Managing Moderation: the Akp in Turkey and the Pks in Indonesia
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MANAGING MODERATION: THE AKP IN TURKEY AND THE PKS IN INDONESIA Submitted by Syahrul Hidayat, to the University of Exeter as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Arab and Islamic Studies, January 2012. This dissertation is available for library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. (Syahrul Hidayat) 1 List of Content List of Contents 1 Abstract 3 List of Figures and Tables 4 Chapter I Introduction 5 I.1. Background of Study 5 I.2. Moderation in the Muslim Context 10 I.3. Manageable Moderation 14 I.4. Methodology 17 Chapter II Conceptual Framework: Islamism and Managing Moderation 22 II.1. New Face of Islamism? 22 II.1.1. Defining ‘Islamism’ 22 II.1.2. New Trend 23 II.1.3. Different Types of Islamism 26 II.1.4. Conceptual Boundary 27 II.2. Moderation and Party Management 34 II.2.1. Party Organisation and Party Management 34 II.2.2. Managing Moderation 39 Chapter III Moderation of the AKP and the PKS and Its Impact 47 III.1. Moderation and Its Impact on the AKP 48 III.1.1. The Development of the AKP 48 III.1.2. Aspects of Moderation 52 III.1.2.1. Attracting Voters and Electoral Triumphs 52 III.1.2.2. Ideological Shift 59 III.1.3. Impact on the AKP 66 III.2. Moderation of the PKS and Its Impact 71 III.2.1. The Development of the PKS 71 III.2.1.1. Early Development 71 III.2.1.2. ‘Reformasi’ and Early Disputes 86 2 III.2.2. Aspects of Moderation 92 III.2.2.1. Attracting Voters and Electoral Achievements 92 III.2.2.2. Ideological Shift? 98 III.2.3. Impacts on the PKS 101 III.2.3.1. Movement’s Style of Managing the Political Party 102 III.2.3.2. Internal Criticisms 106 III.2.3.3. Confusing Image and Stagnation in the 2009 Election 110 Chapter IV Managing Moderation in the AKP 113 IV.1. Party Leadership 114 IV.1.1. Personal Character and Vision 116 IV.1.2. Party Institutions 123 IV.2. Trust 133 IV.3. Decomposition and Party Discipline 140 IV.4. Conversion and Replacement 150 Chapter V Managing Moderation in the PKS 164 V.1. Party Leadership 165 V.I.1. Party Structure 167 V.I.1.1. The President and the DPP (Council of Central Committee) 171 V.I.1.2. The MPP (Central Advisory Assembly) and the DSP (Central Shari’a 174 Council) V.I.1.3. The DPTP (Council of Central Leaderships) 175 V.I.2. Party Leadership and Party Dynamics 178 V.2. Trust 195 V.3. Alienation 208 V4. Decomposition 227 Chapter VI Final Remarks: the AKP and the PKS in Comparison 238 Bibliography 254 Appendices A 276 Appendices B 277 3 MANAGING MODERATION: THE AKP IN TURKEY AND THE PKS IN INDONESIA Abstract Moderation does not constitute a monolithic model and the difference in the moderation process will influence the way a political party manages its internal dynamics. The cases of the AKP and the PKS show that both have different levels of moderation due to the different contexts of their social and political environments. The AKP has to deal with an extreme interpretation of secularism in Turkey that influences the party’s members to refrain from any confrontation with secular strongholds. The PKS has more freedom to express its ideology in the Indonesian democratic political system; hence the party is able to develop internal organisational procedures and programmes based on religious principles. To anticipate difficulties arising from from moderation, the AKP uses an organisational approach to give space for open and dynamic internal management and reduce the role of ideology significantly. The PKS still utilises its ideology in managing the impact of moderation by defining religious values as principles of organisation in parallel with organisational principles. Both parties are relatively successful in convincing their members to trust the party and its leaders in different ways. Party vision and personal charisma are more apparent for the AKP, although the PKS has to rely on interpretation of ideology as the main source of trust. By placing more emphasis on organisation, the AKP employs definition of violation toward party’s rules and decisions based on an organisational approach. In contrast, the definition of violation in the PKS relies on both religious and organisational principles. As a result, the AKP implements policies to dismiss members based on unambiguous principles with relatively insignificant opposition. The PKS has to deal with complaints of dismissal since the policies are taken based on interpretation of procedures and reasons. It is also proven that the AKP is able to convince voters by offering programmes to meet popular demands without relying on a religious agenda. While the PKS has been successful in developing an