THE RIPON Inside Report ,,- . ( GOVERNO~S' -cCONFERENCE pp.3-8 ©Copyright 1966 by JANUARY, 1967 The Ripon Society, Inc. . Vol. III, No~ 1 On Fighting Poverty A Dialogue Between a Republican and an Economist by Duncan Foley running peoples' lives, what were you thinking of? REPUBLI.CAN: Therc's one thing that puzzles me REPUBLICAN: You're not suggesting that we drop about t.he p~verty problem. \"'e've always had poor these welfare programs, are you? people In thiS country, and by and large they'vc always ECONOMIST: Yes. ~anaged to work their way up. My grandfather, for REPUBLICAN: But people might starve. Things are lOstance, was very poor, but he left the family farm and not so good now, but I think they'd be worse if people worked. He worked because he had to. had no security at all. In fact, I'd be scared. ECONOMIST: You say hc worked his way up not be­ EC:O:~~'OMIST: What. we should do is recognize in cause of any threat of starving, but because he had prlOcIP.le as we have In fact that American society is opportunities and the eventual reward was worth it. not gomg to let anyone starve, that every American has a right to a minimum income. . ~e took the initiative himself, and in making himself ncher he made eycrybody else a little richer. That is !lEPU!3LICAN: How is that going to give people an lOcentlve to work? ~e proc~ss that has always tended to. eliminate poverty 10 America. Poor people have explOIted their own op­ ECONOMIST: We'll adminster this minimum income portunities to get jobs, and to train themselves to on the income tax principle, as a negative income tax, become a part of the society. ' as many economists, Republicans included, have ad­ REPUBLICAN: \'X'hat does thc government have to do vocated. The governmcnt would pay some percentage except let people alone? of the difference between their earned income and some ECONOMIST: In many ways it can accelerate the pro- standard. cess or impede it. . REPUB.LICAN: If they earned nothing they'd get only REPUBLICAN; I hate to say this, but I think the some percentage of the standard, and as earned income increased the negative tax would decreasc gradually? If present welfare sys~ell~ w~atever its humanitarian goals, lS an obstacle to ehm10atlng povert)'. Poor people just they earned the standard they'd get nothing and pay no don't have to work the way my grandfather did. tax? ECONOMIST: I agree that it is an obstacle, but you're ECONOMIST: Yes. Suppose the standard were $3,000 looking at the wrong side of things. Your grandfather per adult and $1500 per child and the .,ercentage were had the family farm to fall back on, even immigrants 500/0- Then the mother with two children would still had the advantages of a close· knit community, just as get exactly $3,000, that is, 50% of $6,000, which is her the poor today have unemployment insurance, relief and family's standard, if she. earned nothing. If she earned welfare. But these programs are administered in a way $1,000 a year, her negatIve tax would be reduced $500 that removes the incentive for the poor to take the first so her after tax income would go up to $3500. Sh~ step of getting low paying jobs. At present a mother woul~ be frce to keep $500 out of every $1000 she with two children may be getting 53,000 a year in earned, until she were earning $6000 when she would relief, but she has to get a job paying more than $3 000 start paying in taxes to the government at the normal before her income rises by a single penny. ' rate. REPUBLICAN: It sounds pretty expensive. REPUBLICAN: Can't she get a part-time Job earning ECONOMIST:' It wouldn't be cheap. We need a careful less? study to estimate costs of different proposals. But since ECONOMIST: C the social workers find out that she is the growth of the economy leaves us every year with earning, say, $600, they will take away $600 of her sever~l b!llion dollars more than the year before, the relief payments, leaving her income exactly the same. negatIve lOcome tax would probably involve no increase She is asked to work for nothing. in personal tax rates. There are savings to be taken into !llPUBLICAN: It sounds like the high brackets of the account as well. lOcome tax. First, our present wclfare programs could shrink ECONOMIST: Furthermore, if her husband lives with and the social workers released to perform more valuable her and the social workers find out they will cut off work than they are doing: helping people with specific her aid-to-dependent children allowance. \Ve employ an problems no matter what their income. There may be a army of bureaucrats to prevent the poor from working severe shortage of social workers in the suburbs. Second, and husbands from living with their wives, in fact, to the welfare elements of thc farm price support program run every aspect of a poor man's life. could wither away, since incomes of poor farmers wor.ld RE J;>UBLI CAN : I see. be maintained by the ncgative tax. Third the relcase of ECONOMIST: When you objected to the government ambition and energy among the poor o~ce welfare co- ,

lonialism has ended will increase employment, output, throw off his feudal dependence and become a part of the and tax revenues. In the long run this employment will national economic life. There would be changes, but , upgrade the skills of the poor as they work their way the effect would be to extend middle-class conditions of up and eventually they will be paying positive taxes. life to more people. ."'..' '. Fourth, we could get rid of minimum wage legislation REPUBLICAN: Wouldn't a lot of people who weren't .J (which is also a tremendous barrier to employing the poor stop working once the stigma were removed from poor) once we have a minimum income, and this will unemployment? permit more efficient use of labor by industry. 'Finally, ECONOMIST: Some might, but if they grew to be a we should note an important fact. This program costs problem we could lower the percentage negative tax money, but it does not use up any real resources directly. rate, which would lower the minimum income and in­ REPUBLICAN: You mean is just transfers money 'from crease the incentive to work. The minimum income one group to another. The government never uses up would be a fairly distributed scholarship for students any productive capacity itself. and young artists. If anything, I think we need to en­ ECONOMIST: Yes. The poverty program now uses up courage young men and women in our society to spend many hours of time of talented people and makes almost some time just sitting and thinking. Anyone who wants no difference to the poor. to can drop out right now and live on unemployment REPUBLICAN: There's something about drastic insurance or relief. $1500 a year is not so very attractive changes like this that makes me uneasy. , if a small amount of work can substantially increase ECONOMIST: It would be a change only for the poor, income. and for them it would mean a return to the same kind REPUBLICAN: We do, in effect, already have the mini­ of life that the rest of us more or less enjoy. We would mum income in the form of welfare payments. The be going back to the traditional way of eliminating main difference would be the increased incentive to work poverty by depending on private initiative and oppor­ and the increased employment opportunities once the tunity. The poor would gain in self-respect and morale minimum wage were repealed. In fact, a good political once they got control of their lives away from the slogan might be: "A