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Tributes to Hon. Edward E. Kaufman
TRIBUTES TO HON. EDWARD E. KAUFMAN VerDate Aug 31 2005 14:29 May 21, 2012 Jkt 064812 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 6019 Sfmt 6019 H:\DOCS\BYEBYE\BYEBYE10\64812.TXT KAYNE VerDate Aug 31 2005 14:29 May 21, 2012 Jkt 064812 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 6019 Sfmt 6019 H:\DOCS\BYEBYE\BYEBYE10\64812.TXT KAYNE Edward E. Kaufman U.S. SENATOR FROM DELAWARE TRIBUTES IN THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES E PL UR UM IB N U U S VerDate Aug 31 2005 14:29 May 21, 2012 Jkt 064812 PO 00000 Frm 00003 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 H:\DOCS\BYEBYE\BYEBYE10\64812.TXT KAYNE congress.#15 Edward E. Kaufman VerDate Aug 31 2005 14:29 May 21, 2012 Jkt 064812 PO 00000 Frm 00004 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 H:\DOCS\BYEBYE\BYEBYE10\64812.TXT KAYNE 64812.001 S. DOC. 111–33 Tributes Delivered in Congress Edward E. Kaufman United States Senator 2009–2010 ÷ U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 2012 VerDate Aug 31 2005 14:29 May 21, 2012 Jkt 064812 PO 00000 Frm 00005 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 H:\DOCS\BYEBYE\BYEBYE10\64812.TXT KAYNE Compiled under the direction of the Joint Committee on Printing VerDate Aug 31 2005 14:29 May 21, 2012 Jkt 064812 PO 00000 Frm 00006 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 H:\DOCS\BYEBYE\BYEBYE10\64812.TXT KAYNE CONTENTS Page Biography .................................................................................................. v Farewell to the Senate ............................................................................. ix Proceedings in the Senate: Tributes by Senators: Akaka, Daniel K., of Hawaii ..................................................... 17 Alexander, Lamar, of Tennessee ............................................... 10 Burris, Roland W., of Illinois .................................................... 9 Conrad, Kent, of North Dakota ................................................ -
PLS 101 - Lecture 17
PLS 101 - Lecture 17 A couple of things I want to talk about. Weíll bring up the PowerPoint but I also wanted to show you something here about primaries as well. You know, we just had a recent election. If you think about it right now, here we are at the very beginning of March. Go back to a year from now. Again, this is gonna be somewhat dated on the TV, I think. If you go back a year from now, a year ago, what was going on in terms of the presidential race? Think about what was happening in February and March of last year. What was happening? If you picked up the paper, what would you have seen? [Inaudible student response] Yes. Primaries were going on. These were some of the individuals who were running for president about this time last year. They were going into the primaries. Dick Gephardt from Missouri was running for president. We forget about these names so quickly. John Edwards. Howard Dean. Joe Lieberman, a senator from Connecticut. Al Sharpon. Wesley Clark and John Kerry among others who were all running for president. They wanted to pursue and become the Democratic nominee for president. Who was running in the Republican primaries? Who else? Unopposed. Thatís right. It was just Bush. That was a trick question. All right. Now, I bring all this up because what we saw happening beginning in January all the way through May or June were state by state primaries. Weíre gonna talk about primaries quite a bit today, but there were state by state elections that were taking place to determine who was gonna be the nominee for president. -
The BCCI Affair
The BCCI Affair A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations United States Senate by Senator John Kerry and Senator Hank Brown December 1992 102d Congress 2d Session Senate Print 102-140 This December 1992 document is the penultimate draft of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee report on the BCCI Affair. After it was released by the Committee, Sen. Hank Brown, reportedly acting at the behest of Henry Kissinger, pressed for the deletion of a few passages, particularly in Chapter 20 on "BCCI and Kissinger Associates." As a result, the final hardcopy version of the report, as published by the Government Printing Office, differs slightly from the Committee's softcopy version presented below. - Steven Aftergood Federation of American Scientists This report was originally made available on the website of the Federation of American Scientists. This version was compiled in PDF format by Public Intelligence. Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................................................................................................................ 4 INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF INVESTIGATION ............................................................................... 21 THE ORIGIN AND EARLY YEARS OF BCCI .................................................................................................... 25 BCCI'S CRIMINALITY .................................................................................................................................. 49 BCCI'S RELATIONSHIP WITH FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS CENTRAL BANKS, AND INTERNATIONAL -
