, J.R. Brent (1984),'Assessing the Impact of Hallmark Events: conscious era, we should not expect otherwise. Conceptual and Research Issues', Journal of Travel Research,No.23 pp.2-11. Runyan, D. and Wu, c.(1979),'Assessing Tourism's More complex Notes Consequences', Annals of Tourism Research, No.6,pp.448-463. Selwood, H.J. and Hall, C.M. (1986),'The America's cup: A Hallmark [11 'It is important for us to realize that what we do and how we do Tourist Event',in John s. Marsh (ed.), Canadian Studies of Parks, it will affect the way the world regards us, and responds to us, Recreation and Tourism In Foreign Lands, Occasiona"i Paper 11, for many years to come' Mayor's Message, Spirit of '88, Vol. 1, Department of Geography, Trent University, Pp. 61-82. No. 6, December 1986, 121 Calgary Herald, September JO, 1981. [JI Calgary Economic Development Authority, Calgary In Fact: A Profile, 1986, p. 40. [41 Calgary Herald, May 4, 1986 [51 'Thirty years ago, a small group of Calgary sportsmen had a vision ...They saw the Games as an opportunity to introduce Calgary to the world ... ' CODA 1985 Annual Report. [61 Report of the saddledome Task Force to the Board of Directors of the Calgary Olympic Coliseum society, July 3, 1984. [11 Alberta Government Olympic Commitments overview, mimeo, August 1984. !Bl Even this innovative proposal by a Calgary based multinational company was acknowledged to be a response to the recession which they were experiencing. Calgary Herald, March 21, 1985. 191 City of Calgary, Preliminary Impact study: Proposed Coliseum And Stampede Expansion, November 24, 1980; Proposed Evaluation Of Alternative Sites For The Proposed Coliseum, December 1980, and Victoria Park East Area Redevelopment Plan, October 9, 1984. Clo] Calgary Herald, September-October, 1981. see also Report of the Mayor's Task Force on Northwest LRT 9A Street, October 1984. 1111 Catherine Aitken and Brent Ritchie, Olympulse I (1983, II (1984),

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