minimum income, not a minimum Federal bureaucracy. The South would receive a consider­ wage." abe subsidy since so many poor people live there. Such ECONOMIST: With slogans like that who needs ideas? a subsidy always accelerates economic development. The Negro sharecropper (who has no relief to depend on, DUNCAN FOLEY is an Assistant Professor of Etonom­ only the generosity of the plantation owner) would its at M.l.T. Focus n Youth • At a December 10th rally at the University of college campuses. Half the expense, $45,000, goes for Wisconsin National Chairman Ray Bliss. kicked off a "talent." drive aimed at college youth. As Mr. Bliss states, the \Vith all due respect to Mr. Oscar Peterson and his number of young people "represents a vast reservoir of jazz band, may we suggest that there may be a more potential leaders and candidates for our party and we effective and economical way to interest colJege students must get to them first to convince them that we want in the Republican Party? For instance, what about bucket and need them as active participants in the Repubican seats? That is what young college-educated people are Party." A recent Gallup poll indicates the task is great. really interested in today. That is what really remade According to the sam ping, thirty-five 'per cent of college the image of the Ford Motor company. youths prefer the Democratic Party, twenty-six per ce.lt For $90,000 the Republican Party could distribute prefer the Republican party, and thirty-nine per cent 20,000 serviceable plastic bucket seats (at $4.50 apiece) have no preference. to as many undergraduates as are likely to be reached • A sure-fire method to win young people will soon by the ten concerts. And whereas a concert is only seen be put into practice by the Young Republican National once, a bucket seat has a life-long value. Every time a Federation (Tom R. Van Sickle, Chairman). In their student sits down in his plastic Republican bucket seat, annual progress report, they call it the "Young Repub­ he will think of voting for the party of Lincoln, John lican Cavalcade of Stars." Wayne and oscar Peterson. This could do for the GOP "The concept of the Cavalcade of Stars program," what the Mustang did for Ford and what Romney did the report explains on page 17, "is to go on the college for American Motors. campuses with professional entertainers, such as Oscar G Amidst talk of party unity, the executive committee Peterson and Charlie Byrd, charge a small admission fee, of the Young Republican National Federation attacked and present them with a full evening of entertainment. both the Ripon Society and Sen~.:or Hugh Scott in a There would be no political speeches, but we would resolution passed at its November meeting. The state­ distribute a printed program for the evening which ment, introduced by a regional director from Alabama, would contain a soft sell on the Republican party. A charged: "It is clear that the Ripon Society-Scott axis thorough follow-through program woud be devised by has embarked on a campaign of rule or ruin in -the using names and addresses from raffle ticket stubs. This program has been extremely successful for the Ford Republican Party and has sought to make the Young Motor Company in their overall objective to build a Republican National Federation the whipping boy for new image for their company." its attacks." The resolution charged Senator Scott with The Young Republican National Federation has "smears of every sort in a steady campaign of villifica~ budgeted $91,000 for implementing the Cavalcade pro­ tion" against the YR's. Then the group blasted Senator ject, thirty-eight per cent of its total 1967 budget of Scott and .Ripon for their "attacks on other Republi­ $235,000. This sum will pay for ten one-shot shows on cans,'·

2 Three Factions ...... P. 3 (C THE FR C L , SPRI GS Chafee .. Love Split ... P. 5 Problem Solving ..... P. 8

The,, ilemmas of Three Factions One can probably not find a more stark confronta­ Governors the Oilifornia-grown variant of the Bliss tion of East .d \V' est than the line that runs through formula, the now famous "Eleventh Commandment" or Colorado where the Rocky Mountains rise abruptly from Parkinson's Law: "Thou shalt not speak ill of a fellow the Great Plains This is the country of the Big Sky Republican." In a gesture of togetherness the newly which has bred a proud individualism and a reverence elected Chairman of the Republican Governors' Associa­ in generations of Americans. It is a land rich in the tion, Governor John Love of Colorado, asked Reagan legend of the great Indian god Manitou, of the con­ to recite the commandment for the press. The final quistadores and their search for a mythical city of gold, statement of the conference and a resolution pledging of Spanish traders, silver miners, and gunmen. continued support for Ray Bliss consummated the vow The Republican Governors, newly acclaimed leaders of unity. of their rejuvenated party, selected the Broadmoor, at DISTURBING Yet there were disturbing as- the foot of Cheyenne Mountain in Colorado Springs, p~ts to the unity proclamation. as the scene for their dramatic December post-election ASPECTS Fust, there was the problem of meeting. Perhaps symbolically, the center of activity forgetting 1964. Could or should Republicans forget was the plush Broadmoor Golf Club, a gambling casino the traumatic experiences of the fateful months that at the turn of the century. It was not at all surprising preceded the Goldwater nomination and defeat? In that a smooth-talking, fast.dra,ving gunman out of the fact, fear appeared to be the real basis of the brother­ West would pick up most of the cards. hood at Colorado Springs - fear rooted in the mem­ POINT OF ~olorado ~prings represented 3'- ories of 1964. It was an uneasy and not altogether 'pomt of decIsion. for .toe Republi­ happy unity. DECISION leaders where duectlOns are set Second, there was the question of unity on what or and where both the national press corps and professional whose terms? (Unity is not an impartial posture.) As pulse·takers of the Republican Party attempt to divine a strategy, unity normally works to strengthen the the political future. The last comparable meeting of dominant element in a coalition by assimilating the Republican Goveil1ors was in Los Angeles this past elements of opposition. As the front runner in a poten­ July at the National Governors' Conference (see tially bitter primary campaign, Reagan used it effectively FORUM, July, 1966). in California. One would have expected the dominant The contrast in political landscape and mood be­ moderate Governors to have used it in Colorado Springs tween the two meetings was instructive. The sands of to consolidate their new strength in the party. Instead, American politics had shifted once again and the Re· in an inexplicable move, they yielded control of the publican Party in the estimate of most party leaders important five-man executive committee to three Gov­ present, now found itself in the best competitive posi­ ernors (including two freshmen) prominently identified tion it had enjoyed in over twenty-five years. For a with Goldwater in 1964. season, at least, a mood of optimism and unity over­ Finally, the unity formula suggested that open shadowed the party, eclipsing the separate interests and pr.imary competition for the 1968 nomination would be problems of the three major Republican factions. sharply curtailed. Reagan stated that he might become a