Caspar Weinberger and the Reagan Defense Buildup
The University of Southern Mississippi The Aquila Digital Community Dissertations Fall 12-2013 Direct Responsibility: Caspar Weinberger and the Reagan Defense Buildup Robert Howard Wieland University of Southern Mississippi Follow this and additional works at: https://aquila.usm.edu/dissertations Part of the American Studies Commons, Military History Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Wieland, Robert Howard, "Direct Responsibility: Caspar Weinberger and the Reagan Defense Buildup" (2013). Dissertations. 218. https://aquila.usm.edu/dissertations/218 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by The Aquila Digital Community. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of The Aquila Digital Community. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The University of Southern Mississippi DIRECT RESPONSIBILITY: CASPAR WEINBERGER AND THE REAGAN DEFENSE BUILDUP by Robert Howard Wieland Abstract of a Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School Of The University of Southern Mississippi In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2013 ABSTRACT DIRECT RESPONSIBILITY: CASPAR WEINBERGER AND THE REAGAN DEFENSE BUILDUP by Robert Howard Wieland December 2013 This dissertation explores the life of Caspar Weinberger and explains why President Reagan chose him for Secretary of Defense. Weinberger, not a defense technocrat, managed a massive defense buildup of 1.5 trillion dollars over a four year period. A biographical approach to Weinberger illuminates Reagan’s selection, for in many ways Weinberger harkens back to an earlier type of defense manager more akin to Elihu Root than Robert McNamara; more a man of letters than technocrat. -
Picking the Vice President
Picking the Vice President Elaine C. Kamarck Brookings Institution Press Washington, D.C. Contents Introduction 4 1 The Balancing Model 6 The Vice Presidency as an “Arranged Marriage” 2 Breaking the Mold 14 From Arranged Marriages to Love Matches 3 The Partnership Model in Action 20 Al Gore Dick Cheney Joe Biden 4 Conclusion 33 Copyright 36 Introduction Throughout history, the vice president has been a pretty forlorn character, not unlike the fictional vice president Julia Louis-Dreyfus plays in the HBO seriesVEEP . In the first episode, Vice President Selina Meyer keeps asking her secretary whether the president has called. He hasn’t. She then walks into a U.S. senator’s office and asks of her old colleague, “What have I been missing here?” Without looking up from her computer, the senator responds, “Power.” Until recently, vice presidents were not very interesting nor was the relationship between presidents and their vice presidents very consequential—and for good reason. Historically, vice presidents have been understudies, have often been disliked or even despised by the president they served, and have been used by political parties, derided by journalists, and ridiculed by the public. The job of vice president has been so peripheral that VPs themselves have even made fun of the office. That’s because from the beginning of the nineteenth century until the last decade of the twentieth century, most vice presidents were chosen to “balance” the ticket. The balance in question could be geographic—a northern presidential candidate like John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts picked a southerner like Lyndon B. -
What's Next for the United States?
February 2021 Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Office USA, Washington, D.C. What's next for the United States? Part 2: Climate Change and Energy Supply By Sabine Murphy How is the Biden administration changing the direction of the U.S.? The KAS Office USA takes a first look, in a series of five country reports. This report deals with climate and energy challenges. The White House website promises “swift action to tackle the climate emergency” and a “clean energy revolution”. Key Policy Goals The Biden-Harris administration doesn’t make it a secret that the fight against climate change is on top of the to-do-list. Climate is prominently listed on the White House website as one of seven top policy priorities. It states: “President Biden will take swift action to tackle the climate emergency. The Biden administration will ensure we meet the demands of science, while empowering American workers and businesses to lead a clean energy revolution.”1 The Biden administration takes a decidedly different approach to energy use and the impact of rising temperatures on the environment than its predecessor. After four years of the Trump administration denying scientific findings about climate change, Biden has pledged to follow science and involve the entire federal government in the fight against climate change. By creating inter-agency working groups and a National Climate Task Force, Biden wants to ensure that his policies for the production of clean energy and the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions, are not limited to single agencies but will be implemented throughout the federal government. During his campaign, Biden promised to reach a goal of net-zero emissions across the economy before 2050, and to eliminate pollution caused by fossil fuel in electricity production by 2035. -