effective and solid party, it still has many problems in gaining support during elections as its pragmatic adjustment moderation also generates confusion internally and externally. Keywords: substantial moderation, pragmatic adjustment of moderation, trust, decomposition, party leader, alienation, conversion 4 List of Figures and Tables Figures Figure I.1. Moderation and Its Relation with Crisis 10 Figure I.2. Models of Strategies to Manageable Moderation 16 Figure IV.I. The Structure of Central Party and General Assembly of the AKP 130 Tables Table II.1. The Position of the AKP and the PKS in Some Aspects of Ordinary Muslim and Islamist 33 Table III.1. Variables contributing to PK’s vote by region 99 Table V.1. Bases and Levels of Violations and Sanctions 216 5 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION I.1 Background of Study In studies of political parties, the role of ideology has been widely discussed especially in its relation with democracy. For scholars from the rational choice tradition, based on Hotelling’s (1929) and Downs’s (1957; see also Hindmoor 2006) arguments, ideology does not fit well with the demands of the public, so that a rigid ideological stance would only make the appeal for public support more difficult. In this argument, public political preference is closely related with the economic rationality which forces a political party to moderate its ideological standpoints. It then becomes more problematic for any party that still preserves a strong ideological position, especially one whose core values are conflicting with democratic principles. Sartori (1976) opposes that proposition by offering an anti-system party to categorise political parties that still preserve ideology as their identity in a democratic system. He argues that the existence of an ideological party can be based on acceptance of the democratic process and following its general rules. However, he agrees with the central argument of rational popular support in influencing the direction of anti-system parties. Anti-system parties could either preserve or reduce their ideological standpoints with with two possible tendencies, centrifugal or centripetal routes. The former takes place if parties maintain the ideological stance with very limited chances to obtain popular support. Conversely, the latter goes in a different direction to move toward the centre and apply political moderation. On the centripetal side, an ideological party that works within a democratic system has to sacrifice some if not all of its ideological stance to integrate with the system, and making a move toward the centre to win elections. That process is called political moderation, which is when a political party with a radical position, platform or ideology moves to a median position (Sanchez-Cuenza 2004). Some examples of moving toward the centre as reflected in the cases of Italian PCI in the 1970s, the Spanish Socialist Workers’ 6 Party (PSOE/Partido Socialista Obrero Español), the German Social Union (DSU/Deutsche Soziale Union), and the Communist Party of Russian Federation (CPRF/Kommunisticheskaya Partiya Rossiyskoy Federatsii; KPRF). The Italian Communist Party (PCI/Partito Comunista Italiano) did it in the second half of the 1970s when the party built a coalition with the Catholic Democratic Party (DC/Democrazia Cristiana) and other parties to form a government (Amyot 1981 and Urban 1978). To some extent, the tensions in post-Soviet Russia’s Communist Party are the result of the party’s efforts to redefine its ideology and attract more votes by adapting a position as a social democratic party like their counterparts do in Central Europe (Urban and Solovei 1997). The term political moderation itself seems subjective and problematic when it is used as a working concept in Political Science. One of its problems as a concept is to find a solid definition of the moderation process. The definition of the term is perceived as challenging if not ambiguous (Whiting 2011), especially in developing a method to measure the process. Sanchez-Cuenz (2004) offers a definition by looking at a party’s willingness to get involved in elections and respect for voter preferences. His definition suggests that the central role of voters in favour of a median ideological position gives a pressure to the reduced radical policies of a party. In contrast, Schwedler (2006) requires a deeper understanding of a party’s ideological preference. For Schwedler, it is important to examine the party’s behaviour in order to assess any change in its ideology. Those two different understandings of moderation, the role of median voters and party’s behaviour, generate problems in measuring moderation.