favorite son in California "to avoid divisiveness and I. The Assumption of Unity factionalism." One national news source reported that The dominant theme of Colorado Springs was "Re­ Ray Bliss was quietly lining up favorite son candidates publican unity." Republican National Chairman, Ray C. in an 'effort to head off a left-right confrontation where­ Bliss, set the tone in an opening press conference. Ob­ ever possible. And there was considerable talk about "a serving that "nothing builds success like success," Bliss brokered convention" selecting the nominee. eulogized the unity building functon of the Republican Whatever the defects of unity as a strategy, nobody Coordinating Committee: "we know what the winning was ready to challenge it. The three major Republican formula was." factions -:- the moderates, the conservatives, and the Governor·elect Ronald Reagan, the leading, self­ professionals ~ were cautiously assessing their resources advertised "unity" candidate, escorted by Californi~ and anxiously considering the hard choices on candidates Republican Chairman Gaylord Parkinson, brought the and strategY that lie ahead. 3 own stance completed the circle. The decision "not to II. Moderate Dilemma: decide" meant that the campaign for the Republican nomination had entered a new and uncertain phase. The The "Inevitability" of Romney pros did not yet see Romney's problems as "insurmount­ As had been anticipated in Los Angeles, George abl,;." Some coalescence would inevitably take place. Romney emerged from· the November elections as the How' much and at what rate would depend however on ") moderates' leading candidate, holding the clear advan­ the Governor's continued popularity in the polls and his tage of position. His Michigan sweep exceeded the performance in . t~j! p.tes.idential primaries. Meanwhile most optimistic estimates of his staff, ovedulfilling the some moderates ,,;ere already considering the fallback "pull effect"· quota of Congressional seats House Re­ positions of Chuck Percy or Nelson Rockefeller. The publican Conference leader Melvin Laird had gratu­ next move was up to George W. Romney. itously set as the test for Romney's acceptability for the nomination. Buttressed with the latest national polls III. Conservative Dilemma: already showing him ahead of President Johnson, Romney arrived in Colorado Springs with a full bag of Nixon or Reagan? chips to an expectant full house at the Broadmoor casino. It took the finality of a million vote plurality in But he left both his admirers and those who came to California to convince most Americans that Ronald be impressed wondering. Reagan was a real possibility for the Presidency in 1972 Romney ·deliberately chose to play the occasion in if not 1968. Even now many refuse to take him low key .. He told the press that the Governor's Con­ seriously and counsel that the best strategy for counter- . ference had not been called to decide on a Republican ing his ambitions is to ridicule his qualifications. The candidate in 1968 and that he would not use it for that veteran of "Death Valley Days," wearing a white hat, purpose. He declined to line up in private conference six shooters in hand, showed the sophisticates and several Republican Governors who came to Colorado hardened pros at the Broadmoor casino that he was in Springs willing to be courted. His top political ad­ the game for keeps. And he had more potent ammuni­ visors, Robert "Jack" MacIntosh and former Republican tion than party unity or the "long hard look." National Chairman Len Hall were conspicuously absent. The Saturday morning Reagan Romney pointedly denied that they were even on his LAST WORD press conference capped the Col­ staff. . orado Springs meetings, leaving the freshman Governor Instead, he was content to leave the press with the from California with the last word over the former proclamation that he was in "quite a different position" greats of the stop-Goldwater era. If unity had sub­ than he had ever occupied before. "Never before have merged their past differences, it was no bar to Reagan's I indicated that I am in the process of exploring the fiery call to the Goldwater rank and file. After stress­ possibility of being a candidate for the presidency," he ing that his problems in California were "the biggest said. of them all," Reagan easily responded to foreign policy UNPREPARED A cert~in indirec~ion can be questions on Vietnam that other governors, including expected In any candIdate for the Romney, had studiously avoided for three days. Presidency, but some of Romney's backers, notably In what must be considered the most hawklike Governor Williarll Scranton of Pennsylvania, were COf:­ recent statement by a potential candidate for the Presi­ cerned with the crawling start of the Romney campaign. dency Reagan called for an "all-out and total effort" Once again the press corps found Romney unprepared for victory in Vietnam. "I don't recognize that a nation and wanting in substance. Before his campaign had of our size can choose between a big war and a little officially begun, he was losing key reporters and column­ war," he said. He found it hard to believe that America ists. The level· of press criticism was sure to escalate. with its enormous resources must tolerate ten years of Romney, himself, may have unwittingly invited future attrition. Disagreeing with Johnson only that "more confrontations by announcing that he was not going to could be done," Reagan urged that we "go in and get it take a position on Vietnam until he had studied the over with." problem and prepared "specific proposals" for dealing On nuclear weapons, Regan stated: "The one with the "fateful, far-reaching complex character of that person who should never know whether you are going conflict." The press, the most critical audience in Amer­ to use them is the enemy. He should go to bed every ican politics, is likely to call him on his proposals before night wondering if you are going to use them." In long. reference to student protests against the war in Vietnam, While some were worried by Romney's continued Reagan called for action, short of a declaration of war, problems with the press, the professionals were more that would draw "a clear line between dissent and concerned with the governer's organizational efforts and lending aid and comfort to the enemy." by some subtle changes in political climate. Romney's "He's throwing them 'raw backers werl; slowly putting together a national staff. RAW MEAT meat.' Nixon can never go that But it still lacked depth and breadth, and some early far," volunteered one pro. The press were similarly appointments had come as genuine surprises to the impressed. "A superb press conference," noted one top governor's well wishers. reported. "He has something Goldwater never had: More important, Romney sup­ 'plausibility.''' The review was nearly unanimous: Ron­ COOLING port was "cooling." One prom­ ald Reagan in any capacity would be a force to reckon SUPPORT? inent Republican governor sug­ with at the 1968 Republican National Convention. gested it was "too early to crystallize" support for a Would he be the candidate of the conservative wing? single candidate. The overriding tone of the Colorado Some thought that he would be, inevitably. Springs meetings was one of "reserve" and of "wariness" At this point, however, uncertainty extended into :) toward early support for Romney. The Governors' the conservative camp as well. There was no clear evi-

4 '.