The 2004 Election a Matter of Faith? 1 David E
10397-01_Ch01.qxd 3/26/07 10:41 AM Page 1 The 2004 Election A Matter of Faith? 1 David E. Campbell ew observers of American politics deny that in recent Fyears religion has come to play an increasingly important role in the nation’s elections, especially the presidential election. To some, per- haps many, religion may appear to be a new factor in national politics. But today’s focus on religion is really just a variation on what has been a common theme throughout U.S. history. In 1800, Thomas Jefferson had to deal with accusations that he was an atheist; in the late 1800s, William Jennings Bryan invoked biblical themes to support economic policy; in 1928, Al Smith faced anti-Catholic mobs on the campaign trail; in 1960, John F. Kennedy too had to forestall anti-Catholic sentiment that, while muted when compared with what Smith faced in 1928, lingered nonetheless. Religion, then, has long been a feature in national elections. Yet that does not mean that the religious cleavages of the past correspond to those of the pres- ent. Rather, the last thirty years have seen a re-sorting of the parties’ electoral coalitions along religious lines. No longer are Democrats and Republicans divided along the old lines, defined by whether they are Catholic or Protestant. Instead of religious denomination, the parties are divided by religious devo- tional style—that is, a way of being religious. People who are more devout— regardless of denomination—are more likely to favor the GOP. Obviously, such a statement is a generalization. -
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin http://psp.sagepub.com Deliver us from Evil: The Effects of Mortality Salience and Reminders of 9/11 on Support for President George W. Bush Mark J. Landau, Sheldon Solomon, Jeff Greenberg, Florette Cohen, Tom Pyszczynski, Jamie Arndt, Claude H. Miller, Daniel M. Ogilvie and Alison Cook Pers Soc Psychol Bull 2004; 30; 1136 DOI: 10.1177/0146167204267988 The online version of this article can be found at: http://psp.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/30/9/1136 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com On behalf of: Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc. Additional services and information for Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin can be found at: Email Alerts: http://psp.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://psp.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Citations http://psp.sagepub.com/cgi/content/refs/30/9/1136 Downloaded from http://psp.sagepub.com at University of Missouri-Columbia on March 31, 2009 10.1177/0146167204267988PERSONALITYLandau et al. / TERRORAND SOCIAL MANAGEMENT PSYCHOLOGY AND BULLETIN SUPPORT FOR G. W. BUSH Deliver Us From Evil: The Effects of Mortality Salience and Reminders of 9/11 on Support for President George W. Bush Mark J. Landau University of Arizona Sheldon Solomon Skidmore College Jeff Greenberg University of Arizona Florette Cohen Rutgers University Tom Pyszczynski University of Colorado, Colorado Springs Jamie Arndt University of Missouri Claude H. Miller University of Oklahoma Daniel M. Ogilvie Rutgers University Alison Cook University of Missouri According to terror management theory, heightened concerns Keywords: terror management theory; terrorism; 9/11; George W. -
Introduction Ronald Reagan’S Defining Vision for the 1980S— - and America
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. Introduction Ronald Reagan’s Defining Vision for the 1980s— -_and America There are no easy answers, but there are simple answers. We must have the courage to do what we know is morally right. ronald reagan, “the speech,” 1964 Your first point, however, about making them love you, not just believe you, believe me—I agree with that. ronald reagan, october 16, 1979 One day in 1924, a thirteen-year-old boy joined his parents and older brother for a leisurely Sunday drive roaming the lush Illinois country- side. Trying on eyeglasses his mother had misplaced in the backseat, he discovered that he had lived life thus far in a “haze” filled with “colored blobs that became distinct” when he approached them. Recalling the “miracle” of corrected vision, he would write: “I suddenly saw a glori- ous, sharply outlined world jump into focus and shouted with delight.” Six decades later, as president of the United States of America, that extremely nearsighted boy had become a contact lens–wearing, fa- mously farsighted leader. On June 12, 1987, standing 4,476 miles away from his boyhood hometown of Dixon, Illinois, speaking to the world from the Berlin Wall’s Brandenburg Gate, Ronald Wilson Reagan em- braced the “one great and inescapable conclusion” that seemed to emerge after forty years of Communist domination of Eastern Eu- rope. “Freedom leads to prosperity,” Reagan declared in his signature For general queries, contact [email protected] © Copyright, Princeton University Press. -
Going Nuts in the Nutmeg State?