dence of a Goldwater-type grass roots movement. F. the choices, tnltIative, and relative success of the Re­ Clifton \Vhite, very much present at the Broadmoor, publican moderates and Goldwater conservatives. The appeared to have no candidate. The Goldwater high strength of the Romney drive and the efforts to draft conimand, risking a split with its rank and file, was Reagan can have an overriding effect on the delicate preparing to deliver its support to Richard Nixon, reluc­ balance necessary for a brokered convention. Once tant to project Reagan onto the national scene pre­ before, in 1964, the professionals made a basic mis­ maturely. calculation that temporarily destroyed their influence With Romney in the lead, albeit shakily, and with within the party. They may again overestimate their the lurking suspicion that Nixon is a "loser", the Con­ ability to control events in a Republican Party that has servative strategists face perhaps the most difficult experienced fundamental shifts in power since the Eis- choice of all - whether to take the safe "unity" strategy enhower years. ' with Nixon as their candidate or to throw caution to Perhaps a more important limitation to the broker ,the wind and risk an emotional Goldwater delegate strategy is the revolutionary impact of modern com­ strategy to draft Reagan. Reagan's coup at Colorado munications on Presidential politIcs. Presidential nom­ Springs enhances the probability of the latter alternative. inating conventions have undergone radical innovation The conservatives would be hard pressed to find a since 1940; the preconvention strategy itself largely a candidate who better combines evangelical appeal and phenomenon of 1960 and 1964. articulate style than the California Governor. For the THE NEW A n:w gener~tion. of pol!tical moment, however, conservative leaders were not eager ROFESSIONALS pr~fesslOnals, skllled.In pubhc re­ to push for a confrontation. P latlOns and commUOlcatlOns, may yet have an important role in the Republican conven­ I V. Professionals' Dilemma: tion of 1968. Of the three Republican camps, however, only the former Goldwater-Reagan cadres of Clif The feasibility of Brokerage White, the Young Republican "syndicate," and Spencer A third, and perhaps pivotal group, watched the Roberts in California appear at this time to have the developments at Colorado Springs carefully: the Re­ training for such a public relations convention game. publican professionals - Taft-conservatives at heart but If the Republican Party finds itself in a slick conven­ pragmatic in political strategy. Ray Bliss, the self-de­ tion and if the new professionals stick with their current clared "win-oriented" chairman of the Republican Party, allegiances, the odds would favor a conservative-oriented was the archetype of "the Republican broker" at the outcome. The full muscle of the Clif White-Goldwater Broadmoor casino. convention machinery, never tested in 1964, might prove decisive. \Vhile Romney and Reagan drew the public at­ tention, there was steady talk that 1968 would be a The only consensus* among * * *the camps, beyond the "brokered" convention more like 1940 than the Eisen­ platitudes abollt unity, was the intuitive feeling that it hower-Taft confrontation of 1952. Uaity would mute was too eady to decide. Just to the nurth of Colorauo ideological warfare; favorite son delegations led by a Springs stands the Garden of the Gods, its towering host of Vice-Presidential hopefuls would arrive in the formations of copper-red rock majestic against a winter convention city, and the nomination would be decided afternoon sky of the most brilliant blue. Occasional' on the floor. This forecast, reportedly circulated by rope climbers scale the sheer rock face, too close to figures close to Richard Nixon, fit the mood a Colorado discern the profiles in stone. Suddenly, as the western Springs surprisingly well. How feasible it would be in sun slips behind the peaks of the Rockies, both color mid-1968, was another question. and form fade into shadow. If the Republican professionals So, too, had the Republican titans entered a twi­ OBSTACLES have set a brokered convention as light of political uncertainty without the focus of an objective, they have formidable obstacles ahead. The leadership or the delineation of purpose. success of such a strategy is in large part contingent on -J.S.S. Behind the Chafee -love Split Early this fall Governor John Chafee of Rhode Some commentators, most of them indigenous to Island conceived the inconceivable idea of campaigning Colorado, smelled vice-presidential ambitions in the for the chairmanship of the Republican Governors' Broadmoor's corridors: Both Chafee and Love, they Association. Said urbane. articulate Governor Robert reasoned, could use the national exposure. Yet Robert Smylie of Idaho as he turned over to post to the new Smylie, who took the post in 1964, got little publicity chairman and conference host, John Love of Colorado, as chairman despite his considerable Lalents, and lost "T~o years ago they almost had to pay me to be chair­ the 1966 Idaho primary race to one Donald Samuelson, man." whom the same commentators dubbed a "blockhead." Cbafee's own plans for the Republican governors The multitudinous press-corps at Colorado Springs (Love made no specific proposals) called for little pub­ did not seem particularly interested in the rivalry be­ licity for the chairman. Both Chafee and Love, sharing tween Chafee and Love, partly because speculation the rostrum at a pre-session press conference, expressed about presidential candidacies seemed more relevant, surprise at the stepping-stone theory. partly because the campaign, like the election, took place In that press conference, and behind closed doors and over telephone' wires. But CHAFEE'S in a memorandum sent to his col­ .... there is a story to be told, and, perhaps, some relevant THEORY' leagues a few days before, Chafee ,conclusions to be drawn. developed a' less speculative, less spectacular, more

5 humble theory. The young governor from Rhode Island Chafee's novel, refreshingly candid campaign for. the realized what marvellous works a strong Republican Gov­ chairmanship failed. Despite the fact that his col­ ernors' Association could do in 1967 and 1968. He leagues gave him the vice-chairmanship and the second sensed public uncertainty about the Democratic admin­ half of a split term (to run from December 1967), his istration's policies; he saw labor and small business aides were disconsolate; the young governor himself chafing under poorly conceived and ineptly applied looked unhappy as new executive committee members federal regulations. As governor of an industrial state Tim Babcock (Montana), Claude Kirk (Florida), Ron­ he had experienced the frustration of municipal, county ald Reagan (California), and first-term chairman John and state governmental authority caught in the tangled Love gathered around the rostrum for a unity-minded . skein' of federal welfare administration. Like many post-session press conference. others, he wondered whether Mr. Johnson understood Chafee had called each gov­ fiscal' and monetary policy, whether the President had BACKSTAGE ernor the week before. His candor the courage to enforce civil rights legislation. He CAMPAIGN was charming, his enthusiasm sensed unusual vulnerability. contagious. He thought he had commitments from But he also sensed challenge. Chafee saw his several young western governors, including Dan Evans Party at the fork in the road to power. Viable as ever of Washington. Others chatted amiably and said they'd loomed' the negativistic, soulless attitude of those who keep an open mind. The Easterners were uniformly conceived the Southern Strategy of 1964, who in fact enthusiastic.. cleared the 1964 Republican Civil Rights plank with the Chafee gave a reception Thursday evening, break­ Dixiecra' But in tile wind was a new conservatism, fasted with Claude Kirk of Forida Friday morning, captured oy a few imaginative Republican candidates chatted knowledgeably wth newsmen, and button-holed in the 1966 campaign: a Kennedy style of politics all the governors he could. But others were busy too. colored by the realization of what reformed municipal, Robert Carter, Goldwater's sergeant-at-arms at the 1964 county and state government could achieve. convention, now working with Len Hall for George