Going Nuts in the Nutmeg State? A Thesis Presented to The Division of History and Social Sciences Reed College In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Bachelor of Arts Daniel Krantz Toffey May 2007 Approved for the Division (Political Science) Paul Gronke Acknowledgements Acknowledgements make me a bit uneasy, considering that nothing is done in isolation, and that there are no doubt dozens—perhaps hundreds—of people responsible for instilling within me the capability and fortitude to complete this thesis. Nonetheless, there are a few people that stand out as having a direct and substantial impact, and those few deserve to be acknowledged. First and foremost, I thank my parents for giving me the incredible opportunity to attend Reed, even in the face of staggering tuition, and an uncertain future—your generosity knows no bounds (I think this thesis comes out to about $1,000 a page.) I’d also like to thank my academic and thesis advisor, Paul Gronke, for orienting me towards new horizons of academic inquiry, and for the occasional swift kick in the pants when I needed it. In addition, my first reader, Tamara Metz was responsible for pulling my head out of the data, and helping me to consider the “big picture” of what I was attempting to accomplish. I also owe a debt of gratitude to the Charles McKinley Fund for providing access to the Cooperative Congressional Elections Study, which added considerable depth to my analyses, and to the Fautz-Ducey Public Policy fellowship, which made possible the opportunity that inspired this work. -
Joe Lieberman
A Conversation with JOE LIEBERMAN Senator Joseph I. Lieberman was the 2000 Democratic nominee for vice president alongside presidential candidate Al Gore. From 1989 until 2013, Lieberman served as senator from Connecticut, first as a member of the Democratic Party and then, from 2006, as an independent. Previously he served in the Connecticut state senate and as the state attorney general. In this conversation, Kristol and Lieberman discuss key moments of Lieberman’s career in public service from his ascent in Connecticut politics to Gore-Lieberman in 2000, as well as his successful Senate campaign as an independent in 2006. Lieberman also reflects on colleagues and contemporaries such as Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Bob Dole, John McCain, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush. On Gore-Lieberman 2000, Lieberman says: “It vindicated Gore's confidence that America was not going to judge me based on my religion. And it's a wonderful thing to be able to say.” On his support for the Iraq War, Lieberman says: “It really alienated me from a lot of the left of the Democratic Party and frankly some of the middle, too, who were anti-war and anti-Bush... A lot of them read it not that I was sticking with the Iraq war for reasons of foreign policy and American national interests but somehow I was doing it for President Bush...the fact that he and I might have...reached the same policy conclusions never dawned on a lot of these people.” On Two Democratic Presidents, Lieberman says: “Obama has very smart ideas but has not worked the Congress very well and people, even those who are loyal to him, don't see him, don't talk to him very much...Clinton, he'd call you and the problem was ‘how do I get him off the phone?’” Chapter Links to JOE LIEBERMAN Conversation Gore-Lieberman 2000 From Connecticut to Washington Lieberman’s 2006 Senate Race On Senators and Presidents 350 WEST 42ND STREET, SUITE 37C, NEW YORK, NY 10036 . -
One-Quarter of Presidents Lost Before They Won, but Mitt Romney Won't Be
January 22, 2015 One-quarter of presidents lost before they won, but Mitt Romney won’t be among them by JOSHUA SPIVAK Taking heart to the saying “third time’s the charm,” Mitt Romney has shaken up the nascent 2016 presidential race with his announcement that he may not be done seeking the presidency. The electorate may be tired of Romney, but his persistence is somewhat presidential: A quarter of presidents ran unsuccessfully for the office at least once before winning. From Thomas Jefferson to George H.W. Bush, there is a long history of losers coming back to claim the White House. Still, Romney’s supporters should have good reason to be worried that his third time could be another flop. What separates Romney from other comeback presidents is that he’s already received his party’s nomination and lost once before. The recent comeback kids did not receive the nomination in their first runs for office. For example, both Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush came in second in their earlier attempts for the nomination. Reagan, probably the most noteworthy candidate who ran more than once, boosted his name-recognition and his credibility with the party’s conservative base in his first two runs, especially when he almost toppled sitting President Gerald R. Ford in 1976. But once you look at the candidates who received the nomination, lost the general election and ran again, the road back to the White House appears much tougher. The last person to lose as a nominee and then go on to win the presidency — or even to get his party’s nomination more than once – was Richard Nixon, who lost the election on a razor-thin margin in 1960 and then won triumphantly in 1968.