Romney, actively sought out governors - especially PROGRAM FOR Joh,? .Chafee saw h!s peers as compnslOg the front-hne of Am- westerners - and lobbied for Love. Rumors spread GOVERNORS erican government, as the "prob­ that Evans of \Xfashington - whom many had expected lem-solvers." He stressed in his memorandum to them to nominate Chafee, had changed his mind and was that they were their Party's only majority. He asked using his influence to produce a Love victory. them to do more; to demand increased representation on Behind closed doors Friday afternoon the gov­ the Republican Coordinating Committee; to build, in ernors agreed to split the term despite arguments that deeds and in the writing, a progressive 1968 Republican the Association would thereby weaken itself. The touch­ . platform; to seck new initiatives in domestic and for­ stone was not to offend, the mood conciliatory. Tim eign policy through Republican Congressional leaders; Babcock of l\fontana, a Goldwater conservative, nom­ to take a new and positive Hepublican case to the inated John Love. Their common western neighbor American people through bi-monthly, televised press Norbert Tiemanll of Nebraska, a moderate businessman conferences. who refused to run on an anti-Federal government plat­ form, seconded. Civil-rights conscious John Volpe of Chafee implicitly rejected the idea that the National Massachusetts nominated Chafee; Raymond Shafer, a Committee should dictate strategy to the Governors Scranton-protege, seconded. An unconfirmed yet reliable he called instead for close cooperation not only with 'source indicates that Chafee received only five votes in Ray Bliss but "with a number of idea-generating Re­ the secret ballot that followed. As the only other publican citizens' groups spread across the ideological candidate for the job, he took the vice-chairmanship spectrum." said, "We should draw on the resources E·: and a second half term in a compromise agreed to prior of the academic community, private business enterprise, to the secret ballot. labor organizations. . . ." He wanted an adequately What had happened? staffed \'V'ashington office, including a full-scale re­ seach and policy operation financed not only by the WESTWARD It is h~rdly conceivable that HO the Love tide was caused by the National Committee but by individual states. identity of the principals. Both THIRD Outgoing chairman Smylie later John Chafee and John Love are young, popular, bright articulated this same concern in and handsome men. Both are labeled "moderate" and FORCE his prepared statement to the "pragmatic." Both actively supported \'V'ilIiam Scranton Conference: "Unless far more adequate support for the in 1964, Love despite the opposition of his delegation. Association is forthcoming from the National Commit­ Both are mentioned as vice-presidential candidates. tee on a voluntary and unfettered basis ..• then I would Clearly, their ideological leanings and their personalities suggest to you iri all sincerity that you go it alone." had nothing to do with it. Smylie suggested that the Governors demand at least Perhaps a better explanation has to do with geo­ $339,000 - the amount he said was requested for 1967 graphy. The atmosphere at the Broadmoor was notice­ by the Young Republican National Federation. (The aby Western, with Reagan performing brilliantly in actual sum was $235,000,. plus an additional $104,000 the shadow of Pike's Peak. Love has five immediate for the teen-age division.) neighbors - Bartlett in Oklahoma, Tiemann in Ne­ Chafee, keenly aware that the Association had braska, Hathaway in Wyoming, Cargo in New Mexico, played no role in 1964 platform-drafting let alone in Wiliams in Arizona. Chafee has only John Volpe. Only the selection of delegates and candidates, saw the Gov­ four of the twenty-five Republican-governed states are ernors as a third force in Republican politics - perhaps "Eastern",.and Chafee is a Yankee. as the dominant force. George Romney must have felt the west wind blow­ The intriguing question is to what extent John ing. Eastern establishment identification is, of course,

6 the last thing Romney needs: witness his too-well publi­ tutelage. For to do so ~'ould be to create controversy, cized Caribbean tiff wi ...~ Nelson Rockefeller. In Love, and perhaps to step on the leaden feet of some Republi­ a moderate, Romney .lnd the progressive western gov­ can Congressional leaders. Significantly, Chafee's pro­ ernors could have their cake and eat it too. As for the posal for bi-monthly issue-oriented press conferences was staunch western conset'-.ltives, they got their frosting in dropped. the executive committee: Babcock, a state's righter; Kirk, Yet the Rhode Island govern- PARTIAL , . d'd d who picked up George ::..\fJ.honey's slogan, "Your Home SUCCESS ~ s tampa~gl1 I succce t? some is Your Castle", in the final weeks of his gubernatorial extent. HIS colleagues wdl get campaign (managed b\- Robert E. Lee, former Denver­ increased representation on the Republican Coorinating county Republican Ot.lirman); Reagan, who wants a Committee (in which, according to Ray Bliss, "a harsh "speedy", "total", "military" victory in Vietnam. word has ne,'er been spoken"). And the post-conference LOVE'S Ironically, the factors that statement, drafted by Romney-aide and Detroit attorney ROBLEMS pr?bably gave Love the chairma~- Richard Van Dusen, was progressive in tone. It talked P _ sJup may tend to undercut hIS a new pragmatic .language; it called for a Republican effectiveness as a spokesman for the governors in much drive for reform of municipal and state government, for the same way as they did Smylie's. First, Colorado is' a positive Republican response to social and economic remote from both Eastern and Western centers of po­ problems. And the Governors passed a resolution cal­ litical, corporate and opinion-making power. Love's ling for federal-state revenue sharing - the subject of access to national news media is limited. their only research paper (issued jointly with the Ripon Second, the very problems of which the governors Society in 1965). declared themseh'es "keenly aware" and best-equipped A cloud of "unity" hung over Colorado Springs. to solve - urban sFJ.wl, job opportunities and train­ Ronald Reagan floated on it in his boyish recitation of ing, air and water pollution, racial discrimination, mass the California GOP's "Eleventh Commandment": transportation, econonUC deprivation - hardly touch "Thou shalt not speak ill of a fellow Republican." Its Colorado to the extent they pervade Rhode Island. Love corollary according to Reagan: contestants in a Republi­ governs a blue-skied, mountain-studded paradise; Chafee can primary should not wage war on the issues; pre­ a populous, polluted. slum-ridden industrial complex. sumably he sees primaries solely as popularity contests His are the focal problems. - with good reason. Chafee and Love reported "no And finally, it is not to the Republican-dominated blood on the floor." West but to the gren Democratic cities of the Midwest What the Republican governors and East that the GOP must address itself to win in UNITY ON might have forgotten is that "ucity" 1968. Chafee is situated to do so; Love, despite his WHAT? is a rathet empty concept if it is many talents, is not. about nothing. It is like George Romney's gaff in To the extent that Love is in a less strategic posi­ pounding the rostrum emphatically as he told the press tion to chair a positi.... e :.lSsault on Washington, Chafce's he had not made up his mind about Vietnam. The big campaign for a stronger Republican Governors' Associ­ question is whether the Republican Governors will ation did not succee<,i. He will, of course, take the pound away at saying nothing, and if so, for how long. chairmanship in 196-. But the Governors themselves They certainly ignored Chafee's suggestion that they regarded the first term as the plum, probably because by speak out on "world issues." December 1967 Republican presidential politics may Given the first-term composition of the policy com­ totally eclipse _the role of the Republican Governors' mittee (which can only act unanimously) it is also Association. difficult to conceive how the Association wiU move ag­ Others, however, suggest that gressively in key domestic areas like ·jvil rights and MACHINERY e.uly 1968 could be the Governors' urban renewal, mental health and pollution, state con­ NEEDED moment of maximum collective stitutional reform and education. Kirk campaigned on impact on the platform. on candidate and delegate se­ white backlash; Babcock on an unregenerated states' lection, and on a tired Democratic administration. But rights platform. These men have manifested concern then the question of adequate machinery is raised - not with private and local initiative, but rather with will Love have built it for Chafee in the first year? private and local rights. Reagan, who moved center in 1968 would be almost too late for the governors to his campaign, mouthed platitudes at Colorado Springs, begin with a new staff and new research operation to except, significantly, in the one area where others feared establish working press relationships and open lines of to tread. There the hawk, he flew the coop of unity. communication to labor. business, the Negro community The great lesson of 1964 was and the universities. USEFUL that Republicans who seek to The GovernC',:,s' own internal procedures may be DEBATE govern rather than to win ideo­ disrupted by shifts in a majority of executive-policy com­ logical converts must take their case to the people mittee seats. To the- extent that the split-term weakens through their party's organization, part of which is the the Association, Chafee also lost his campaign. Republican Governors' Association. But the people He also lost on the merits of his plan for a re­ won't listen to platitudes. Debate, ferment over issues, vitalized Republican Governors' Association. Although is useful. Unity without substance is void. Can a Re­ chairman Love said the group would "probably" take a publican now differ with -the Governor of California Washington office, irs operations will be financed (to over Southeast Asian policy without violating his some unspecified extent) by the National- Committee. Eleventh Commandment? The Governors' staff v,-jJ1 operate in \Vashington under One can but wonder how individual Republican Ray Bliss's wing. Since controvery - especially on the Governors will answer this. Their Association, it would issues - is the bane of the GOP National Chairman's seem, prefers neutrality. At Colorado Springs, it might political existence, it is difficult to believe that the Gov­ as well have been a second National Committee. ernors will articulate relevant new policies under such -W.S.P.

7 Commitment to P'foblem Solving In the release following their final executive session The Governors as Republicans have an important at Colorado Springs, the Republican Governors reeog­ stake in using this opportunity to revive respectable nzed that "our first responsibility is to the people of local government. A rationalized local government, with our States and to solution of the problems that confront more meaningful boundaries, increased legal powers, them." They continued, "We find the guide for such and with a consequent attraction for more capable actions in essential Republican philosophy and in the people to run it, means returning much of the initiative reeent dynamic progress made in the States governed on local problems to the localities. If the current situa­ by Republican administrations." tion of confused t.axing districts, overlapping functional In saying this, the Governors were not simply authorities, and poor leadership continues, the federal echoing the chant that Republicans should be elected government will continue as it has for years to fill the because they can do the same jobs better than the Demo­ vacuum. crats. Instead, they were committing themselves to what URBAN Another arena in which Repub. is both a technical and a popular approach to govern­ lican principles could lead to im- ment. INITIATIVES portant gains is that of handling Just as John Kennedy's press conferences were often the problem of the core citites. Recent proposals for the larded with detailed analysis of national problems, creation of semi-publicly held, Com sat-style corpora­ Governors Romney and Rockefeller are legendary with tion, to deal with urban renewal, should be closely the press for their indefatigable discussions, showered studied by the Governors. Similarly, the lead should be with data, of' the problems of their States, and their taken by Republical} Governors in finding the way to own programs to deal with them. The Governors were show clearly the interdependence of the troubled core pledging themselves to follow this problem-solving style, cities wit? the "strip cities" or suburbs in our growing and with the prospect of greater success than Kennedy metropol:tan areas. ever had. The future of the Republican Party lies in its TECHNICAL This technical atmosphere was answers to these and comparable questions. The Gov­ not only dominant at the recent ernors' attempt to escape from platitudes is promising. ATMOSPHERE conference - it was the thread If they now prove to have neither the sense to find their which seemed to tie virtually all of the Republican way toward the answers, nor the courage to implement Governors together. Yet it should not be taken to them, the Republican Party has no reason for being mean that the Governors are wistfully recalling Herbert as a national force. But, then, the Governors might Hoover's pre-depression reputation as the great "Social prove to have both. Engineer." -J.R.P. Rather, as Governor Dan Evans of Washington State, himself an engineer by training, put it, "It is time for the American people to come to grips with the BOOKSHfSLF: Southern Study issues which have substance and meaning for the future, White segregationists in the South are more "lib­ and it is time for the Republican Party, so long dormant eral" than racial moderates on non-racial, domestic issues and too long defensive, to thrust itself to the forefront according to the results of a sf.i-year, eleven-state study of this effort." by two professors at the University of North Carolina, Tlie Republican Governors can have an enormous Donald R. Matthews and James W. Prothro. impact both on the handling of current social problerr The professor~' fi"ndings, published in Negroes and ana by the force of their numbers, on national politics. the New Southern Politics, indicate that the southern If they lay siege to problems, their numbers will expand Republican party will have to propose several new dom­ and their political influence will increase. They will estic programs to counter Democratic appeals to whites be saying and doing the things most relevant in the and Negroes 0n the non-racial issues. changed politics about to burst upon us. Other conclusions of the survey, which was largely The nature of the issues selected for their attention conducted by questionnaires and processed by computers is crucial. For one thing, as they all realize, their energy were: can not be dissipated; they must choose, and make the - That Southern Negroes now vote at about half right choice. Statistics and sense tell them that the the rate of Southern whites but discuss politics, join problems of the future are urban in character, and that. political organizations, and contribute money for pol­ the time is short in which to shape institutions and itical purposes more frequently than their white neigh­ opinion in a way that will withstand the onrush of bors. those problems. - That the Negro students "'110 began the "sit-in" The Governors have alre.ady movements came from more advantaged homes, attended TAX -SHARING staked out one important area better colleges, and had a more generally favorable URGENT . for action. As they anticipated attitude toward white Southerners than their fellow in their joint study with the Ripon Society a year and Negro students who did not "sit-in". a half ago, the need for a tax.sharing plan of federal - That clashes over desegregation of Southern revenues with the States has mounted to the point of schools will contioue and perhaps intensify because urgency. At the same time, they see the importance Negroes expect the changeover to be accomplished with­ of using this time when public attention is fastened in a few years, while Southern whites expect the shift on the plight of local gO\'ernment, to restructure and to take generations. . ) modernize institutions, almost all of which are 19th The survey was published in late November by century in origin. Harcourt; Brace and World Publishers.

8 DRAFT CONFERENCE The RipDn-endDrsed call fDr an all-vDlunteer mil­ suppDrte.t;s included eCDnDmists Milton Friedman Df the itary received the suppDrt Df a majDrity Df participants University Df Chicago. and Walter Oi Df the University at a NatiDnal CDnference Dn the Draft held at the Df Washington. University Df Chicago. last mDnth and attended by 120 Chapman presented RipDn's paper - Politics and prDfessDrs, students, CDngressmen," SenatDrs, jDurnalists, C01lScription: A Proposal to Replace tbe Draft - to. and representatives Df the Departments Df Defense, the cDnference and led Dff the three-hDur debate Dn the LapDr, and the Selective Service. vDlunteer military with a discussiDn Df its eCDnDmic, Presented to. the cDnference alDng with RipDn's pro.­ military and sDcial advantages. OppDsitiDn to. the vDl­ pDsal were plans fDr a lDttery draft, an alternative unteer system was limited almDst entirely to. the repre­ "natiDnal service", and a revamped Selective Service. sentatives Df the Department Df Defense and the Se­ AlmDst all cDnferees agreed that the present draft lective Service. needed changing. The cDnference did nDt Dfficially vDte Many Df the Dther cDnferees expressed surprise that Dn any resDlutiDns, but a petitiDn favDring a vDlunteer a vDlunteer military was feasible at an additiDnal budget­ Armed FDrces, spDnsDred .by RipDn/NDrthwest member ary CDst Df Dnly fDur to. eight billiDn dDllars-- abDut Bruce K. Chapman, gained the signatures Df mDre than the CDSt Df fDur mDnths Df the Vietnam war. At the half Df cDnference participants. clDse Df the fDur·day meeting, Chapman was asked to. CD-spDr - --ring the petitiDn with Chapman were appear Dn televisiDn to. explain the merits Df the DDnald Ru,.,sfeld (R-III.) and RDbert Kastenmeier vDlunteer system. (D-Wis.), the two. cDngressmen in attendance. Other -T.A.B.

POLITICAL NOTES CD WiscDnsin GOP GDvernDr Warrw KnDwles says Des Moi/les (IDwa) Register preference pDll Df he wiII nDt run as a favDrite SDn in the state's presi­ 123 cDunty chairmen and vice-chairmen: RDmney 72; dential primary in 1968. This despite suggestiDns that NixDn 34; Percy 8; Reagan 4; GDldwater 3; Hatfield the state's cDngressiDnal leaders wDuld like to aVDid a 2. primary battle (as they did in 1964 when Representative Opinion Research pDll Dn pre-electiDn party aflllli­ JDhn Byrnes was the favDrite SDn stand-in fDr Barry atiDns, 1966: PDlIees identifying themselves as Republi­ Goldwater) . cans, 25 per cent; DemDcrats, 4; per cent; Independents, An Dpen primary cDuld invDlve two. Republicans 30 per cent. PDst-electiDn: Republicans, 29 per cent; who. are very pDpular in the Badger state. Richard DenlOcrats, 43 per cent, Independents, 28 per cent. , NixDn carried WiscDnsin in 1960 by a cDmfDrtable mar­ gin and has returned frequently since. Neighbor GeDrge ~ Texas SenatDr JDhn TDwer has annDunced his RDmney's successes have been highly visible across Lake support Df California SenatDr GeDrge Murphy fDr the Michigan. MDreDver, his WiscDnsin-based American chairmanship of the Senate Republican Campaign CDm­ MotDrs plants Dnce brDught a good deal Df prosperity to. mittee against SenatDr Hugh SCDtt. TDwer's prDnDunce­ much-impressed WiscDnsinites. ment CDunters speculatiDn in CalifDrnia that Murphy wDuld resign due to. iII health as SDon as RDnald Reagan Few would nDW bet Dn the outcDme, particularly became gDvernDr. PreviDusly mentiDned as pDssibilities since George \X'a.lace can be expected to return to. court for appDintment by Reagan were LDS Angeles mayDr bDth the state's cDnservative" Republicans and the back­ Sam Yorty, and actDrs John Wayne and Chuck CDnnor. lash DemDcrats who gave him his first taste Df northern The three are stilI listed as likely primary DppDnents success in 1964. The state has no. registratiDn by party; Df Republican Senate whip TDm Kuchel in 1968. Mean­ a high percentage Df voters decide which primary they while, JDhn \Vayne earned an LO.U. fDr future cDllec­ wiIl vDte in Dn the basis Df which has the most impDrtant races. Where this highly independent swing vote might tiDn last mDnth by writing a "Merry Christmas" prD­ mDtiDn letter fDr the Natio1lal Review. go. in a projected four-way struggle is a fascinating questiDn. \ViII liberals, who. cDuld hurt NixDn, care fii) Atlanta journalist Ralph McGill has taken nDte mDre abDut rebuking \VaIlace? Will conservatives pre­ of GDvernor George RDmney's recently released "Dear fer blDcking Romney to. embarrassing the President or Barry" letter, stressing amDng Dther things that SenatDr his stand-in? Tune in one year from now, when the Goldwater "had not even read the platform presented campaigning will be" launched. to. the 1964 Republican cDnventiDn." Nor did he knDw e POLLS: Gallup Dn preferred Presidential nom­ what amendments were being Dffered to. it. "NDt since inee Df rank-and-file Republicans: NDvember, 1965: \Varren Harding," says McGill, "has there been such Nixon, 55 per cent; RDmney, 38 per cent - May, 1966: a thDrDugh carpenter's jDb Df building a candidate who. NixDn, 55 per cent; RDmney, 40 per cent - NDvember, didn't have it." 1966: Romney, 50 per cent"; Nixon, 43 per cent. McGill gDes Dne step further and reveals that Human Et'euts pDll Df delegates to. 1964 Republi­ SenatDr GDldwater "dDes not even write the CDlumn so. can cDnventiDn. Their preferences: NixDn, 38 per cent; long sDld and published under his name." All Df which RDmney, 25 per cent. The strDngest candidate: Nixon. gives a sDmewhat hDllDW and irDnic tDne to. the Gold­ 30 per cent; RDmney, 34 per cent. \X'iII be nominated: water cDlumH's recent charge that the RipDn Society Nixon, 44 per cent; Romney, 35 per cent; WDuld nDt and Republicans fDr PrDgress are "frDnt" grDups which SuppDrt a candidate who did nDt sUppDrt GDldwater in shDuld be expDsed "before someDne makes the mistake 1964: 27 per cent. Df taking" them seriDusly."

9 ~ P. O. BOX 138: The Postman Cometh I I There was a time not $0 long ago when a Ripon sherry given in Boston by Dave Murdoch recently. The volunteer trudged one day each week to the Cambridge conversation strayed from the effect of Ripon and RFP Post Office to pick up a few letters and periodicals. The endorsements to Republican presidential politics, from founders gathered over a beer in Cronin's to read it, 1968 delegate selection to Ripon's expanding research then filed it in sOOlebody"s desk drawer. efforts. Al had the usual string of delightful anecdotes. This week (the second in December) over onC Emmett JohilHughes (Ordeal of Power) was the hundred piec!!s of first class mail were processed by. two Boston chapter's guest at a small reception in Dunster full time secretaries who entered each sender's name on House. a master chart, then routed the correspondence to execu­ The Boston chapter recently tive board members for information or reply. There DISCUSSION held.an academically violent meet· were twenty new subscriptions-- a bit below the average; ing on its "strike paralysis" paper with several members, thirty-two orders for various Ripon publications; four Abraham Siegel (M.LT. labor-economist), the four letters inquiring about chapter organization in Atlanta, draftsmen and a practicing labor lawyer in attendance. Miami Shores, Columbus, Durham and Holland, !I~ich.; Jack Saloma (Boston), John Price (New York), two obscene postcards, a letter from a man in Nebraska and Stuart Parsons (Boston, Milwaukee) attended the who told us that his ancestor had guarded the door of Republican Governors Association meeting in Colorado of the Ripon, \\'7isconsin, cabin where the Republican Springs; their analysis comprises a large part of this Party. was organized in 1854; a blank subscription form FORUM. As provocative as the conference was a side with the words "dirty Communistes" (sic) scrawled all trip and meeting with an impressive group of .twenty over it; three letters from Hill staffers who wanted Denver attorneys, businessmen, clergy and university position memoranda prepared. professors regarding chapter organization there. Among other things received were: twelve friendly NEW YORK The New York Chapter held a letters from people who wanted to know more about lively discussion meeting with us; an invitation from a local radio station to appear on Senator Jacob Javits in December. The free-wheeling a talk show; two applications from mid-western uni­ session touched on such topics as the role of the Re­ versity professors for national associate membership; publican Governors, Presidential politics, and legislative and numerous inter-chapter communications. It's a initiatives. Chapter members are planning a similar dis­ delight to read. Next month: the telephone. cussion meeting for February on problems of consti­ Al Abrahams, Executive Di­ tutional revision in New York State. The group has VISITORS rector of Republicans for Progress also begun work on a new research project on Govern­ was the Ripon Society's guest of honor at a small Ripon ment Service Centers. . -\V.S.P.

FROM RE1~DeRS mont, Massachusetts) sometimes are the only reading MR. GOLDWATER WRITES material offered by local merchants. One notices far Gentlemen: right materials in the local barbershops and other places What Republicans generally are now beginning to where people would be expected to have some time to find out is that there has never been any great division sit and read. One wonders if this form of background in our Party over basic fundamentals. For instance, you material helps to explain the recent Republican ticket in who repre1>ent supposedly the liberal side of our Party this state - a collection of essentially negative, mostly agree with the conservative side that the draft ean be unrealistic groups who failed to make avery favorable replaced. (" Politics and Con:;cription", FORUM, De- impression on the electorate, as the -esults suggest. cember, 1966.) . If we hope to see young men and women interest The whole Party is now beginning to. rally behind a themselves in a rejuvenated RepUblican Party, Republi­ proposition first made by Mel Laird in '62 and later can leadership will have to avoid the cynicism-inducin~ reiterated by me in my campaign and now advocated by attitude of "as long as I am taken care of, the devil with most Republicans in the House: share the income tax with everyone else.!' We need the Ripon Society to remind the states with no strings attached. us there are some Republicans, at least, who do care. There certainly are great areas of common interest In preventing the slide of centralized federal power, but RUSSELL E. WARNER in this area I think we have to go a bit further before Center Harbor, N.H. we can reach a working understanding and that is be­ cause most of this power has been given the Executive THE RIPON SOCIETY is a national organization of through measures which do have a political appeal and young members of the bUSiness, academic and professional an understanding appea to the conscience, such as medi­ communities who develop research and policy for the care, federal aid to education, etc., etc., all of which carry Republican Party. It offers the following options to those vast power from the Legislative Branch over into the who wish to subscribe to its publications and support Administrati\." Branch. its programs: . Some time it might be to the mutual advantage of all Republicans to sit down and explore in detail just how Forum only: $5 ($3 for students) close this Party is together and how drastically separated Subscriber: $10 annual contribution. the opposition has become. BARRY GOLDWATER Contributor: $25 or more annually. Scottsdale, Arizona Sustainer: $100 or more annUally. Fowlder: $1000 or more annually. FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE THE RIPON SOCIETY Gentlemen: P.O. Box 138, CambrIdge, Mass. 02188 There is a considerable flood of Birch Society liter­ (Editorial correspondence should be addressed to Josiah ature in many of the small town variety stores in this Lee Auspitz, editor, Ripon FORUM.) area. Paperbacks from the American Opinion Press tBel-

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